HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWS 


HISTORY  OF  THE 
JEWS 


BY 

PROFESSOR  H.  GRAETZ 


VOL.  II 

From  the   Reign    of  Hyrcanus  (135   B.  C.  E.)  to  the 
Completion  of  the  Babylonian  Talmud    (500    C.   E.) 


PHILADELPHIA 
The  Jewish  Publication  Society  of  America 


Copyright,  189.3, 
By  the  Jewish  Publication  Society  of  America. 


CONTENTS.  V    > 


CHAPTER  I. 

JOHN    HYRCANUS. 

The  Crowning  Point  of  the  Period — War  with  Antiochus 
Sidetes — Siege  of  Jerusalem  —Treaty  of  Peace — The  Parthian 
War — Hyrcanus  joins  Antiochus — Successful  campaigns  of 
Hyrcanus  against  the  Samaritans  and  Idumaeans — The 
Idumaeans  forced  to  embrace  Judaism — Destruction  of  the 
Samaritan  Temple  at  Gerizim  and  of  the  Capital,  Samaria — 
Internal  Aftairs — The  Parties :  Pharisees,  Sadducees  and 
Essenes — Their  Rise  and  Constitution — Their  Doctrines  and 
their  Relations  to  one  another — The  Synhedrion — Strained 
Relations  between  Hyrcanus  and  the  Pharisees — Death  of 
Hyrcanus P^^g^  i 

135 — 106  B.  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  n. 

HYRCANUS'S   SUCCESSORS,  ARISTOBULUS    I,  ALEXANDER 
JANN^US,  AND    SALOME   ALEXANDRA. 

Character  of  Aristobulus — Antigonus — Mythical  Account  of  his 
Death — Alexander  Jannaeus  :  his  Character  and  Enterprises 
— His  Support  of  the  Pharisees — Simon  ben  Shetach — 
Alexander's  Breach  with  the  Pharisees,  and  its  Consequences 
— His  last  Wars  and  Death  —Salome  Alexandra's  Relations 
to  the  Opposing  Parties — The  Synhedrion — Judah  ben  Tabba. 
and  Simon  ben  Shetach — Institutions  against  the  Sadducees 
— Party  Hatred — Diogenes — Persecution  of  the  Sadducees — 
Death  of  Alexandra page  35 

106 — 69  B.  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  III. 

HYRCANUS    n.       ARISTOBULUS    II. 

Brothers  contend  for  the  throne — Arrangement  between  the 
Brothers — The  Idumaean  Antipater — Hyrcanus's  weakness — 
Aretas  besieges  Jerusalem — Interference  of  Rome — Pompey 
at  Jerusalem — The  Judeean  colony  in  Rome — Flaccus  in  Asia 
Minor — Cicero's  oration  against  the  Judaeans — Weakening 
of  the  power  of  the  Synhedrion — Shemaya  and  Abtalion— 
Violent  death  of  Aristobulus  and  his  son  Alexander — Julius 


1 V  CONTENTS. 

Caesar  and  the  Judx-ans— Antipater's  sons  Phasael  and  Herod 
— Herod  before  the  Synhedrion  — Operations  of  Cassius 
in  Judaea — MaHch — Antigonus  as  King  -Herod  escapes  to 
Rome page  57 

69 — 40  B.  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  IV. 

ANTIGONUS   AND    HEROD. 

Weakness  of  Antigonus  and  Herod's  Strength  of  Character — 
Contest  for  the  Throne — Herod  becomes  King — Proscriptions 
and  Confiscations — Herod's  Pohcy — Abohtion  of  the  Heredi- 
tary Tenure  of  the  High  Priesthood — Death  of  the  High 
Priest  Aristobulus — War  with  the  Arabians — The  Earth- 
quake— Death  of  the  last  of  the  Hasmonaeans— Hillel  be- 
comes the  Head  of  the  Synhedrion— His  System  of  Tradition 
— Menahem  the  Essene — Shammai  and  his  School — Ma- 
riamne — Herod's  Magnificence  and  Passion  for  Building — 
Herod  rebuilds  the  Temple — Herod  executes  his  Sons  Alex- 
ander and  Aristobulus— Antipater  and  his  Intrigues — The 
Pharisees  under  Herod — The  Destruction  of  the  Roman 
Eagle — Execution  of  Antipater  and  Death  of  Herod. 

page  84 

40 — 3  B.  C.  E. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE    HERODIANS. 

The  Family  of  Herod — Partition  of  the  Kingdom  of  Judaea — 
Revolt  against  Archelaus — Sabinus  and  Varus — The  Adven- 
turer-Chief Judas  the  Galilaean — Confirmation  of  Herod's 
Will — Archelaus  as  Ruler— His  brief  Reign  and  his  Banish- 
ment— Judaea  becomes  a  Roman  Province — The  Revolt 
against  the  Census — The  Schools  of  Hillel  and  Shammai — 
Judas  Founder  of  the  Party  of  Zealots — Onerous  Taxation — 
Fresh  Hostility  of  the  Samaritans  — Expulsion  of  the  Judaeans 
irom  Rome  by  Tiberias — Pontius  Pilate      .     .     .    page  w"^ 

3  B.  C.  E.— 37  C.  E. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

MESSIANIC    EXPECTATIONS   AND    ORIGIN    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

The  Messianic  Hope — Various  Conceptions  of  the  Expected 
Messiah— The  Essene  Idea  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven — 
John  tlie  Baptist,  his  Work  and  Imprisonment— Jesus  of 
Nazareth  continues  John's  Labors — Story  of  his  Birth — His 
Success — His    Relations    to   Judaism    and    the    Sects — His 


I 


CONTENTS.  V 

Miraculous  Healing  of  the  Sick  and  Exorcism  of  Demons — 
His  Secret  Appearance  as  the  Messiah — His  Journey  to 
Judaea — Accusations  against  him,  and  his  Condemnation — 
The  First  Christian  Community  and  its  Chiefs — The  Ebion- 
ites — Removal  of  Pilate  from  Judaea — Vitellius,  Governor  of 
Syria,  favors  the  J udseans page  i\i 

28 — 37  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  Vn. 

AGRIPPA    I.      HEROD    II. 

Character  of  Agrippa — Envy  of  the  Alexandrian  Greeks 
towards  the  Judaeans — Anti-Judaean  Literature — Apion — 
Measures  against  the  Judaeans  in  Alexandria — Flaccus — 
Judaean  Embassy  to  Rome  —  Philo  —  Caligula's  Decision 
against  the  Judaean  Embassy — Caligula  orders  his  Statue  to 
be  placed  in  the  Temple — The  Death  of  Caligula  relieves 
the  Judaeans — Agrippa's  Advance  under  Claudius  —  His 
Reign — Gamaliel  the  Elder  and  his  Administration — Death 
of  Agrippa — Herod  H — The  False  Messiah,  Theudas — 
Death  of  Herod  H Page  174 

37—49  C.  E. 
CHAPTER  Vni. 

SPREAD   OF   THE  JUDAEAN   RACE,  AND   OF  JUDAISM. 

Distribution  of  the  Judaeans  in  the  Roman  Empire  and  in 
Parthia — Relations  of  the  various  Judaean  Colonies  to  the 
Synhedrion— Judaean  Bandits  in  Naarda — Heathen  Attacks 
upon  Judaism  —  Counter  Attacks  upon  Heathenism  by 
Judaean  Writers — The  Judaean  Sibyls — The  Anti-heathen 
Literature — The  Book  of  Wisdom — The  Allegorists — Philo's 
Aims  and  Philosophical  System — Proselytes — The  Royal 
House  of  Adiabene — The  Proselyte  Queen  Helen — The 
Apostle  Paul  —  His  Character — Change  in  his  Attitude 
towards  the  Pharisees — His  Activity  as  a  Conversionist — 
His  Treatment  of  the  Law  of  Moses — The  Doctrines  of 
Peter — ^Judaic-Christians  and  Heathen  Christians  .  page  200 

40 — 49  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  IX. 

AGRIPPA    II.  AND    OUTBREAK    OF   THE   WAR. 

Position  of  Affairs  in  Judaea — Roman  Oppression — Character 
of  Agrippa  H  — The  last  High  Priest— The  Zealots  and  the 
Sicarii — Eleazar  ben  Dinai — Quarrel  with  the  Samaritans — 
Violence   in  Caesarea — The  Procurators — Florus — Insurrec- 


VI  CONTENTS. 

tion  in  CcTsarca — Bloodshed  in  Jerusalem — The  Peace  and 
War  Parties — The  Leader  of  the  Zealots,  Eleazar  ben 
Ananias — Menahem,  chief  of  the  Zealots — Massacres  of 
Heathens  and  Judaeans — Defeat  of  the  Romans — The  Syn- 
hedrion  and  its  President,  Simon  ben  Gamaliel — Position  of 
the  Synhedrion P^g^  233 

49 — 66  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  X. 

THE   WAR    IN    GALILEE. 

Description  of  Galilee — Its  Population  and  Importance — The 
Rising  in  Galilee — ^John  of  Gischala — Flavins  Josephus,  his 
Education  and  Character — His  Conduct  as  Governor  of 
Galilee — Commencement  of  the  War — Overthrow  of  Gabara 
— Siege  and  Capture  of  Jotapata — Surrender  of  Josephus  to 
the  Romans — Cruelty  of  Vespasian — Siege  and  Capture  of 
Gamala  and  Mount  Tabor — Surrender  of  Gischala — Escape 
of  John  of  Gischala  to  Jerusalem page  2"]  2 

66 — 67  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  XI. 

DESTRUCTION    OF   THE  JUDiEAN    STATE. 

Galilsean  Fugitives  in  Jerusalem — Condition  of  the  Capital — 
Internal  Contests — The  Idumaeans — Eleazar  ben  Simon,  John 
of  Gischala,  and  Simon  Bar-Giora — Progress  of  the  War — 
Affairs  in  Rome — Vespasian  created  Emperor — Siege  of 
Jerusalem  by  Titus — Heroic  Defense — Famine — Fall  of  the 
Fortress  Antonia — Burning  of  the  Temple — Destruction  of 
the  City — Number  of  the  Slain po^ge  291 

67 — 70  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  XII. 

THE   AFTER-THROES    OF   THE   WAR. 

Sufferings  of  the  Prisoners — The  Arena — Cruelty  of  Titus — 
Enmity  of  the  Antiochians — Triumph  of  the  Emperor  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Conquest  of  Judaea — End  of  Simon  Bar- 
Giora  and  John  of  Gischala — Coins  to  Commemorate  the 
Roman  Triumph — Fall  of  the  last  Fortresses  :  Herodium, 
Masada,  and  Machaerus — Resistance  of  the  Zealots  in  Alex- 
andria and  Cyrene — End  of  the  Temple  of  Onias — The  Last 
of  the  Zealots — Death  of  Berenice  and  Agrippa — Flavius 
Josephus  and  his  Writings P<^g^  Z^^ 

7Ch— 73   c.  E. 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE   SYNHEDRION    AT   JABNE. 

Foundation  of  the  School  at  Jabne — ^Jochanan  ben  Zakkai — 
The  Last  of  the  Herodians — ^Judaea  and  Rome — The  Tana- 
ites — Gamahel  II.  appointed  Patriarch — The  Power  of 
Excommunication — Deposition  and  Restoration  of  the  Patri- 
arch— Steps  towards  Collecting  the  Mishna — Eliezer  ben 
Hyrcanus — ^Joshua  ben  Chananya — Akiba  and  his  System — 
Ishmael — Condition  of  the  Synhedrion        .     .     .    page  321 

70 — 117  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  XIV. 

INNER    LIFE. 

Inner  Life  of  the  Jews — Sphere  of  Action  of  the  Synhedrion 
and  the  Patriarch — The  Order  of  Members  and  Moral  Con- 
dition of  the  Common  People — Relation  of  Christianity 
towards  Judaism — Sects — ^Jewish  Christians — Pagan  Chris- 
tians— Ebionites — Nazarenes — The  Gnostics — Regulations  of 
the  Synhedrion  against  Christianity — Proselytes  at  Rome — 
Aquilas  and  his  translation  of  the  Bible — Berenice  and  Titus 
— Domitian — ^Josephus  and  the  Romans      .     .     .     page  360 

CHAPTER  XV. 

REVOLT    OF   THE  JEWS  AGAINST  TRAJAN  AND  HIS  SUCCESSORS. 

Trajan  and  Asia — Revolt  of  the  Jews — Hadrian — The  Jewish 
Sibylline  Books — The  Attempted  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple 
— The  Ordinances  of  Usha — Bar-Cochba — Akiba's  Part  in 
the  War — Bar-Cochba's  Victories — Suppression  of  the  Revolt 
— Siege  and  Fall  of  Bethar page  393 

96 — 138  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  XVI. 

CONSEQUENCES   OF   THE   WAR   OF    BAR-COCHBA. 

Turnus  Rufus  persecutes  the  Jews — The  Ten  Martyrs — The 
Book  of  Tobit — Relations  between  Judaism  and  Christianity 
— The  Return  of  the  Schools  to  Palestine — The  Synod  at 
Usha — Meir — Simon  ben  Jochai — The  Babylonian  Synhe- 
drion— Antonius  Pius  and  Aurelius  Verus — The  Revolt 
agamst  Rome — The  Patriarchate  of  Simon      .     .    page  421 

135—170  c.  E. 


VIU  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE    PATRIARCHATE   OF   JUDAH    I. 

The  Patriarch  Judah  I. — His  Authority  and  Reputation — 
Completion  of  the  Mishna — The  Last  Generation  of  Tanaites 
— Condition  of  the  Jews  under  Marcus  Aurehus,  Commodus, 
Septimius  Severus,  and  Antonius  Caracalla — Character  and 
contents  of  the  Mishna — Death  of  Judah     .     .     .    page  450 

175—219  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE    FIRST    AMOR  AIM. 

Judah  II. — Friendhness  of  Alexander  Severus  towards  the 
Jews — ^Joshua  ben  Levi — Hillel  instructs  Origen  in  Hebrew 
— The  Hexapla — The  Palestinean  Amora'im  —  Chanina — 
Jochanan — Simon  ben  Lakish — ^Joshua,  the  Hero  of  Fable 
— Simlai,  the  Philosophical  Agadist — Porphyry  comments 
on  the  Book  of  Daniel P<^g^  479 

219 — 280  c.  E. 
CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE   JEWS    OF   THE    PARTHIAN    EMPIRE. 

Increasing  importance  of  the  Jewish  Community  in  Babylonia 
— The  Prince  of  the  Captivity — The  Babylonian  Amoraim — 
Abba  Areka  (Rab)  and  his  royal  friend  Artaban — Samuel 
and  King  Shabur — Important  Political  Changes  under  the 
Neo-Persians — Anarchy  in  Rome — Zenobia  and  the  Jews. 

page  503 

219 — 279    C.  E. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

THE    PATRIARCHATE    OF    GAMALIEL    IV.    AND   JUDAH    III. 

The  Amoraim  in  Palestine — Ami  and  Assi — The  Brothers 
Chiya  and  Simon  Bar  Abba  in  Tiberias — Abbahu  in  Casarea 
— The  Emperor  Diocletian — Complete  Separation  from  the 
Samaritans — Character  and  Political  Position  of  Abbahu — 
Huna  in  Babylonia — Chama's  Generosity — Huna's  Contem- 
poraries and  Successors — ^Judah  ben  Ezekiel — Chasda  of 
Cafri — MarSheshet — Nachman  bar  Jacob — Zcira  .  page  ^2i^ 

279 — 320  c.  E. 


CONTENTS.  IX 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


THE   TRIUMPH    OF   CHRISTIANITY   AND    ITS    RELATIONS   TO 

JUDAISM. 

Hillel  II. — His  Calendar — Heads  of  Judsean  Schools:  Jonah, 
Jose,  and  Jeremiah — The  Expansion  of  Christianity — Con 
stantine — l"he  Decadence  of  the  Jewish  Schools  in  Babylonia 
— ^The  Pumbeditha  School — Development  of  Talmudical 
Dialectics— The  Persian  Queen  Ifraand  her  son  Shabur  II. — 
The  Emperor  Julian — Favor  shown  towards  the  Jews — 
Proposed  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple — Roman  Tolerance. 

P<^g€  559 

320—375    C.  E. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE    LAST   AMORAiM, 

Decline  of  the  Roman  Empire — Ashi  and  the  Redaction  of 
the  Talmud — ^Jezdijird  II— The  Jews  under  the  Emperor 
Theodosius  I  and  his  successors — The  extinction  of  the 
Patriarchate — Chrysostom  and  Ambrosius — Fanaticism  of 
the  Ciergy — Jerome  and  his  Jewish  Teachers — Mar  Zutra — 
Fiftn  and  Sixth  Generations  of  Amoraim — The  Jews  under 
Firuz — Jewish  Colonies  in  India — Completion  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Talmud — Its  Spirit  and  Contents       .     .     .    page  604 

375—500  C.  E. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

JOHN   HYRCANUS. 


The  Crowning  Point  of  the  Period — War  with  Antiochus  Sidetes— 
Siege  of  Jerusalem — Treaty  of  Peace — The  Parthian  War— 
Hyrcanus  joins  Antiochus — Successful  campaigns  of  Hyrcanus 
against  the  Samaritans  and  Idumaeans — The  Idumieans  forced 
to  embrace  Judaism — Destruction  of  the  Samaritan  Temple 
at  Gerizim  and  of  the  Capital,  Samaria — Internal  Affairs — The 
Parties  :  Pharisees,  Sadducees  and  Essenes,  their  Rise  and  Con- 
stitution— Their  Doctrines  and  their  Relations  to  one  another — 
The  Synhedrion— Strained  Relations  between  Hyrcanus  and  the 
Pharisees — Death  of  Hyrcanus. 

135—106  B.  c.  E. 

The  reign  of  Hyrcanus  is  at  once  the  pinnacle  and 
the  turning-point  of  this  period.  He  not  only  car- 
ried on  his  father's  work,  but  completed  it.  Under 
his  predecessors  Judaea  was  confined  to  a  narrow 
space,  and  even  within  these  bounds  there  were 
territories  in  the  possession  of  foreign  foes.  Hyr- 
canus enlarged  the  boundaries  to  the  north  and  to 
the  south,  and  thus  released  the  State  from  the  exter- 
nal pressure  that  had  been  restricting  its  growth. 
His  genius  for  war  was  aided  by  fortunate  circum- 
stances in  bringing  about  these  happy  results. 

If  the  reign  of  Hyrcanus  corresponds  in  brilliancy 
to  that  of  Solomon,  it  resembles  it  also  in  another 
respect:  both  reigns  commenced  and  ended  amid 
disturbance,  sadness  and  gloom,  while  the  middle  of 
each  reign  was  happy  and  prosperous.  When  Solo- 
mon first  came  to  the  throne  he  was  opposed  b)* 


2  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

Adonijah,  the  pretender  to  the  crown,  whom  he  had 
to  subdue  ;  and  upon  Hyrcanus  a  similar  but  more 
difficult  task  devolved — that  of  carrying  on  a  strug- 
gle with  several  opponents.  One  of  these  oppo- 
nents was  his  brother-in-law,  Ptolemy  ben  Habub, 
the  murderer  of  his  father,  who  had  also  sought  after 
Hyrcanus's  own  life.  It  was  only  the  support  of  the 
Syrian  army,  however,  which  could  make  Ptolemy 
dangerous,  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  having  in- 
stantly declared  themselves  in  favor  of  Hyrcanus 
as  the  successor  of  the  murdered  Simon.  Still,  both 
his  safety  and  his  duty  called  upon  him  to  punish 
this  unscrupulous  enemy,  and  to  avenge  his  father's 
death.  Hyrcanus  hastened,  therefore,  to  attack  him 
in  his  fortress  before  Antiochus  could  bring  his  troops 
to  his  relief.  There  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the 
progress  of  this  siege  and  its  result ;  according  to 
one  account,  evidently  somewhat  embellished,  Hyr- 
canus could  not  put  his  whole  strength  against  the 
fortress,  because  his  mother  (by  some  it  is  said,  to- 
gether with  his  brothers)  had  been  placed  on  the  walls 
by  Ptolemy,  and  was  there  horribly  tortured.  Like  a 
true  Hasmonaean,  the  heroic  woman  is  said  to  have 
encouraged  her  son  to  continue  the  siege,  without 
heeding  her  sufferings,  and  to  persevere  in  his  efforts 
until  the  murderer  of  her  family  should  receive  the 
chastisement  due  to  his  crimes.  Hyrcanus's  heart 
was  torn  by  conflicting  feelings  ;  revenge  towards 
his  reckless  foe  urged  him  on,  whilst  tender  pity  for 
his  mother  held  him  back.  The  fact  is,  however, 
that  Hyrcanus  withdrew  without  accomplishing  his 
purpose.  It  may  have  been  the  Sabbatical  year 
which  prevented  him  from  proceeding  with  the  siege, 
or,  as  is  much  more  likely,  his  operations  may  have 
been  interrupted  by  the  approach  of  the  Syrian  king, 
who  was  advancing  with  his  army  to  glean  some 
advantage  for  himself  from  the  troubles  and  the 
confusion  in  Judaea.  After  the  withdrawal  of  Hyr- 
canus's troops,  it  is  said  that  his  mother  and  brothers 


CH.  I.  ANTIOCHUS    SIDETES.  3 

were  put  to  death  by  Ptolemy,  who  fled  to  Philadel- 
phia, the  former  Ammonite  capital  (Rabbath  Am- 
mon),  where  he  was  favorably  received  by  the 
governor,  Zeno  Cotylas.  The  name  of  Ptolemy  is 
no  more  mentioned,  and  he  disappears  altogether 
from  the  page  of  history. 

A  far  greater  danger  now  threatened  Hyrcanus 
from  Antiochus  Sidetes,  who  was  eager  to  avenge 
the  recent  defeat  sustained  by  the  Syrians  (autumn 
135).  He  marched  forth  with  a  large  army,  devas- 
tated the  country  round  about,  and  approached  the 
capital.  Hyrcanus,  doubtless  feeling  himself  unable 
to  cope  with  his  enemy  in  the  open  field,  shut  him- 
self up  behind  the  strong  walls  of  Jerusalem.  An- 
tiochus laid  regular  siege  to  the  city  and  encircled 
it  with  elaborate  preparations  for  its  conquest. 
Seven  camps  were  stationed  around  the  city ;  on 
the  north  side,  where  the  country  is  flat,  a  hundred 
three-storied  towers  were  erected  from  which  the 
walls  could  be  stormed.  A  broad  double  trench 
was  likewise  made  to  prevent  the  sallies  of  the 
Judaeans,  who  contrived  nevertheless  to  come  forth, 
thus  bravely  impeding  the  work  of  the  enemy,  and 
obstructing  the  progress  of  the  siege.  The  Syrian 
army  suffered  much  from  the  want  of  water  and 
from  sickness,  the  natural  consequence  of  that  de- 
ficiency. The  besieged  were  well  supplied  with 
water,  but  food  became  scarce,  and  Hyrcanus  found 
himself  compelled  to  commit  an  act  of  cruelty.  In 
order  to  husband  the  failing  provisions,  the  inhabi- 
tants who  could  not  bear  arms  were  sent  out  of  the 
city.  Perhaps  the  hope  was  entertained  that  the 
enemy  would  take  pity  on  them.  But  to  the  de- 
fenseless, foes  are  seldom  generous.  They  were 
not  allowed  to  pass  the  lines  of  the  besieging  army, 
and  were  thus  exposed  to  death  from  both  sides. 
In  the  meantime  the  summer  passed,  and  still  no 
prospect  of  storming  the  walls  offered  itself  to  the 
Syrians,  whilst  the  Judaeans,  on  account  of  the  scar- 


4  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

city  of  provisions  and  the  approaching  holidays, 
were  anxious  for  a  truce.  Hyrcanus  made  the  first 
overtures,  and  asked  for  a  cessation  of  arms  during 
the  seven  days  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  Anti- 
ochus  not  only  granted  that  request,  but  sent  him 
presents  of  animals  with  gilded  horns  for  sacrificial 
purposes,  and  golden  vessels  filled  with  incense. 
Negotiations  for  peace  followed  upon  this  truce. 
Antiochus  was  urged  by  his  advisers  to  show  the 
greatest  severity  in  his  demands  upon  the  Judaeans. 
They  reminded  him  of  the  policy  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes,  who  knew  no  other  way  of  crushing  out  the 
hatred  of  mankind  felt  by  the  Judaeans  than  that  of 
obliging  them  to  renounce  their  peculiar  laws.  If 
Antiochus  Sidetes  had  listened  to  these  prejudiced 
counselors,  who  saw,  according  to  the  biased  views 
of  that  time,  nothing  but  cynical  exclusiveness  in  the 
singular  customs  of  the  Judaeans,  the  cruel  wars  in 
which  the  people  had  fought  for  their  faith  would 
have  been  repeated.  Happily  for  them,  Antiochus 
had  neither  the  harshness  nor  the  strength  to  ven- 
ture upon  so  dangerous  a  game.  Antiochus  con- 
tented himself  with  destroying  the  battlements  of 
Jerusalem  (autumn  134).  With  that  act  the  dark 
cloud  which  had  menaced  the  independence  of 
Judaea  passed  away. 

No  great  injury  had  been  inflicted  upon  the  State, 
and  even  the  traces  of  disaster  that  had  been  left  were 
soon  obliterated.  For  Hyrcanus  now  sent  an  em- 
bassy to  Rome  consisting  of  three  delegates:  Simon, 
the  son  of  Dositheus,  Apollonius,  the  son  of  Alex- 
ander, and  Diodorus,  the  son  of  Jason,  to  entreat 
the  Senate  to  renew,  with  the  Jewish  commonwealth, 
the  friendly  treaties,  which  Rome  lavishly  accorded 
to  the  smallest  nations.  At  the  same  time  they 
were  to  complain  that  Antiochus  Sidetes  had  taken 
possession  of  several  places  in  Judaea,  and  among 
them  the  important  fortresses  of  Joppa  and  Gazara. 
Rome   always    sided  with    the    weak    against    the 


CH.  I.  DEATH    OF    ANTIOCMUS.  5 

strong,  not  from  a  sense  of  justice  but  from  self- 
interested  calculation.  She  desired  especially  to 
humble  the  royal  house  of  the  Seleucidae,  which 
had  occasionally  shown  her  a  defiant,  or  at  least  a 
haughty  mien.  The  Judsean  ambassadors  were 
consequently  most  favorably  received,  their  re- 
quests listened  to  with  attention,  and  a  decree 
issued  by  which  Antiochus  was  called  upon  to  restore 
the  fortresses  he  had  taken,  and  to  forbid  his  troops 
to  march  through  Judaea  ;  nor  was  he  to  treat  its 
inhabitants  as  his  subjects  (about  133).  Antiochus 
appears  to  have  acquiesced  in  this  decision. 

He  was,  moreover,  obliged  to  assume  a  friendly 
demeanor  towards  Hyrcanus  ;  for  at  that  moment 
he  was  meditating  an  attack  against  Parthia,  which 
had  formerly  belonged  to,  but  had  since  separated 
itself  from  the  kingdom  of  his  ancestors.  His 
brother,  Demetrius  Nicator,  had  likewise  undertaken 
an  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  but  had  sus- 
tained a  defeat,  and  was  kept  in  imprisonment  for 
nearly  ten  years.  Antiochus  believed  that  he  would 
be  more  fortunate  than  his  brother.  In  addition  to 
the  army  of  80,000  which  he  had  assembled,  he 
requested  the  aid  of  Judsean  troops  and  of  the 
forces  of  other  surrounding  nations,  and  Hyrcanus 
consented  to  join  with  his  army  in  the  expedition. 
The  Syrian  king  treated  his  Judaean  allies  with  the 
greatest  regard.  After  a  victory  gained  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  Zab  (Lycus),  he  ordered,  accord- 
ing to  the  desire  of  Hyrcanus,  that  a  two  days' 
respite  should  take  place,  so  that  the  Judaeans  might 
celebrate  their  Sabbath  and  the  festival  of  the  Feast 
of  Weeks  which  followed  it  (129). 

Fortune,  however,  had  chano-ed  sides  since  the 
^,ime  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  and  no  longer  favored 
the  Seleucidaean  dynasty.  Antiochus  lost  his  life  in 
this  campaign,  and  his  brother  Demetrius,  who  had 
been  set  at  liberty  by  the  king  of  Parthia  at  the  time 
of  the  invasion  of  Antiochus,  to  be  opposed  to  him 


6  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

as  a  rival  monarch,  now  reigned  in  his  brother's 
stead  (from  128-125).  Hated  by  the  Syrians  on 
account  of  his  long  imprisonment  in  Parthia,  Deme- 
trius was  opposed  by  a  rival,  Alexander  Zabina, 
whom  Ptolemy  Physcon  had  set  up  against  him. 
Demetrius  was  obliged  to  flee  before  Zabina,  and 
could  not  even  find  a  refuge  in  Accho,  where  his  wife 
Cleopatra  resided.  Syria  fell  into  a  state  of  still 
greater  confusion  under  his  successors,  when  Zabina 
disputed  the  throne  with  the  legitimate  heir,  Anti- 
ochus  VIII,  the  latter  finding  likewise  a  competitor 
in  his  brother  on  the  mother's  side,  Antiochus  IX. 
The  last  pages  of  the  history  of  Syria  are  stained 
with  crimes  caused  by  the  deadly  hatred  of  the 
various  members  of  the  Seleucidaean  house  against 
each  other,  and  with  the  murders  they  committed. 
Soon  after  the  death  of  her  husband  Demetrius, 
Cleopatra  had  one  of  her  sons,  Seleucus,  killed,  and 
mixed  the  poisoned  cup  for  the  other  one,  Antiochus 
Grypus,  who  forced  her  to  drink  it  herself. 

Hyrcanus  took  advantage  of  this  state  of  anarchy 
and  weakness  in  Syria,  which  lasted  several  years, 
to  enlarge  the  boundaries  of  Judaea,  until  his  country 
attained  its  former  limits.  Soon  after  the  death  of 
Antiochus  Sidetes,  the  last  traces  of  vassalage  to 
which  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  had  reduced  Judaea 
were  completely  wiped  out,  and  even  the  bonds  of 
alliance  were  canceled,  whilst  Alexander  Zabina 
was  grateful  to  be  acknowledged  by  Hyrcanus 
as  king  of  Syria.  It  was  at  this  period  (124)  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  particularly  those 
included  in  the  great  council,  made  an  appeal  to  the 
Egyptian  community  and  to  the  priest,  Judas  Aristo- 
bulus,  teacher  to  the  king,  and  of  priestly  lineage, 
to  allow  the  anniversaries  of  the  consecration  of  the 
Temple  and  of  the  victory  over  the  sinners  to  be 
numbered  among  the  memorial  holidays  of  the 
nation.  To  strengthen  their  request  they  referred 
to  the  unexpected  help  which  God  had  given  His 


CH.  I.  ENEMIES    OF    HYRCANUS.  7 

people  In  the  evil  days  of  Antiochiis,  enabling  them 
to  restore  the  sanctuary  to  its  former  purity.  This 
appeal  from  Judcea  was  at  the  same  time  a  hint  to 
the  Alexandrian  community  to  acknowledge  the  new 
conditions  that  had  arisen. 

John  Hyrcanus,  who  until  then  had  acted  only  in 
self-defense,  was  now,  after  the  fall  of  Alexander 
Zabina  (123),  ready  to  strike  energetically  at  Syria. 
Judaea  at  that  time  was  encompassed  on  three  sides 
by  foreign  tribes  :  on  the  south  by  the  Idumaeans, 
on  the  north  by  the  hated  Samaritans,  and  beyond 
the  Jordan  by  the  Greeks,  who  had  never  been 
friendly  to  the  Judseans.  Hyrcanus  therefore  consid- 
ered it  his  mission  to  reconquer  all  those  lands,  and 
either  to  expel  their  inhabitants  or  to  incorporate 
them  with  the  Judaeans  ;  for  so  long  as  foreign  and 
hostile  tribes  existed  in  the  very  heart  of  the  coun- 
try, its  political  independence  and  religious  stability 
would  be  in  constant  danger.  Not  only  were  these 
hostile  peoples  ever  ready  to  join  surrounding 
nations,  and  assist  them  in  their  greed  for  conquest, 
but  they  also  often  interfered  with  the  religious 
worship  of  the  Judaeans,  thus  frequently  giving  rise 
to  acts  of  violence  and  bloodshed.  Hyrcanus  was 
consequently  impelled  by  religious  as  well  as  by 
political  motives  to  tear  up  these  hotbeds  of 
constant  disturbance  and  hostility. 

To  accomplish  so  great  a  task  Hyrcanus  required 
all  the  strength  he  could  muster,  and,  in  order  not 
to  tax  too  heavily  the  military  resources  of  the 
nation,  he  employed  mercenaries,  whom,  it  is  said, 
he  paid  out  of  the  treasures  he  had  found  in  David's 
sepulcher.  The  first  place  he  attacked  was  Medaba, 
in  the  Jordan  district.  That  city  was  taken  after  a 
six  months'  siege.  Then  the  army  moved  on 
towards  Samega,  which,  situated  on  the  southern 
end  of  the  Sea  of  Tiberias,  must  have  been  a  place 
of  great  importance  to  the  Judaeans.  Next  in  turn 
came  the  towns  of  Samaria ;  its  capital,  Shechem,  as 


8  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

well  as  the  temple  erected  on  Mount  Gerizim,  which 
had  always  been  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  Judaeans, 
were  destroyed  (21  Kislev,  about  120).  The  anni- 
versary of  the  destruction  of  this  temple  (Yom  har 
Gerizim)  was  to  be  kept  with  great  rejoicing,  as  the 
commemoration  of  a  peculiarly  happy  event,  and  no 
fasting  or  mourning  was  ever  to  mar  the  brightness 
of  the  festival.  From  this  time  forth  the  glory  of 
the  Samaritans  waned  ;  for,  although  centuries  to 
come  still  found  them  a  peculiar  people,  and,  at  the 
present  day  even,  they  continue  to  exist  and  to  offer 
sacrifice  on  Mount  Gerizim,  still,  from  the  want  of  a 
central  rallying  point,  they  gradually  decreased  in 
numbers  and  prosperity. 

After  his  victory  over  the  Samaritans,  Hyrcanus 
marched  against  the  Idumaeans.  This  people, 
although  fallen  very  low  during  the  many  vicissi- 
tudes of  fortune  attending  the  constant  changes  of 
the  Macedonian  and  Asiatic  dynasties,  and  forced 
by  the  Nabathaeans  to  leave  their  dwellings,  had 
alone,  among  all  the  tribes  related  by  blood  to  the 
Judseans,  been  able  to  maintain  themselves,  and  had 
preserved  their  ancient  bitter  animosity  against 
them  undiminished.  Hyrcanus  laid  siege  to  their 
two  fortresses,  Adora  and  Marissa,  and  after  having 
demolished  them,  gave  the  Idumseans  the  choice 
between  acceptance  of  Judaism  and  exile.  They 
chose  the  former  alternative,  and  became,  out- 
wardly, followers  of  that  faith.  The  temples  of  the 
Idumaean  idols  were,  of  course,  destroyed,  but  the 
priests  secretly  adhered  to  their  worship.  Thus,  after 
more  than  a  thousand  years  of  enmity,  Jacob  and  Esau 
were  again  united — the  elder  serving  the  younger 
brother.  For  the  first  time  Judaism,  in  the  person 
of  its  head,  John  Hyrcanus,  practised  intolerance 
against  other  faiths,  but  it  soon  found  out  with  deep 
pain  how  highly  injurious  it  is  to  allow  religious  zeal 
for  the  preservation  of  the  faith  to  degenerate  into 
the  desire  to  effect  violent   conversion  of  others. 


CH.  I.  CONVERSION    OF    THE    IDUM^ANS.  9 

The  enforced  union  of  the  sons  of  Edom  widi  the 
sons  of  Jacob  was  fraug'ht  only  with  disaster  to  the 
latter.  It  was  through  the  Idumseans  and  the 
Romans  that  the  Hasmonaean  dynasty  was  over- 
thrown and  the  Judaean  state  destroyed. 

The  first  result  of  the  conquest  of  the  Idumaeans 
and  of  their  adoption  of  Judaism  was  a  new  contest 
with  the  city  of  Samaria,  now  chiefly  inhabited  by 
Macedonians  and  Syrians.  A  colony  of  Idumaeans 
had  been  transplanted  from  Marissa  to  the  vicinity  of 
Samaria.  They  were  attacked  and  ill-treated  by 
their  neighbors,  who  were  urged  on  to  their  acts  of 
aggression  by  the  Syrian  kings,  Grypus  and  Cyzi- 
cenus.  The  latter,  who  resembled  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes  in  his  folly  and  extravagance,  manifested  in 
particular  a  fierce  hatred  against  Hyrcanus.  His 
generals  invaded  Judaea,  took  several  fortresses 
near  the  sea-coast,  and  placed  a  garrison  in  Joppa. 
Hyrcanus  thereupon  complained  to  the  Roman 
Senate,  which  had  guaranteed  to  Judaea  the  posses- 
sion of  this  seaport,  and  sent  five  ambassadors  to 
plead  the  justice  of  his  cause  at  Rome.  Among 
these  was  Apollonius,  the  son  of  Alexander,  who 
had  appeared  before  the  Senate  in  a  former  embassy. 
Rome  replied  in  fair  words  to  the  petition  of  Hyr- 
canus, and  promulgated  a  decree  forbidding  Anti- 
ochus Cyzicenus  to  molest  the  Judaeans,  who  were 
the  allies  of  Rome,  and  commanding  him  to  restore 
all  the  fortresses,  seaports  and  territories  which  he 
had  seized.  It  was  further  ordered  that  the  Judaeans 
should  be  allowed  to  ship  their  goods  duty  free  from 
their  ports,  a  favor  not  granted  to  any  other  allied 
nation  or  king,  excepting  the  king  of  Egypt,  who 
was  regarded  as  the  peculiar  friend  of  Rome,  and 
finally  that  the  Syrian  garrison  should  evacuate 
Joppa.  Whether  the  sentence  pronounced  by  Rome 
had  any  great  effect  upon  Antiochus  Cyzicenus  or 
not,  the  fact  that  it  was  not  adverse  to  Hyrcanus 
was  so  far  a  boon  that  it  strengthened  his  cause.    It 


lO  HISTORY   OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

appears  to  have  restrained  Cyziceniis  within  certain 
bounds. 

When,  however,  Hyrcanus,  bent  upon  punishing- 
Samaria  for  its  enmity  to  the  people  of  Marissa, 
besieged  that  city,  causing  famine  within  its  walls  by 
closely  surrounding  it  with  trenches  and  ramparts, 
and  thus  cutting  off  every  possibility  of  exit,  Cyzice- 
nus  came  to  its  assistance.  In  an  engagement  with 
Aristobulus,  the  eldest  son  of  Hyrcanus,  who  was 
conducting  the  siege  conjointly  with  his  younger 
brother  Antigonus,  Cyzicenus  was  defeated  and 
forced  to  flee  to  Bethshean  (Scythopolis).  Too  weak 
to  confront  the  Judaeans  alone,  he  called  to  his  help 
the  co-regent  of  Eg^'pt,  Ptolemy  VIII  (Lathurus), 
who,  inspired  by  the  hatred  entertained  by  the 
Eg}'ptians  against  the  Judaeans,  readily  complied 
with  that  request.  His  mother  Cleopatra,  with 
whom  the  people  had  obliged  him  to  share  the  gov- 
ernment, was  secretly  in  league  against  him,  befriend- 
ing, like  her  parents,  the  cause  of  Judaea.  Two  sons 
of  Onias  IV,  Helkias  and  Ananias,  sided  with  her. 
It  was  doubtless  on  that  account  that  her  son  took 
an  aversion  to  the  Judaeans,  and  gladly  came  forth  at 
the  call  of  Cyzicenus  to  compel  Hyrcanus  to  with- 
draw from  the  siege  of  Samaria.  Despite  the  wishes 
of  his  mother,  Lathurus  sent  an  army  of  six  thousand 
men  to  support  Cyzicenus  against  Judaea.  Too 
weak  to  venture  on  meeting  the  Judaean  troops  in 
the  open  field,  the  operations  w^ere  confined  to  lay- 
ing waste  the  country  around,  in  the  hope  of  thus 
impeding  the  work  of  the  besiegers.  The  Judaean 
princes,  however,  instead  of  being  forced  to  abandon 
the  siege,  contrived  by  various  manoeuvres  to  compel 
the  king  of  Syria  to  leave  the  scene  of  action  and  to 
withdraw  to  Tripolis.  During  one  of  the  battles  in 
which  Cyzicenus  was  beaten,  it  is  said  that  a  voice 
from  the  Holy  of  Holies  was  heard  announcing  to 
Hyrcanus,  at  the  very  moment  in  which  it  took  place, 
the  victory  achieved  by  his  sons.    He  is  said  to  have 


CH.  I.  DESTRUCTION    OF    SAMARIA.  I  I 

heard  the  following  words  pronounced  in  Aramaic  : 
"The  young  princes  have  defeated  Antiochus." 
The  two  generals,  Callimandrus  and  Epicrates,  whom 
Lathurus  had  left  behind  to  continue  the  hostilities, 
were  not  more  fortunate  than  himself,  for  the  first 
lost  his  life  in  some  engagement,  the  second  suc- 
cumbed to  bribery,  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the 
Judaean  princes  the  town  of  Bethshean,  as  well  as 
other  places  in  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  as  far  as  Mount 
Carmel,  which  had  been  held  by  the  Greeks  or  the 
Syrians.  The  heathen  inhabitants  were  instantly 
expelled  from  the  newly  conquered  cities,  and  the 
anniversaries  of  the  recovery  of  Bethshean  and  of 
the  Plain  (Bekaata),  15-16  Sivan  (June,  109),  were 
added  henceforth  to  the  days  of  victory.  Samaria, 
no  longer  able  to  rely  upon  foreign  help,  was  obliged 
to  capitulate,  and  after  a  year's  siege  was  given  up 
to  the  conqueror.  Actuated  either  by  revenge  or 
prudence,  Hyrcanus  caused  Samaria  to  be  utterly 
destroyed,  and  ditches  and  canals  to  be  dug  through 
the  place,  so  that  not  a  trace  should  remain  of  the 
once  flourishing  city.  The  day  of  its  surrender  was 
added  to  the  number  of  days  of  thanksgiving  (25th 
Marcheshvan,  November,  109). 

Thus  Hyrcanus  had  carried  out  the  comprehen- 
sive plans  of  the  Hasmonaeans  and  crowned  them 
with  success.  The  independence  of  Judaea  was 
assured,  and  the  country  raised  to  the  level  of  the 
neighboring  states.  The  enemies  who  had  menaced 
it  from  every  side,  Syrians,  Idumaeans,  Samaritans, 
were  nearly  all  conquered,  and  the  land  was  deliv- 
ered from  the  bonds  which  had  hitherto  prevented 
its  development.  The  glorious  era  of  David  and 
Solomon  seemed  to  have  returned,  foreign  tribes 
were  obliged  to  do  homage  to  the  ruler  of  Judaea,  the 
old  hatred  between  the  latter  and  Idumaea  was  blotted 
out,  and  Jacob  and  Esau  again  became  twin  brothers. 
Moabitis,  the  daughter  of  Arnon,  again  sent  pres- 
ents  to   the   mountain    of  the   daughter   of   Zion. 


12  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  I. 

The  banks  of  the  Jordan,  the  sea-coast,  the  caravan 
tracks  that  passed  from  Egypt  through  Syria,  were 
all  under  the  dominion  of  Judaea.  She  saw  also  the 
humiliation  of  her  enemy,  Ptolemy  Lathurus.  The 
latter  was  living  in  constant  discord  with  his  mother, 
the  co-regent,  who  at  last  aroused  the  anger  of  the 
people  against  him  to  such  a  degree  that  he  was 
obliged  to  flee  from  Alexandria  (io8).  He  took 
refuge  in  the  island  of  Cyprus,  whither  Cleopatra 
despatched  an  army  in  pursuit  of  him.  But  the 
troops  sent  to  destroy  him  went  over  to  his  side. 
The  Judaean  soldiers  who  came  from  the  province 
of  Onion,  commanded  by  the  generals  Helkias  and 
Ananias,  the  sons  of  Onias,  alone  remained  faithful 
to  the  Queen,  and  vigorously  attacked  Ptolemy  to 
force  him  to  leave  the  island.  In  Alexandria  as  in 
Judaea,  at  that  time,  the  Judaeans  played  a  leading 
role,  and  worked  together  in  a  common  cause  for 
mutual  advantage.  They  fought  against  common 
foes,  against  Lathurus  and  his  ally,  Antiochus 
Cyzicenus. 

After  all  he  had  achieved  for  his  country,  it  was  only 
natural  that  Hyrcanus  should  cause  Judaean  coins  to 
be  struck,  and  should  inscribe  them  in  old  Hebrew 
characters,  but  he  abandoned  the  modest  example 
of  his  father  and  allowed  his  own  name  to  appear 
on  them,  "Jochanan,  High  Priest."  Upon  some  of 
the  coins  we  find,  next  his  name,  the  inscription 
"and  the  Commonwealth  of  the  Judaeans"  (Cheber 
ha-Jehudim),  as  though  he  felt  it  necessary  to  indi- 
cate that  it  was  in  the  name  of  the  people  that  he  had 
exercised  the  right  of  coinage.  Upon  other  coins, 
however,  we  find  the  following  words  inscribed : 
"Jochanan,  High  Priest,  and  head  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  the  Judaeans"  (Rosch  Cheber  ha-Jehudim). 
Instead  of  the  lily  which  was  graven  on  his  father's 
coins,  he  chose  an  emblem  similar  to  that  of  the 
Macedonian  conquerors — the  horn  of  plenty.  To- 
wards the  end  of  his  reign  Hyrcanus  assumed  more 


en.  I.  RESULTS    OF   THE    WAR.  I  3 

the  character  of  a  worldly  potentate,  and  became 
more  and  more  ambitious.  His  constant  aim  was  to 
enlarge  his  country  and  to  increase  his  own  power. 
Hyrcanus  appears  to  have  cast  a  wistful  eye  upon 
the  widely-extended  territory  which  commanded  the 
route  to  Damascus.  The  conquest  of  Ituraea,  a  tract 
of  country  lying  to  the  east  of  Mount  Hermon,  which 
his  successors  completed,  appears  to  have  been 
planned  by  him.  But  a  formidable  disturbance  in  the 
land,  which  he  was  unable  to  suppress,  speedily 
followed  by  his  own  death,  prevented  him  from 
carrying  out  this  undertaking.  And  this  disturb- 
ance, apparently  insignificant  in  its  beginning,  took 
so  unfortunate  a  turn  that  the  great  Hasmonsean 
edifice,  built  up  with  so  much  labor  and  care,  was 
completely  destroyed.  For  the  second  time  the 
Judaean  State,  having  reached  its  highest  pinnacle 
of  prosperity,  ascertained  that  it  was  not  to  main- 
tain itself  in  external  greatness. 

The  high  tide  of  political  development,  which  swept 
over  Judaea  whilst  that  country  was  under  the  do- 
minion of  John  Hyrcanus  and  his  predecessors,  could 
not  fail  to  permeate  the  life  of  the  people,  and  in 
particular  to  stimulate  all  their  spiritual  powers. 
With  only  short  interruptions  they  had,  during  half  a 
century,  been  continually  engaged  in  a  warfare  in 
which  they  were  alternately  victorious  and  defeated, 
and  in  which,  being  brought  into  contact  with  various 
nations,  now  as  friends,  now  as  foes,  they  attained 
a  greater  maturity,  and  their  former  simple  exist- 
ence rose  to  a  more  complex  and  a  higher  life.  The 
hard  struggles  by  which  they  had  achieved  inde- 
pendence caused  them  to  examine  more  curiously 
into  their  own  condition,  and  to  hold  fast  to  their 
national  traits;  but  it  led  them  also  to  adopt  those 
foreign  views  and  practices  which  appeared  to  blend 
harmoniously  with  their  own.  If  the  pious  Judseans 
had  formerly  opposed  with  all  their  might  every- 
thing that  bore  the  Hellenic  impress,  many  of  them 


14  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

were  now  convinced  that  amonq-  the  customs  of 
Greece  there  mii^ht  occasionally  be  something  which 
they  could  adopt  without  prejudice  or  injury  to  their 
own  faith.  The  Hasmona^ans  had  not  only  learnt 
from  their  neighbors  the  arts  of  war,  how  to  fashion 
arms  and  construct  fortresses,  but  also  the  peaceful 
arts  of  coining  money  with  artistic  ornamentation, 
and  the  rules  of  Greek  architecture.  A  magnifi- 
cent palace,  evidently  built  in  the  Grecian  style,  arose 
in  Jerusalem.  In  front  of  the  Hasmonsean  Palace, 
near  the  valley-like  hollow  which  divided  the  higher 
town  from  the  Temple,  there  was  a  wide  covered 
colonnade,  called  the  "  Xystum,"  where  the  people 
assembled.  A  bridge  led  across  from  the  Xystum 
to  the  west  gate  of  the  furthest  court  of  the  Temple. 
There  was  likewise  a  building  erected  in  the  higher 
town,  devoted  to  judicial  meetings,  constructed 
according  to  Grecian  art ;  with  it  was  combined  a 
Record  Office,  where  important  archives  were  kept. 
John  Hyrcanus  also  erected,  in  the  Grecian  style,  a 
family  mausoleum  in  Modin,  the  birthplace  of  the 
Hasmonaeans.  It  consisted  of  a  lofty  building  of 
white  polished  marble.  Around  it  was  a  colonnade, 
and  on  the  columns  were  beautiful  carvings  of  vari- 
ous weapons  and  figureheads  of  ships.  Seven  pyra- 
mids crowned  the  edifice,  in  memory  of  the  progen- 
itors of  the  Hasmonseans  and  their  five  heroic  sons. 
The  Hasmonsean  mausoleum  was  of  so  great  a  height 
that  it  was  visible  from  the  sea. 

The  tendency  of  the  Judseans  of  that  period,  how- 
ever, was  more  especially  directed  to  the  mainte- 
nance and  development  of  all  that  belonged  peculi- 
arly to  themselves  than  to  the  acquiring  of  the  arts 
of  foreign  civilization.  The  Hebrew  language,  which, 
since  the  close  contact  of  the  people  with  Asiatic 
nations,  had  been  almost  superseded  by  the  Ara- 
maic, appeared  now  to  be  celebrating  to  a  certain 
extent  its  renaissance ;  it  was  rejuvenated  and  be- 
came, for  the  second  time,  though  in  an  altered  form, 


CH.  I.  THE    NEW    HEBREW    LANGUAGE.  1 5 

the  language  of  the  people.  It  was  rendered  precious 
to  them  through  the  Holy  Scriptural  records  which 
they  had  preserved  from  destruction,  and  which  had 
ever  been  the  source  of  their  zeal  and  enthusiasm. 
Their  coins  were,  as  mentioned  before,  stamped  in 
Hebrew,  public  records  were  written  in  Hebrew,  and 
the  songs  of  the  people  were  sung  in  the  same  lan- 
guage. Though  some  prevalent  Aramaic  names 
were  still  retained,  and  Grecian  numbers  were 
adopted,  the  Hebrew  language  showed  its  strong 
vitality  by  enriching  its  vocabulary  with  new  forms 
of  words,  and  stamping  the  foreign  elements  it 
admitted  with  its  own  mark.  The  form  that  Hebrew 
assumed  from  this  time  forth  is  called  the  "  New 
Hebrew."  It  was  distinguished  from  the  old  Hebrew 
by  greater  clearness  and  facility,  even  though  it 
lacked  the  depth  and  poetical  fervor  of  the  latter. 
At  the  same  time  Greek  was  understood  by  all  the 
leaders  and  statesmen  of  the  community.  It  was 
the  language  made  use  of  in  their  intercourse  with 
the  Syrian  kings,  and  was  likewise  spoken  by  their 
ambassadors  to  the  Roman  Senate.  Alongf  with 
Jewish  names,  Greek  names  appeared  now  more 
frequently  than  before.  The  character  of  the  Ht- 
erature  was  also  marked  by  the  change  which  took 
place  in  the  spirit  of  the  people  at  this  period  of  its 
revival.  The  sweet  note  of  song  was  mute ;  not  a 
trace  of  poetical  creation  has  come  down  to  us  from 
this  and  the  next  epoch.  The  nation  called  no 
longer  for  the  fiery  inspiration  which  flows  through 
the  lyric  songs  of  the  Psalms,  and  it  could  not  furnish 
matter  for  mournful  elegies.  What  it  required  to 
promote  religious  sentiment  and  fervor  was  already 
provided  by  the  poetry  of  the  Temple,  and  in  the  rich 
stores  of  the  Scriptures  the  people  found  knowledge 
and  instruction.  Sober  history  now  took  the  place  of 
triumphant  hymns,  and  related  facts  and  deeds  for 
the  use  of  posterity.  History  was  the  only  branch 
of  literature  which  was  cultivated,  and  the  recent  past 


l6  ITTSTORV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

and  the  immediate  present  furnished  the  historian's 
pen  with  ample  subjects.  That  Hebrew  was  used 
in  historical  writings  is  shown  by  the  fragments 
which  have  come  down  to  us.  The  so-called  first 
book  of  the  Maccabees,  which  was  written  in  He- 
brew, (but  is  now  extant  only  in  a  Greek  translation) 
is  a  proof  of  the  inherent  power  of  rejuvenescence 
belonging  to  the  language. 

The  change  in  the  current  of  life,  caused  by  polit- 
cal  events,  showed  itself  even  more  in  the  sphere 
of  religion  than  in  the  literature  and  habits  of  the 
people  in  general.  The  victory  over  the  Syrians, 
the  expulsion  of  the  Hellenists,  the  subjection  of  the 
Idumaeans,  the  humiliation  of  the  Samaritans,  culmi- 
nating in  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  of  Gerizim, 
were  so  many  triumphs  of  Judaism  over  its  enemies, 
and  were  sanctioned  as  such  by  the  champions  of 
the  religious  party.  In  order  to  stamp  them  indelibly 
on  the  memory  of  future  generations,  their  anniver- 
saries were  to  be  kept  like  the  days  of  the  conse- 
cration of  the  Temple.  Religion  was  still  the  great 
underlying  impulse  in  all  movements,  and  showed 
its  strength  even  in  the  abuse  to  which  it  gave  rise 
when  it  forced  Judaism  upon  the  heathens.  In  the 
meantime  the  religious  consciousness  of  the  people 
shone  with  a  clearer  light  in  consequence  of  the 
wider  field  upon  which  it  had  entered  ;  the  wider  view 
which  had  been  gained  into  the  various  relations  of 
life,  the  advance  out  of  the  narrow  circle  of  tradition 
and  inherited  customs,  produced  schism  and  separ- 
ation amongst  the  Judaeans  themselves.  The  strict 
religious  party  of  Assidaeans  withdrew  from  the 
scene  of  passing  events,  and,  in  order  to  avoid 
mixing  in  pubHc  life,  they  sought  a  secluded  retreat 
where  they  could  give  themselves  up  to  undisturbed 
meditation.  In  this  solitude  they  formed  themselves 
into  a  distinct  order,  with  strangle  customs  and  new 
views,  and  received  the  name  of  Essenes.  Their 
example,  however,  of  giving  up  all  active  share  in 


CH.  I.  THE    SECTS.  1 7 

the  public  weal  was  not  followed  by  all  the  strictly 
devout  Judseans,  the  majority  of  whom,  on  the  con- 
trary, whilst  firmly  adhering  to  the  precepts  of  their 
faith,  considered  it  a  religious  duty  to  further  the 
independence  of  their  country.  Thus  there  arose  a 
division  among  the  pious,  and  a  national  party 
separated  itself  from  the  Assidaeans  or  Essenes, 
which  did  not  avoid  public  life,  but,  according 
to  its  strength  and  ability,  took  an  active  part  in 
public  affairs.  The  members  of  this  numerous  sect 
began  at  this  time  to  bear  the  name  of  Pharisees 
(Perushim).  But  this  sect,  the  very  center,  as  it 
were,  of  the  nation,  having  above  all  things  at  heart 
the  preservation  of  Judaism  in  the  exact  form  in 
which  it  had  been  handed  down,  insisted  upon  all 
political  undertakings,  all  public  transactions,  every 
national  act  being  tried  by  the  standard  of  religion. 
To  these  demands,  however,  those  who  stood  at  the 
head  of  military  or  diplomatic  affairs,  and  who  saw 
how  difficult  it  was  always  to  deal  with  political 
matters  according  to  the  strict  claims  of  their  faith, 
would  not  or  could  not  reconcile  themselves.  Thus 
a  third  party  was  formed — that  of  the  Sadducees 
(Zadukim) — the  members  of  which,  without  forsaking 
the  religion,  yet  made  the  interests  of  the  nation 
their  chief  care  and  object.  Of  these  sects — the 
Assidsean-Essenes,  the  Pharisees,  and  the  Sadducees 
— only  the  last  two  e:jferted  a  powerful  influence  upon 
the  course  of  events.  At  what  precise  period  oppo- 
sition began  to  show  itself  among  these  several 
parties  cannot  be  determined,  as  indeed  the  birth  of 
new  spiritual  tendencies  must  ever  remain  shrouded 
from  view.  According  to  one  account,  the  adverse 
parties  first  appeared  at  the  time  of  Jonathan. 

The  Pharisees  (Perushim)  can  only  be  called  a 
party  figuratively  and  by  way  of  distinction  from  the 
other  two,  for  the  mass  of  the  nation  was  inclined  to 
Phariseeism,  and  it  was  only  in  the  national  leaders 
that  its  peculiarities  became  marked.    The  Pharisees 


l8  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  I. 

received  their  name  from  the  fact  of  their  explaining 
the  Scriptures  in  a  pecuHar  manner,  and  of  deriving 
new  laws  from  this  new  interpretation.  As  ex- 
pounders of  the  law  the  Pharisees  formed  the 
learned  body  of  the  nation.  Their  opinions  were 
framed,  their  actions  governed  by  one  cardinal 
principle — the  necessity  of  preserving  Judaism. 
The  individual  and  the  State  were  to  be  ruled  alike 
by  the  laws  and  customs  of  their  fathers.  Every 
deviation  from  this  principle  appeared  to  the  Phari- 
sees as  treason  to  all  that  was  most  precious  and 
holy.  To  their  opponents,  the  Sadducees,  who 
argued  that,  unless  other  measures  were  used  for 
political  purposes,  weighty  national  interests  would 
be  often  wrecked  by  religious  scruples,  the  Pharisees 
replied  that  the  fate  of  the  State,  like  that  of  the 
individual,  depended  not  upon  man  but  upon  God. 
It  was  not  human  strength,  nor  human  wisdom,  nor 
the  warrior's  prowess  that  could  determine  the  weal 
or  the  woe  of  the  Judcean  people,  but  Divine  Provi- 
dence alone.  Everything  happened  according  to 
the  eternal  decrees  of  the  Divine  will,  Man  was 
responsible  only  for  his  moral  conduct  and  the  indi- 
vidual path  he  trod.  The  results  of  all  human 
endeavors  lay  outside  the  range  of  human  calcula- 
tion. From  this,  the  Pharisees'  view  of  life,  the 
rival  opinion  of  the  Sadducees  diverged ;  whilst 
the  Essenes,  on  the  contrary,  exaggerated  it. 
Another  view  of  the  Pharisees  was  probably  directed 
against  the  following  objection  urged  by  the  Saddu- 
cees :  If  the  fate  of  the  individual  or  of  the  State 
did  not  depend  upon  the  actions  of  the  one  or  the 
policy  of  the  other,  there  would  be  an  end  to  Divine 
justice  ;  misfortune  might  then  assail  the  righteous 
man,  whilst  the  sun  of  happiness  smiled  upon  the 
sinner.  This  reproach  the  Pharisees  set  aside  by 
the  doctrine,  borrowed  from  another  source,  which 
taught  that  Divine  justice  would  manifest  itself  not 
during   life   but  after  death.     God  will   rouse   the 


CH.  I.  THE   TRADITIONAL   CUSTOMS.  IQ 

dead  out  of  the  sleep  of  the  grave ;  He  will  reward 
the  righteous  according  to  their  works,  and  punish 
the  wicked  for  their  evil  deeds.  "  Those  will  rise 
up  to  everlasting  life,  and  these  to  everlasting 
shame." 

These  views,  however,  precisely  because  they 
concerned  only  the  inner  convictions  of  men,  did 
not  mark  the  opposition  between  the  parties  so 
clearly  as  did  the  third  dogma  of  the  Pharisees, 
establishing  the  importance  and  all-embracing  influ- 
ence of  religious  injunctions.  In  a  nation  whose 
breath  of  life  was  religion,  many  customs  whose 
origin  was  lost  in  the  dim  twilight  of  the  past  had 
taken  their  place  by  the  side  of  the  written  Law. 
If  these  customs  were  not  found  in  the  books  of  the 
Law  they  were  ascribed  to  the  great  teachers  (the 
Sopherim  and  the  great  assembly — Keneseth  ha- 
gedolah),  which,  at  the  time  of  the  return  of  the 
Captivity,  had  given  form  and  new  vigor  to  the 
religious  sentiment,  and  at  the  head  of  which  stands 
the  illustrious  expounder  of  Scripture,  Ezra.  Such 
religious  customs  were  called  the  legacies  of  the 
teachers  of  the  Law  (Dibre  Sopherim).  All  these 
unwritten  customs,  which  lived  in  the  heart  of  the 
nation  and,  as  it  were,  grew  with  its  growth,  gained 
an  extraordinary  degree  of  importance  from  the 
dangers  that  Judaism  had  encountered  and  the  vic- 
tories that  it  had  achieved.  The  people  had  risked, 
in  behalf  of  these  very  customs,  their  property  and 
their  life;  and  the  martyrdom  that  many  of  the 
/aithful  had  undergone,  and  the  antagonism  they  felt 
towards  the  renegade  and  frivolous  Hellenists,  had 
much  increased  the  reverence  and  attachment  with 
which  these  customs  were  regarded.  The  Temple, 
especially,  which  had  been  so  ruthlessly  defiled  and 
afterwards  been  reconsecrated  in  so  marvelous  a 
manner,  had  become  doubly  precious  to  the  whole 
people,  who  were  determined  to  keep  it  free  from 
the  faintest  breath  of  desecration.     The  Levitical 


20  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

niles  of  purity,  so  far  as  they  related  to  the  Temple, 
were  therefore  observed  with  peculiar  care  and 
rigorous  strictness. 

But  this  devotion  to  outward  forms  and  ceremonies 
by  no  means  excluded  the  religion  of  the  heart.  The 
Pharisees  were  acknowledged  to  be  moral,  chaste, 
temperate  and  benevolent.  In  their  administration 
of  justice  they  allowed  mercy  to  prevail,  and  judged 
the  accused  not  from  the  point  of  view  of  moral 
depravity  but  from  that  of  human  weakness.  The 
following  maxim  was  given  by  Joshua,  the  son  of 
Perachia,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  sect,  who,  with 
his  companion,  Matthai  of  Arbela,  lived  in  the 
time  of  Hyrcanus  :  "  Take  a  teacher,  win  a  friend, 
and  judge  every  man  from  the  presumption  of  inno- 
cence." His  high  moral  temperament  is  indicated 
by  this  maxim.  Their  rigid  adherence  to  the  Law, 
and  their  lenient  mildness  and  indulgence  in  other 
matters,  gained  for  the  Pharisees  the  deep  venera- 
tion of  the  whole  people.  Of  this  sect  were  the 
pious  priests,  the  teachers  of  the  Law,  and,  above 
all,  the  magistrates,  civil  and  religious,  who  at  that 
time  often  combined  both  offices  in  one.  The  whole 
inner  direction  of  the  State  and  the  Temple  was  in 
their  hands.  But  the  Pharisees  owed  their  influence 
chiefly  to  their  knowledge  of  the  Law  and  to  the 
application  they  made  of  it  to  the  affairs  of  daily  life, 
and  they  alone  were  called  the  interpreters  and 
teachers  of  the  Law.  The  degrading  charge  of 
hypocrisy,  which  was  applied  to  them  by  their 
enemies  in  later  times,  they  by  no  means  merited, 
and,  indeed,  it  is  altogether  preposterous  to  stigma- 
tize a  whole  class  of  men  as  dissemblers.  They 
were  rather,  in  their  origin,  the  noblest  guardians 
and  representatives  of  Judaism  and  strict  morality. 
Even  their  rivals,  the  Sadducees,  could  not  but 
bear  witness  to  the  fact  that  "  they  denied  themselves 
in  this  world,  but  would  hardly  receive  a  reward  in 
a  future  world." 


CH.  F.  THE    SADDUCEES.  21 

This  party  of  the  Sadducees,  so  sharply  opposed 
to  the  Pharisees,  pursued  a  national-poHtical  poHcy, 
It  was  composed  of  the  Judsean  aristocracy,  the 
brave  soldiers,  the  generals  and  the  statesmen  who 
had  acquired  wealth  and  authority  at  home,  or  who 
had  returned  from  foreign  embassies,  all  having 
gained,  from  closer  intercourse  with  the  outer  world 
and  other  lands,  freer  thought  and  more  worldly 
views.  They  formed  the  kernel  of  the  Hasmonaean 
following,  which  in  peace  or  war  faithfully  served 
their  leaders.  This  sect  doubtless  included  also 
some  Hellenists,  who,  shrinking  from  the  desertion 
of  their  faith,  had  returned  to  Judaism.  The  Saddu- 
cees probably  derived  their  name  from  one  of  their 
leaders,  Zadok.  The  national  interests  of  the 
Judsean  community  were  placed  by  the  Sadducees 
above  the  Law.  Burning  patriotism  was  their  rul- 
ing sentiment,  and  piety  occupied  but  the  second 
place  in  their  hearts.  As  experienced  men  of  the 
world,  they  felt  that  the  independence  of  the  State 
could  not  be  upheld  by  the  strictest  observance 
of  the  laws  of  religion  alone,  nor  by  mere  reliance 
upon  Divine  protection.  They  proceeded  from  this 
fundamental  principle :  man  must  exert  his  bodily 
strength  and  his  spiritual  powers  ;  he  must  not  allow 
himself  to  be  kept  back  by  religious  scruples  from 
forming  political  alliances,  or  from  taking  part  in 
wars,  although  by  so  doing  he  must  inevitably 
infringe  some  of  the  injunctions  of  religion.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Sadducaean  views,  it  was  for  that 
purpose  that  God  bestowed  free  will  upon  man  so 
that  he  himself  should  work  out  his  own  well-being  ; 
he  is  master  of  his  fate,  and  human  concerns  are  not 
at  all  swayed  by  Divine  interposition.  Reward  and 
punishment  are  the  natural  consequences  of  our 
actions,  and  are  therefore  quite  independent  of 
resurrection.  Without  exactly  denying  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  the  Sadducees  completely  repudi- 
ated the  idea  of  judgment  after  death.     Oppressed 


2  2  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

by  the  abundance  of  religious  ordinances,  they  would 
not  admit  their  general  applicability  nor  the  obliga- 
tion of  keeping  them.  Pressed  to  give  some  stand- 
ard by  which  the  really  important  decrees  might  be 
recognized,  they  laid  down  the  following  rule  :  that 
only  the  ordinances  which  appeared  clearly  ex- 
pressed in  the  Pentateuch  were  binding.  Those 
which  rested  upon  oral  tradition,  or  had  sprung  up 
at  various  times,  had  a  subordinate  value  and  could 
not  claim  to  be  inviolable.  Still  they  could  not  help 
occasionally  recognizing  the  value  of  traditional 
interpretations. 

From  a  number  of  individual  instances  in  which 
the  Sadducees  separated  themselves  from  their 
rivals,  one  can  mark  the  extent  of  their  opposition 
to  the  latter.  This  appeared  in  their  judiciary  and 
penal  laws  and  in  the  ritual  they  adopted,  their 
worship  in  the  Temple  being  in  particular  a  subject 
of  angry  controversy.  The  Sadducees  thought  that 
the  punishment  ordered  by  the  Pentateuch  for  the 
infliction  of  any  bodily  injury — "an  eye  for  an  eye, 
a  tooth  for  a  tooth" — should  be  literally  interpreted 
and  followed  out,  and  obtained  in  consequence  the 
reputation  of  being  cruel  administrators  of  justice  ; 
whilst  the  Pharisees,  appealing  to  traditional  inter- 
pretations of  the  Scriptures,  allowed  mercy  to  pre- 
ponderate, and  only  required  a  pecuniary  compen- 
sation from  the  offender.  The  Sadducees,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  more  lenient  in  their  judgment  of 
those  false  witnesses  whose  evidence  might  have 
occasioned  a  judicial  murder,  as  they  only  inflicted 
punishment  if  the  execution  of  the  defendant  had 
actually  taken  place.  There  were  many  points  re- 
lating to  the  ritual  which  were  warmly  disputed  by 
the  two  parties  ;  for  instance,  the  date  of  the  Feast  of 
Weeks,  which,  according  to  the  Sadducees,  should 
always  fall  upon  a  Sunday,  fifty  days  from  the 
Sabbath  after  the  Passover ;  so  also  the  pouring  of 
water  on  the  altar  and  the  processions  round  it 


CH.  I.      THEIR  DIFFERENCES  WITH  THE  PHARISEES.       23 

with  willow  branches  during  the  seven  days  of  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles,  which  the  Pharisees  advocated 
and  the  Sadducees  rejected.  The  latter  objected 
to  the  providing  of  the  national  offerings  out  of  the 
treasury  of  the  Temple,  and  insisted  that  the  re- 
quired sacrifices  should  be  left  to  the  care  and  zeal 
of  individuals.  The  manner  in  which  the  frank- 
incense should  be  kindled  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment, whether  before  or  after  the  entrance  of  the 
high  priest  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  was  also  the 
cause  of  bitter  strife.  On  these  and  other  points 
of  dispute  the  Sadducees  invariably  followed  the 
exact  letter  of  the  Law,  which  resulted  in  their 
occasionally  enforcing  stricter  rules  than  the  Phari- 
sees, who  have  been  so  much  abused  for  their  rigid 
austerity.  To  one  Levitical  injunction,  however, 
they  paid  but  little  attention — that  of  carefully 
avoiding  the  touch  of  any  person  or  thing  con- 
sidered unclean — and  when  their  rivals  purified 
the  vessels  of  the  Temple  after  they  had  been 
subject  to  any  contact  of  the  sort,  they  ridiculed 
them,  saying,  "  It  wants  but  little,  and  the  Pharisees 
will  try  and  cleanse  the  sun." 

In  spite  of  the  relief  which  these  less  stringent 
views  gave  the  people,  the  Sadducees  were  not 
popular ;  the  feeling  of  the  time  was  against  laxity 
and  in  favor  of  strict  religious  observance.  Be- 
sides, the  Sadducees  repelled  their  countrymen  by 
their  proud,  haughty  demeanor  and  their  severe 
judicial  sentences.  They  never  gained  the  heart  of 
the  public,  and  it  was  only  by  force  and  authority  that 
they  were  able  to  make  their  principles  prevail. 
At  that  period  the  religious  sentiment  was  so  active 
that  it  gave  birth  to  a  religious  order  which  far 
surpassed  even  the  Pharisees  in  strictness  and 
painful  scrupulousness,  and  which  became  the  basis 
of  a  movement  that,  mixing  with  new  elements, 
produced  a  revolution  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
This   order,  which,  from   a  small   and   apparently 


24  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

insignificant  origin,  grew  into  a  mighty  power, 
destined  to  exert  an  irresistible  influence,  was  that 
of  the  Essenes. 

The  origin  of  this  remarkable  Essene  order,  which 
called  forth  the  admiration  even  of  the  Greeks  and 
the    Romans,    can   be    dated  from    the    period   of 
great  religious   enthusiasm  excited  by  the  tyranny 
and  persecutions  of  the  Syrians.     The  Essenes  had 
never  formed  a  political  party,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
avoided  the  glare  and  tumult  of  public  life.     They 
did  not  place  themselves  in  harsh  antagonism  to 
the  Pharisees,  but  rather  assumed  the  position  of  a 
higher   grade   of   Pharisaism,  to  which  party  they 
originally  belonged.      They  sprang  without  doubt 
from  the  Assidaeans,  whom  they  resembled  in  their 
strict  observance  of  the  Sabbath.     In  their  eyes  the 
mere  act  of  moving  a  vessel  from  one  place  to 
another  would  count  as  a  desecration  of  that  holy 
day.     Even  the  calls  of  nature  were  not  attended 
to  on  that  day.     They  lived  in  all  respects  like  the 
Nazarites,  whose  ideal  it  was  to  attain  the  highest 
sanctity  of  priestly  consecration.     It  was  their  con- 
stant endeavor,   not   only  to  observe  all   the  out- 
ward Levitical  laws,  but  to  attain  through  them  to 
inward  sanctity  and  consecration,  to  deaden  their 
passions  and  to  lead   a   holy  life.      The    Levitical 
laws  of  cleanliness  had,  through  custom  and  tradi- 
tion, developed  to  such  a  pitch  that  their  austere 
observers  must  have  been  in  constant  danger  of 
being  defiled  by  contact  with  persons  and  objects  ; 
and  bathing  and  sacrifices  were  prescribed,  through 
which    they   might   recover   a  state  of  purity.      A 
life-long  Nazarite,  or,  what  is  the  same  thing,  an 
Essene,  was    consequently   obliged   to   avoid   any 
intercourse  with  those  who  were  less  strict  than 
himself,  lest   he  should  be  contaminated  by  their 
proximity.     Such  considerations  compelled  him  to 
frequent  the  society  of,  and  to  unite  himself  with, 
those  only  who  shared  his  views.     To  keep  their 


CH.  I.  THE    ESSENES.  25 

purity  unspotted,  the  Essenes  were  thus  induced  to 
form  themselves  into  a  separate  order,  the  first 
rule  of  which  commanded  implicit  obedience  to  the 
laws  of  scrupulous  cleanliness.  It  was  only  those 
whose  views  coincided  with  their  own  who  could  be 
allowed  to  cook  food  for  them,  and  from  such  like- 
wise had  to  be  procured  their  clothes,  tools,  imple- 
ments of  trade  and  other  things,  in  order  to  en- 
sure that,  in  their  manufacture,  the  laws  of  cleanli- 
ness had  been  duly  carried  out.  They  were  thus 
completely  set  apart  by  themselves ;  and,  in  order 
to  keep  clear  of  any  less  strictly  rigid  observers, 
they  thought  it  advisable  to  have  their  meals  in 
common.  Thus  the  Passover  supper,  which  could 
be  partaken  of  only  in  a  circle  of  fellow-wor- 
shipers, must  have  been  their  ideal  repast.  It 
was  almost  impossible  for  Essenes  to  mix  with 
women,  as  by  the  slightest  contact  with  them  they 
risked  coming  under  the  Levitical  condemnation  of 
uncleanliness,  and,  led  on  from  one  deduction  to 
another,  they  began  to  avoid,  if  not  to  despise,  the 
married  state.  How  was  it  possible  for  the  Essenes 
to  maintain  their  excessive  rigidity,  especially  in 
those  warlike  times  ?  Not  only  the  pagan  enemy, 
but  even  the  Judaean  warriors  returning  from  the 
battle-field,  defiled  by  the  touch  of  a  corpse,  might 
bring  all  their  precautions  to  naught.  These  fears 
may  have  induced  the  Essenes  to  seek  seclusion  in 
some  retired  place,  where  they  could  remain  un- 
vexed  by  the  sounds  of  war  and  undisturbed  in 
their  mode  of  life  by  any  of  its  necessary  incidents. 
They  chose  for  their  residence  the  desert  to  the 
west  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  settled  in  the  oasis  of 
Engadi.  The  fruit  of  palm  trees,  which  abound  in 
this  district,  partly  furnished  their  simple  fare.  All 
the  Assidaeans  did  not  join  in  the  asceticism  of  the 
Essenes,  nor  did  all  the  Essenes  betake  themselves 
to  the  desert.  Some  continued  to  live  in  their  own 
family  circles  and  did  not  renounce  marriage ;  but, 


26  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

in  consequence  of  their  rigid  scruples,  they  were 
met  by  many  difficulties. 

Thus  it  was  that  celibacy  and  repasts  held  in 
common  came  to  be  considered  as  the  general  and 
most  important  characteristics  of  the  Essenes.  This 
mode  of  living  led  the  Essenes  to  divest  themselves 
of  all  their  private  possessions.  To  a  member  of 
their  sect  private  property  could  be  of  no  use  ;  each 
one  placed  his  fortune  in  the  common  treasury,  out 
of  which  the  wants  of  the  various  members  of  the 
order  were  supplied.  Hence  the  proverb,  "A 
Chassid  says,  '  Mine  and  thine  belong  to  thee 
(not  to  me).  There  were  consequently  neither  rich 
nor  poor  among  them,  and  this  lack  of  all  concern 
about  material  matters  naturally  led  them  to  abstract 
their  attention  from  everything  mundane  and  to 
concentrate  it  upon  religious  matters.  They  thus 
avoided  more  and  more  all  that  pertained  merely  to 
the  world,  and  followed  with  the  enthusiasm  of 
recluses  a  visionary,  ideal  tendency.  The  Essenes 
were  distinguished  also  by  other  peculiarities.  They 
were  always  clothed  in  white  linen.  Each  of  them 
carried  a  small  shovel,  with  which,  like  the  Israelites 
during  their  wanderings  in  the  desert,  they  would 
cover  their  excrements  with  earth  and  thus  hide 
impurity  from  sight.  They  also  wore  a  sort  of 
apron  or  handkerchief  (knaphaim),  with  which  to  dry 
themselves  after  their  frequent  ablutions.  In  order 
to  remove  even  unperceived  impurities,  they,  like 
the  priests  before  officiating  in  the  Temple,  bathed 
every  morning  in  fresh  spring  water ;  and  from 
these  daily  baths  they  were  called  "  Morning  Bap- 
tists "  [Table  Shacharitli).  The  name  Essene  ap- 
pears likewise  to  have  been  derived  from  this  pecu- 
liarity, as  in  the  Chaldaic  language  it  means  a  bather 
{Aschai,  pronounced  Assai). 

These  outward  forms  were,  however,  only  the 
steps  that  were  to  lead  to  inward  purity  and  right- 
eousness— the   symbols  of  their  close  communion 


CH.  I  MYSTICISM    OF   THE   ESSENES.  2/ 

with  God  ;  to  which,  according  to  the  opinion  of 
antiquity,  man  could  only  attain  by  fleeing  from  the 
world,  and  devoting  himself  to  an  ascetic  mode  of 
life.  The  utmost  simplicity  in  food  and  dress,  absti- 
nence, and  the  practice  of  morality  and  self-sacrifice 
were  certainly  virtues  which  adorned  the  Essenes, 
but  were  not  peculiar  to  their  sect,  as  they  belonged 
equally  to  the  Pharisees.  The  distinguishing  traits 
of  the  Essenes,  however,  were  their  frequent  prayers, 
their  aversion  to  taking  an  oath,  and  their  devoted 
pursuit  of  a  kind  of  mystic  doctrine.  Before  saying 
their  prayers  no  profane  word  was  permitted,  and 
at  the  first  dawn  of  day,  after  the  Skema  had  been 
read,  they  assembled  for  quiet  meditation,  prepara- 
tory to  what  was  considered  their  real  prayer,  which 
was  always  to  be  a  spontaneous  effusion  of  the 
heart.  To  the  Essenes  their  repasts  were  a  kind 
of  divine  service,  the  table  on  which  their  food  was 
spread,  an  altar,  and  the  fare  which  they  partook  of, 
a  holy  sacrifice,  which  they  ate  in  deep  and  pious 
meditation.  No  language  of  a  worldly  nature  passed 
their  lips  during  their  meals,  and  these  were  gener- 
ally partaken  of  in  complete  silence.  This  strange 
silence  doubtless  produced  a  great  impression  upon 
those  who  did  not  belong  to  the  order  ;  the  more  so, 
because  the  real  nature  of  this  exclusive  sect  was 
not  known  to  its  contemporaries,  and  everything 
concerning  it  assumed  a  mysterious  and  awful 
aspect. 

It  was  not,  perhaps,  at  first  the  object  of  the 
Essenes  to  become  absorbed  in  mystic  lore ;  but 
their  asceticism,  their  intensely  quiet  life,  which  gave 
them  so  much  opportunity  for  meditation,  their  free- 
dom from  family  cares,  and,  lastly,  their  religious 
visionariness,  made  them  seek  for  other  truths  in 
Judaism  than  appear  to  less  subtle  minds.  The 
name  of  God  was  to  them  a  subject  of  deep  contem- 
plation, justified  in  some  degree  by  the  dread  which 
existed   among   the   Judaeans  of  pronouncing   the 


28  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

name  of  the  Almighty,  formed  of  the  four  letters 
J  h  w  h.  If  the  name  of  God  be  thus  holy,  surely 
something"  mysterious  must  belong  to  the  letters 
themselves.  Thus  reasoned  the  Essenes,  whose 
seclusion  from  the  world  gave  them  abundant  leisure 
to  ponder  over  this  sacred  enigma.  So  holy  was 
the  name  of  God  in  their  estimation  that  they  refused 
to  take  any  oath  which  called  for  its  use,  and  their 
statements  were  attested  by  a  simple  "  yes  "  or  "  no." 
In  close  connection  with  the  mystery  attaching  to 
the  name  of  God  was  that  which  they  applied  to  the 
names  of  angels.  The  Essenes  faithfully  handed 
down  in  their  theosophic  system  the  names,  as  well 
as  the  importance  and  position  of  the  various  angels. 
When  they  endeavored  to  explain  the  meaning  of 
Holy  Writ  by  their  fantastic  and  newly  discovered 
ideas,  what  fresh  phases  must  have  presented  them- 
selves to  their  distorted  vision  !  Every  word,  every 
expression  must  have  revealed  a  hitherto  unsus- 
pected meaning ;  the  most  difficult  questions  as  to 
the  being  of  God,  and  His  relations  to  the  heavenly 
powers  and  the  lower  creatures,  were  explained. 
Through  their  indifference  to  all  that  concerned  the 
State,  as  well  as  the  affairs  of  daily  life,  they  gradu- 
ally led  Judaism  (dependent  as  it  was  on  the  estab- 
lishment of  national  prosperit))  into  the  darkness 
and  exaggerations  of  Mysticism.  Their  deep  and 
mystic  reverence  for  the  Prophet  and  Lawgiver 
Moses  carried  them  to  the  greatest  excesses.  His 
memory  and  name  were  endeared  to  all  the  Judseans 
within  and  beyond  Palestine.  They  took  oaths  in 
the  name  of  Moses,  and  bestowed  that  name  on  no 
other  man.  But  the  Essenes  carried  their  devotion 
to  such  an  extreme  that  he  who  spoke  against  the 
name  of  Moses  was  treated  as  one  who  blasphemed 
God. 

The  final  aim  of  the  Essenes  was,  without  doubt, 
the  attainment  to  prophetic  ecstasy  so  that  they 
might  become  worthy  of  the  Divine  Spirit  {Ruach 


CH.  I.  EVIL   SPIRITS.  29 

ha-KodesK).  The  Essenes  believed  that  through  an 
ascetic  life  they  might  re-awaken  the  long-silent 
echo  of  the  Heavenly  voice,  and  this  end  gained, 
prophecy  would  be  renewed,  men  and  youths 
would  again  behold  Divine  visions,  once  more 
see  the  uplifting  of  the  veil  which  hides  the  future, 
and  the  great  Messianic  kingdom  would  be  revealed. 
The  kingdom  of  Heaven  {^Malchuth  Sliamaiiri)  would 
commence,  and  all  the  pain  and  trouble  of  the  times 
would,  at  one  stroke,  be  at  an  end. 

The  Essenes  were  considered  not  only  holy  men 
(on  account  of  their  peculiar  mode  of  life  and  vision- 
ary views),  but  they  were  also  admired  as  workers 
of  miracles.  People  hung  upon  their  words  and 
hoped  for  the  removal  of  impending  evils  through 
their  means.  Some  of  the  Essenes  bore  the  repu- 
tation of  being  able  to  reveal  the  future  and  inter- 
pret dreams  ;  they  were  reverenced  yet  more  by  the 
ignorant,  on  account  of  their  miraculous  cures  of 
so-called  "  possessed  "  persons.  The  intercourse  of 
the  Judseans  with  the  Persians  had  brought  with  it, 
together  with  a  belief  in  the  existence  of  angels,  a 
superstitious  belief  in  malicious  demons  {Skedim, 
Mazzkin).  Imbeciles  were  thought  to  be  possessed 
by  evil  demons,  who  could  only  be  exorcised  by  a 
magic  formula  ;  and  all  extraordinary  illnesses  were 
attributed  to  such  demons,  for  which  the  advice  of 
the  v/onder-worker,  and  not  that  of  the  doctor,  was 
sought.  The  Essenes  occupied  themselves  with 
cures,  exorcisms,  etc.,  and  sought  their  remedies  in 
a  book  [Sefer  Refuoth)  which  was  attributed  to  King 
Solomon,  whom  the  nation  considered  as  the  master 
of  evil  spirits.  Their  curative  remedies  consisted 
partly  in  softly-spoken  incantations  and  verses 
\Lechis'hd),  and  partly  in  the  use  of  certain  roots 
and  stones  supposed  to  possess  magic  power.  Thus 
the  Essenes  united  the  highest  and  the  lowest  aims, 
— the  endeavor  to  lead  a  pious  life  and  the  most 
vulgar  superstitions.     Their  exaggerated  asceticism 


30  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

and  fear  of  contact  with  others  of  a  different  mode 
of  life  caused  a  morbidly  unhealthy  development 
among  them. 

The  more  rationally-minded  Pharisees  paid  them 
but  little  attention  ;  they  made  sport  of  the  "  foolish 
Chassid."  Although  sprung  from  a  common  root, 
the  more  the  Pharisees  and  Essenes  developed,  the 
more  widely  they  diverged.  The  one  party  saw  in 
marriage  a  holy  institution  appointed  for  the  good  of 
mankind,  and  the  other  an  obstacle  to  a  thoroughly 
religious  life.  The  Pharisees  recognized  man's  free 
will  in  thought  and  action,  and  consequently  deemed 
him  responsible  for  his  moral  conduct.  The  Essenes, 
on  the  contrary,  confined  to  the  narrow  circle  of  their 
self-same,  daily-repeated  duties,  came  to  believe  in 
a  sort  of  divine  fatalism,  which  not  only  governed 
the  destiny  of  mankind  but  also  ruled  the  acts  of 
each  individual.  The  Essenes  avoided  the  Temple, 
the  worship  practised  there  being  framed  according 
to  the  doctrines  of  the  Pharisees  and  unable  to 
satisfy  their  ideals.  They  sent  their  offerings  to  the 
Temple,  and  thus  fulfilled  the  duty  of  sacrificing 
without  being  themselves  present  at  the  ceremony. 
With  them,  patriotism  became  more  and  more  sub- 
ordinate to  the  devotion  they  felt  towards  their  own 
order,  and  thus  by  degrees  they  loosed  themselves 
from  the  strong  bands  of  nationality.  There  lay 
concealed  in  Essenism  an  element  antagonistic  to 
existing  Judaism,  unsuspected  by  friends  or  foes. 

The  Essenes  had  no  influence  whatever  upon 
political  events.  Their  number  was  small,  and 
even  at  the  time  of  their  greatest  prosperity  the 
order  consisted  only  of  about  four  thousand  mem- 
bers. Consequent  upon  the  life  of  celibacy  which 
they  adopted,  the  losses  made  by  death  in  their 
ranks  could  not  naturally  be  replaced.  To  avoid 
dwindling  away  entirely,  they  had  recourse  to  the 
expedient  of  enrolling  novices  and  making  prose- 
lytes.    The  new  member  was  admitted  with  great 


CH.  I.  INITIATION   OF   THE    ESSENES.  3I 

solemnity,  and  presented  with  the  white  garment, 
the  apron,  and  the  shovel,  the  symbols  of  Essenism. 
The  novice  was  not  allowed,  however,  to  enter  im- 
mediately into  the  community,  but  was  subjected  by 
degrees  to  an  ever  stricter  observ^ance  of  the  laws  of 
abstinence  and  purity.  There  were  three  probationary 
degrees  to  be  passed  through  before  a  new  member 
was  received  into  complete  brotherhood.  At  his 
admission  the  novice  swore  to  follow  the  mode  of 
life  of  the  Essenes,  to  keep  conscientiously  and  to 
deliver  faithfully  the  secret  teachings  of  their  order. 
He  who  was  found  to  be  unworthy  was  expelled. 

The  unfriendly  relationship  between  the  Pharisees 
and  Sadducees  did  not  exist  in  the  time  of  Hyrcanus. 
He  made  use  of  both  parties  according  to  their  capa- 
bilities— the  Sadducees  as  soldiers  or  diplomatists, 
and  the  Pharisees  as  teachers  of  the  Law,  judges, 
and  functionaries  in  civil  affairs.  The  one  honored 
Hyrcanus  as  the  head  of  the  State,  the  other  as  the 
pious  high  priest.  In  fact,  Hyrcanus  personally 
favored  the  Pharisees,  but  as  prince  he  could  not 
quarrel  with  the  Sadducees,  among  whom  he  found 
his  soldiers,  his  generals  and  his  counselors.  Their 
leader  Jonathan  was  his  devoted  friend.  Until  old 
age  crept  on  him,  Hyrcanus  managed  to  solve  the 
difficult  problem  of  keeping  in  a  state  of  amity  two 
parties  that  were  always  on  the  verge  of  quarreling. 
He  understood  how  to  prevent  either  party  from 
gaining  the  upper  hand  and  persecuting  its  rival. 
But  (as  too  often  happens  in  such  difficult  situations) 
a  word,  a  breath  can  upset  the  best-arranged  plans, 
bringing  to  naught  the  most  skilful  calculations,  and 
the  slowly,  carefully  built  edifice  falls  and  crumbles 
in  a  day.  A  heedless  word  of  this  kind  turned  the 
zealous  follower  of  Pharisaism  into  its  bitter  opponent. 
In  the  last  years  of  his  life  Hyrcanus  went  quite  over 
to  the  Sadducees. 

The  cause  of  this  change,  which  brought  such 
unspeakable  misery  to  the  Judsean  natioii,  was  trivial 


32  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

in  comparison  with  its  results  ;  but  the  antagonism 
of  the  two  parties,  which  could  only  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  be  kept  from  breaking  out  into  open  dis- 
cord, gave  it  a  terrible  and  far-reaching  importance. 
Hyrcanus  had  just  returned  from  a  glorious  victory 
over  one  of  the  many  nations  in  the  northeast  of 
Persea  (Kochalit?).  Rejoicing  in  the  happy  result 
of  his  arms  and  in  the  flourishing  state  of  his  country, 
he  ordered  a  feast  to  be  held,  to  which  he  invited 
without  distinction  the  leaders  of  the  Sadducees  and 
Pharisees.  Around  golden  dishes  laden  with  food 
were  placed  various  plants  that  grew  in  the  desert, 
to  remind  the  guests  of  the  hardships  they  had 
endured  under  the  Syrian  yoke,  when  the  nobles  of 
the  land  were  obliged  to  hide  themselves  in  the 
wilderness.  Whilst  the  guests  were  feasting, 
Hyrcanus  asked  if  the  Pharisees  could  reproach 
him  for  any  transgression  of  the  Law?  If  so, 
he  desired  to  be  told  in  what  he  had  failed.  Was 
this  apparent  humility  only  a  cunningly-devised  plan 
to  discover  the  real  disposition  of  the  Pharisees 
towards  him?  Had  the  Sadducees  inspired  him 
with  suspicion  against  the  Pharisees,  and  advised 
him  to  find  some  way  of  proving  the  sincerity  of 
their  attachment?  In  reply  to  the  challenge  thus 
thrown  out,  a  certain  Eleazer  ben  Poira  arose  and 
bluntly  answered,  "  Hyrcanus  should  content  him- 
self with  the  crown  of  royalty,  and  should  place  on 
a  worthier  head  the  high  priest's  diadem.  During 
an  attack  on  Modin  by  the  Syrians  his  mother, 
before  his  birth,  was  taken  prisoner,  and  it  is  not 
fitting  for  the  son  of  a  prisoner  to  be  a  priest — much 
less  the  High  Priest !  "  Although  inwardly  wounded 
by  so  outspoken  an  insult  to  his  pride,  Hyrcanus 
had  sufficient  self-possession  to  appear  to  agree  with 
the  bold  speaker  and  ordered  the  matter  to  be 
examined.  It  was,  however,  proved  to  be  an  empty 
report ;  in  fact,  without  the  slightest  foundation. 
Hyrcanus's  anger  was  doubly  roused  against  the 


CH.  I.  IIVRCANUS   AND    THE    PHARISEES.  33 

Pharisees  through  the  care  taken  by  the  Sadducees 
and  his  devoted  friend  Jonathan  to  persuade  him 
that  the  former  had  invented  the  story  purposely  to 
lower  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  people.  Anxious  to 
find  out  if  the  aspersion  cast  on  his  fitness  for  the 
high-priesthood  was  the  act  of  the  whole  party  or 
only  the  slander  of  an  individual,  he  demanded  that 
their  leading  men  should  punish  the  calumniator, 
and  expected  that  the  chastisement  inflicted  would 
be  in  proportion  to  his  own  exalted  rank.  But  the 
Pharisees  knew  of  no  special  penalty  for  the  slanderer 
of  royalty,  and  their  judges  only  awarded  him  the 
lawful  punishment  of  thirty-nine  lashes.  Jonathan, 
the  leader  of  the  Sadducees,  failed  not  to  use  this 
circumstance  as  a  means  to  rake  up  the  fire  in 
Hyrcanus's  breast.  He  led  him  to  see  in  this  mild 
judgment  of  the  court  a  deep-rooted  aversion  enter- 
tained by  the  Pharisees  against  him,  thus  estranging 
him  completely  from  his  former  friends,  and  binding 
him  heart  and  soul  to  the  Sadducees.  There  is 
probably  some  exaggeration  in  the  account  of  Hyr- 
canus's persecution  of  the  adherents  of  the  Pharisees, 
and  of  his  setting  aside  all  the  decrees  of  the  latter. 
There  is,  however,  more  truth  in  another  report, 
from  which  we  learn  that  Hyrcanus  had  deposed 
the  Pharisees  from  the  various  high  posts  they  had 
filled.  The  offices  belonging  to  the  Temple,  to  the 
courts  of  law  and  to  the  high  council  were  given  to 
the  followers  of  the  Sadducees.  But  this  stroke  of 
policy  produced  the  saddest  results.  Naturally 
enough  it  awakened  in  the  hearts  of  the  Pharisees, 
and  of  the  people  who  sided  with  them,  a  deep 
hatred  against  the  house  of  the  Hasmonseans,  which 
bore  civil  war  in  its  train  and  hastened  the  nation's 
decline.  One  act  had  been  sufficient  to  cast  a  cloud 
over  the  brilliant  days  of  the  Hasmonseans. 

Hyrcanus  lived  but  a  short  time  after  these  events. 
He  died  in  the  thirty-first  year  of  his  reign,  the 
sixtieth  year  of  his  age  (io6),  leaving   five  sons, 


34  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  I. 

Aristobulus,  Antigonus,  Alexander,  Absalom,  and 
one  other,  whose  name  has  not  come  down  to  us. 
Hyrcanus  bore  some  resemblance  to  his  prototype 
Solomon,  inasmuch  as  that,  after  the  death  of  both, 
dissensions  broke  out  and  the  country  became  a 
prey  to  constant  strife  and  discord. 


CHAPTER  II. 

HYRCANUS'S  SUCCESSORS,  ARISTOBULUS  I,  ALEXANDER 
JANN/EUS,  AND  SALOME  ALEXANDRA. 

Character  of  Aristobulus — Antigonus  —  Mythical  Account  of  his 
Death — Alexander  Jannasus  :  his  Character  and  Enterprises — 
His  Support  of  the  Pharisees — Simon  ben  Shelach — Alexander's 
Breach  with  the  Pharisees,  and  its  Consequences — His  last  Wars 
and  Death— Salome  Alexandra's  Relations  to  the  Opposing 
Parties — The  Synhedrion — Judah  ben  Tabbai  and  Simon  ben 
Shetach — Institutions  against  the  Sadducees — Party  Hatred — 
Diogenes — Persecution  of  the  Sadducees — Death  of  Alexandra. 

io6 — 69  B.  C.  E. 

John  Hyrcanus  had  proclaimed  his  wife  queen,  and 
his  eldest  son,  Judah,  high  priest.  The  latter  is 
better  known  by  his  Greek  name  Aristobulus,  for 
he,  like  his  brothers  and  successors,  bore  a  Greek 
as  well  as  a  Hebrew  name.  But  it  was  soon  evi- 
dent that  the  Greek  custom  of  placing  a  female 
ruler  at  the  head  of  the  State  was  not  looked  upon 
with  favor  in  Judaea.  Thus  Aristobulus  was  able  to 
remove  his  mother  from  her  official  position  without 
creating  any  disturbance,  and  he  then  united  in  his 
own  person  the  two  dignities  of  ruler  and  high 
priest.  It  is  said  that  he  was  the  first  of  the  Has- 
monaeans  to  assume  the  royal  title ;  but  this  title 
did  not  add  in  any  way  to  his  power  or  his  import- 
ance. His  coins,  indeed,  which  have  since  been 
discovered,  bear  only  the  following  inscription, 
"The  High  Priest  Judah,  and  the  Commonwealth 
of  the  Judaeans,"  and  they  are  engraved  with  the 
same  emblem  as  those  of  his  father,  viz.,  a  cornu- 
copia, although  this  symbol  of  plenty  was  hardly  a 
truthful  characteristic  of  the  times. 

The  seed  of  discord  sown  by  Hyrcanus  grew  and 
spread  alarmingly  in  the  reigns  of  his  descendants. 
35 


36  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  II. 

In  vain  did  the  successive  rulers  attempt  to  raise 
the  importance  of  the  royal  dignity,  in  vain  did 
they  surround  themselves  with  a  body-guard  of 
trusty  hirelings  and  perform  the  most  brilliant  feats 
of  valor,  the  breach  between  them  and  their  sub- 
jects became  irreparable,  and  no  remedy  proved 
effectual.  The  royal  house  and  the  people  were  no 
longer  at  one ;  political  life  was  separated  from 
religious  life,  and  the  two  were  pursuing  opposite 
paths. 

The  king,  Aristobulus,  not  only  supplanted  his 
mother  upon  the  throne,  but  he  also  imprisoned  her 
with  three  of  his  brothers.  His  brother  Antigonus 
alone,  of  like  temperament  to  himself  and  his  com- 
panion-in-arms, whom  he  tenderly  loved,  was  per- 
mitted to  take  part  in  the  government.  In  spite  of 
the  meager  and  unsatisfactory  accounts  of  his  short 
reign,  we  may  gather  from  them  that  he  followed 
the  example  of  his  father's  last  years,  in  remaining 
closely  connected  with  the  Sadducees,  and  in  keep- 
ing the  Pharisees  from  all  power  and  influence. 
Aristobulus  had  but  few  friends  in  his  own  family, 
and  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  beloved  by 
his  subjects.  The  fact  of  his  having  had  a  decided 
preference  for  Hellenism  accounts  for  his  sur- 
name, which  was  honored  by  the  Greeks  and  hated 
by  the  Judseans — "  Friend  of  the  Hellenes."  This 
one  characteristic  gave  such  offense  to  the  people 
that  they  were  ready  to  ascribe  to  him  the  author- 
ship of  any  evil  deed  that  might  occur  in  the  king- 
dom. Whilst  the  Greeks  called  him  fair-minded 
and  modest,  the  Judseans  accused  him  of  heartless- 
ness  and  cruelty.  His  mother  expired  during  her 
imprisonment,  possibly  of  old  age;  evil  report 
whispered  that  her  own  son  was  guilty  of  having 
allowed  her  to  die  of  starvation.  His  favorite 
brother,  Antigonus,  was  foully  murdered  (probably 
through  the  intrigues  of  the  party  hostile  to  the 
Hasmonaeans) ;    sharp-tongued    calumny    affirmed 


CH.  II.  ARISTOBULUS    I.  37 

that  the  king,  jealous  of  him,  was  the  author  of  the 
foul  deed,  and  tradition  has  woven  a  web  of  tragic 
incidents  round  the  sad  fate  of  Antigonus.  But  of 
this  later. 

Aristobulus  had  inherited  not  only  his  father's 
military  ability,  but  also  his  plans  of  extending 
Judaea  in  a  northeasterly  direction.  The  Iturseans 
and  the  Trachonites,  who  often  left  their  mild, 
pastoral  pursuits  for  the  rougher  trade  of  war, 
occupied  the  district  surrounding  the  gigantic 
Mount  Hermon,  and  eastwards  as  far  as  the  lovely 
plain  of  Damascus.  Against  these  half-barbaric 
tribes  Aristobulus  undertook  a  campaign,  probably 
continuing  what  his  father  had  commenced.  His 
brother  Antigonus,  in  whose  company  he  had  won 
his  first  laurels  when  fighting  against  the  Samaritans 
and  the  Syrians,  was  once  more  his  companion-in- 
arms. The  fortunes  of  war  were  favorable  to  Aris- 
tobulus, as  they  had  been  to  his  father  ;  he  acquired 
new  territory  for  Judsea,  and,  like  his  father,  forced 
the  Judaean  religion  upon  the  conquered  people. 
Continued  conquests  in  the  same  direction  would 
have  put  the  caravan  roads  leading  from  the  land 
of  the  Euphrates  to  Egypt  into  the  hands  of  the 
Judaeans  ;  which  possession,  combined  with  the  war- 
like courage  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  defensive 
condition  of  the  fortresses,  might  have  permitted 
Judaea  to  attain  an  important  position  among  the 
nations.  But,  as  though  it  had  been  decreed  by  Provi- 
dence that  Judaea  should  not  gain  influence  in  such 
a  manner,  Aristobulus  was  forced  by  severe  illness 
to  abandon  his  conquests  and  to  return  to  Jerusa- 
lem. Antigonus,  it  is  true,  carried  on  the  war 
successfully  for  some  little  time  ;  but  after  his  return 
to  the  capital,  for  the  celebration  of  the  festivals  in 
the  approaching  month  of  Tishri,  neither  he  nor  his 
royal  brother  was  fated  ever  again  to  tread  the 
arena  of  war.  Antigonus  fell,  as  was  mentioned  pre- 
viously, by  the  hand  of  an  assassin,  and  Aristobulus 


38  HISTORY    OF    THE   JEWS.  CH.II. 

died  of  a  malignant  disease,  after  a  reign  of  one 
year  (106-105). 

The  deaths  of  the  two  brothers  following  in  close 
succession  gave  evil-tongued  calumny  the  opportu- 
nity of  inventing  the  following  fearful  tragedy :  It 
was  said  that  the  opponents  of  Antigonus  seized  the 
occasion  of  his  triumphal  return  to  excite  the  suffer- 
ing king's  jealousy.  Aristobulus,  while  still  repos- 
ing confidence  in  his  brother,  sent  for  Antigonus, 
and  intimated  that  he  should  appear  unarmed.  For 
greater  protection  he  had  his  body-guard  stationed 
in  one  of  the  passages,  and  gave  orders  that  Anti- 
gonus was  to  be  dispatched  forthwith  if  he  should 
enter  armed.  The  queen,  who  hated  Antigonus, 
made  use  of  this  order  for  the  destruction  of  her 
brother-in-law,  for  she  persuaded  him  to  go  fully 
equipped  to  the  king's  chamber,  and  in  one  of  the 
dark  passages  of  the  tower  of  Straton  the  foul  deed 
was  executed.  When  the  king  heard  that  his  com- 
mands had  been  carried  out  he  was  violently 
affected,  and  his  grief  caused  a  hemorrhage.  His 
servant,  in  carrying  away  a  vessel  filled  with  the 
blood  that  he  had  lost,  slipped  upon  the  floor  of  the 
antechamber,  still  wet  with  the  blood  of  the  assassin- 
ated man,  and,  dropping  the  vessel,  caused  the 
blood  of  the  two  brothers  to  mingle.  This  accident 
was  said  to  have  had  so  overpowering  an  effect 
upon  the  king's  mind  that  he  instantly  declared 
himself  to  be  his  brother's  murderer,  and  the  agony 
of  remorse  was  the  final  cause  of  his  death.  Tradi- 
tion adds  that  an  Essene  seer  of  the  name  of  Judah 
had  not  only  predicted  the  violent  death  of  Antigo- 
nus, but  also  that  it  would  take  place  in  the  tower 
of  Straton. 

The  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Aristobulus's 
successor  is  involved  in  legend.  From  this  we 
gather  that  Alexander,  whose  Judaean  name  Jannai 
(Jannaeus)  is  the  abbreviation  of  Jonathan,  had  not 
only  been  imprisoned  by  his  brother,  but  had  been 


CH    II.  ALEXANDER    JANN^EUS.  39 

SO  hated  by  his  father  that  he  had  been  banished  to 
GaHlee.  This  was  the  resuh  of  a  dream,  in  which 
it  had  been  revealed  to  John  Hyrcanus  that  his  third 
son  would  one  day  be  king  of  jLidsea.  The  widow 
of  Aristobulus  is  said  to  have  released  him  from 
prison,  and  to  have  given  him  her  hand  with  the 
crown.  But  in  that  case  Alexander  would  have 
married  a  widow,  which  it  was  unlawful  for  him,  as 
high  priest,  to  do.  It  is  more  probable  that  Alexan- 
der ascended  the  throne,  being  the  nearest  heir  to 
it,  without  the  aid  of  the  widow  of  Aristobulus. 
Nor  is  there  any  foundation  for  the  story  that 
Alexander  commenced  his  reign  by  the  murder  of  a 
brother  with  whom  he  had  actually  shared  the 
sufferings  of  his  captivity.  Alexander  appears  to 
have  begun  by  studying  the  people's  wishes,  for  the 
Pharisees  were  once  more  allowed  to  appear  at 
court.  Simon  ben  Shetach,  the  brother  of  his  wife, 
Queen  Salome,  the  champion  of  the  Pharisees,  was 
constantly  in  the  king's  presence. 

Alexander  Jannseus,  who  came  to  the  throne  at 
the  age  of  twenty-three,  was  as  warlike  as  the  family 
from  which  he  sprung,  but  he  was  wanting  in  the 
generalship  and  the  judgment  of  his  ancestors.  He 
rushed  madly  into  military  undertakings,  thus  weak- 
ening the  power  of  the  people,  and  bringing  the 
State  more  than  once  to  the  verge  of  destruction. 
The  seven  and  twenty  years  of  his  reign  were 
passed  in  foreign  and  civil  wars,  and  were  not 
calculated  to  increase  the  material  prosperity  of  the 
nation.  His  good  luck,  however,  was  greater  than 
his  ability,  for  it  enabled  him  to  extricate  himself 
from  many  a  critical  position  into  which  he  had 
brought  himself,  and  also,  upon  the  whole,  to  enlarge 
the  territory  of  Judaea.  Like  his  father,  he  employed 
mercenaries  for  his  wars,  whom  he  hired  from 
Pisidia  and  Cilicia.  He  did  not  dare  enroll  Syrian 
troops,  the  hatred  that  existed  between  Judaeans 
and  Syrians  being  too  deeply  ingrained  to  permit 


40  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  II. 

the  harmonious  working  of  the  two  to  be  counted 
upon, 

Alexander's  attention  was  principally  directed  to 
the  seaports  which  had  managed  to  free  themselves 
from  Syrian  rule,  owing  to  the  rivalry  that  existed 
between  the  two  half-brothers,  Antiochus   Grypus 
and    Cyzicenus.     He  was    particularly   anxious    to 
possess  himself  of  the  thickly-populated  and  impor- 
tant seaport  town  of  Ptolemais,  colonized  by  Judae- 
ans.      Whilst   his    troops    overran    the    district    of 
Gaza,  then  under  the  dominion  of  Zoilus,  a  captain 
of  mercenaries,  he  pressed  the  seaport  town  himself 
with  a  persistent  siege.     The  inhabitants  of  Ptole- 
mais turned  for  help  to  the  Egyptian  prince  Ptolemy 
Lathurus,  who,  at  open  warfare  with  his  mother,  had 
seized  upon  Cyprus.     Lathurus,  glad  to  have  found 
an  opportunity  of  acquiring  greater  power,  and  of 
being  able  at  the  same  time  to  approach  the  caravan 
roads  of  Egypt,  hastened  to  send  thirty  thousand 
men  to  the  Judcxan  coast.      He  chose  a  Sabbath  day 
for  victoriously  driving  the  Judsean  army,  consisting 
of  at  least  fifty  thousand  men,  from  Asochis,  near 
Sepphoris,  back  to  the  Jordan.     More  than  thirty 
thousand  of  Alexander's  troops   remained  on  the 
field  of  battle,  many  were  taken   prisoners,  whilst 
the  others  fled.     Lathurus,  with  part  of  his  army, 
marched  through  Judaea,    slaughtering  the   inhabi- 
tants,  without    sparing   women    or   children.      He 
wished  not  only  to  revenge  himself  upon  Alexander, 
but  also  upon  the  Judaeans,  for  had  they  not  been 
his  enemies  in  Egypt  ?     Accho  likewise  surrendered, 
and  Gaza  voluntarily  opened  its  gates  to  him. 

This  crushing  defeat  would  doubtless  have 
brought  Judcea  into  the  most  revolting  slavery,  had 
not  Cleopatra  attempted  to  snatch  the  fruit  of  her 
son's  triumphs  from  him  before  he  could  turn  them 
against  herself.  She  sent  a  mighty  army  against 
Lathurus,  under  the  command  of  two  Judaean  gen- 
erals, Helkias  and  Ananias,  the  two  sons  of  Onias, 


CH.  II.  PTOLEMY    LATHURUS.  4I 

to  whom  she  was  indebted  for  the  integrity  of  her 
crown.  Helkias  died  during  the  campaign,  and  his 
brother  took  his  place  in  the  council  and  in  the  field. 
The  position  of  trust  occupied  by  Ananias  was  of 
distinct  advantage  to  his  compatriots  in  Judaea. 
Cleopatra  had  been  urged  not  to  lose  the  favorable 
opportunity,  when  Judaea  was  unable  to  forego  her 
help,  of  invading  that  country  and  of  dethroning 
Alexander.  But  Ananias  was  indignant  at  this 
advice.  He  not  only  pointed  out  the  disgrace  of 
such  faithlessness,  but  he  made  the  queen  under- 
stand the  evil  consequences  that  would  follow  upon 
such  a  step.  Many  Egyptian  Judaeans,  who  were 
the  upholders  of  her  throne  against  the  threatened 
attacks  of  her  son,  would  make  common  cause  with 
her  enemies,  were  she  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  inde- 
pendence of  their  country.  His  words  even  con- 
tained the  menace  that  he  would,  in  such  case,  not 
only  withhold  his  political  knowledge  and  his  gen- 
eralship from  her  interests,  but  that  he  might  pos- 
sibly devote  them  to  the  cause  of  her  opponents. 
This  language  had  its  desired  effect  upon  the  queen  ; 
she  rejected  the  cunning  advice  of  the  enemies  of 
the  Jews,  and  made  an  offensive  and  defensive 
league  with  Alexander  at  Bethzur  (98).  Lathurus 
was  obliged  to  leave  Judaea  and  to  retreat  with  his 
army  to  Cyprus.  All  the  cities  that  had  resisted 
the  arms  of  the  Judaean  king  were  now  visited  by 
his  wrath. 

But  he  was,  above  all  things,  determined  upon 
retaking  Gaza.  This  object  was  accomplished  only 
after  a  year  of  desperate  fighting,  and  was  finally 
brought  about  by  an  act  of  treachery.  All  the 
cruelty  inherent  in  Alexander  was  poured  out  upon 
the  besieged  inhabitants  of  Gaza.  He  executed 
some  of  the  most  distinguished  amongst  them,  and 
the  terror  he  inspired  was  so  great  that  many  of  the 
men  killed  their  own  wives  and  children  to  prevent 
them  from  falling  into  Judaean  slavery  (96). 


42  HISTORY    OF    TllK    JKWS.  CH.  II. 

The  nine  years  of  Alexander's  reij^n  had  been  too 
prolific  in  dani^erous  and  perplexini^  situations  to 
allow  of  his  disturbing  the  internal  harmony  of  his 
country.  He  appears  to  have  been  strictly  neutral 
in  the  strife  that  was  raging  between  the  Pharisees 
and  Sadducees.  His  wife  Salome  may  have  exer- 
cised her  influence  in  urging  him  to  maintain  this 
neutral  position,  as  she  was  a  warm  partisan  of  the 
once-hated  Pharisees. 

Alexander  appears  to  have  made  Simon  ben  She- 
tach  the  mediator  between  the  two  parties  ;  the 
Pharisees  being  still  somewhat  in  the  background, 
and  the  Sadducees  holding  posts  of  trust.  Plver 
since  John  Hyrcanus's  secession  from  Pharisaism,  the 
Great  Council  had  been  composed  of  Sadducaean 
members,  and  as  long  as  one  party  was  thus  openly 
preferred  to  the  other,  peace  and  reconciliation 
seemed  impossible.  The  king  may,  therefore,  have 
been  inspired  by  the  wish  to  bring  about  some  kind 
of  equality  between  the  two  parties  by  dividing 
offices  and  dignities  between  them.  But  the  Phar- 
isees positively  refused  to  act  conjointly  with  their 
opponents  and  offered  the  most  active  resistance. 
Simon  ben  Shetach  alone  allowed  himself  to  be 
chosen  member  of  the  Council,  secretly  determining 
to  purge  it  by  degrees  of  its  Sadducaean  element. 

Alexander's  impartial  conduct  continued  only  so 
long  as  the  critical  position  drew  his  attention  away 
from  home  affairs.  It  changed  visibly  when  he  re- 
turned from  his  campaign,  the  conqueror  of  cities 
and  provinces  deeming  himself  the  despotic  master 
of  his  people.  Either  the  newly  acquired  influence 
of  the  Pharisees  threatened  to  be  an  obstacle  in  his 
path,  or  he  may  have  wished  to  reward  and  attract 
the  Sadducees  upon  whom  he  might  rely  for  carry- 
ing on  his  campaigns,  or  he  may  have  been  influ- 
enced by  his  favorite,  the  Sadducee  Diogenes  ;  at 
all  events,  Alexander  appeared  as  the  inveterate 
opponent  of  Pharisaic  teaching,  and  made  his  views 


CH.  II.  ALEXANDER    AND    THE    SADDUCEES.  43 

public  in  a  most  insulting  manner.  Whilst  officiating 
as  high  priest,  during  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  it 
was  his  duty,  in  accordance  with  an  ancient  custom, 
to  pour  the  contents  of  a  ewer  of  water  upon  the 
altar  as  an  emblem  of  fruitfulness.  But  in  order  to 
show  his  contempt  for  a  ceremony  considered  by 
the  Pharisees  as  a  religious  one,  Alexander  poured 
the  water  at  his  feet.  Nothing  more  was  required 
to  ignite  the  wrath  of  the  congregation  assembled 
in  the  outer  court  of  the  Temple.  With  reckless 
indignation  they  threw  the  branches  and  the  fruit, 
which  they  carried  in  their  hands  in  honor  of  the 
festival,  at  the  heretical  king,  denouncing  him  as  an 
unworthy  high  priest.  Alexander  would  certainly 
have  paid  for  this  disgraceful  action  with  his  life  had 
he  not  called  in  the  help  of  the  Pisidian  and  Cilician 
mercenaries,  who  had  been  ordered  to  be  in  waiting, 
and  who  fell  upon  the  congregation,  slaughtering 
6000  within  the  precincts  of  the  Temple  (95).  In 
order  to  avoid  a  repetition  of  such  scenes,  Alexander 
thenceforth  prevented  the  worshipers  from  enter- 
ing the  court  of  sacrifices,  by  building  up  a  partition 
wall.  But  these  events  gave  rise  to  an  implacable 
hatred  between  the  king  and  the  Pharisees.  Thus, 
after  three  generations,  the  descendants  of  the  great 
Hasmonaeans  had  so  far  weakened  the  edifice  raised 
at  the  expense  of  their  ancestors'  lives,  that  it  ap- 
pears marvelous  how  it  could  have  continued  to 
resist  such  repeated  attacks.  The  bitter  rivalry  of 
the  two  kingdoms  of  Judah  and  Israel  in  the  days 
of  Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam  was  repeated  in  the 
history  of  the  Pharisees  and  the  Sadducees. 

But  Alexander  did  not  see  the  breach  that  his 
hand  had  childishly  and  ruthlessly  made;  absorbed 
in  magnificent  schemes  of  future  conquest  he  ignored 
the  fact  that  if  the  harmonious  intercourse  between 
the  king  and  his  subjects,  the  very  life  of  the  State, 
were  to  cease,  greater  possessions  would  but  weaken 
and  not  strengthen  the  kingdom.     He  had  set  his 


44  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.   II. 

heart  upon  invading  the  trans-Jordanic  land,  still 
called  Moabitis,  and  the  southeastern  provinces  of 
the  sea  of  Tiberias,  called  Galaditis  or  Gaulonitis. 
But  his  progress  in  this  campaign  was  checked  by 
the  Nabathsean  king  Obeda,  who  lured  him  into  a 
pathless  country  broken  up  by  ravines,  where  Alex- 
ander's army  found  its  destruction,  and  where  the 
king  himself  escaped  only  with  his  life  to  Jerusalem 
(about  94).  There  the  wrath  of  the  Pharisees  awaited 
him.  They  had  excited  the  people  to  revolt,  and 
six  years  of  bloody  uprisings  against  him  were  the 
consequence  (94-89).  Alexander  succeeded  in  put- 
ting down  one  revolt  after  another  by  the  aid  of  his 
mercenaries,  but  the  horrible  butcheries  that  took 
place  on  these  occasions  were  a  perpetual  incentive 
to  fresh  uprisings.  Alexander,  worn  out  at  length  by 
these  sanguinary  proceedings,  offered  to  make  peace 
with  the  Pharisees.  It  was  now,  however,  their  turn 
to  reject  the  proffered  hand  of  peace,  and  to  be  guilty 
of  an  act  of  treachery  towards  their  country  which 
must  remain  as  an  indelible  stain  upon  their  party. 
Upon  Alexander's  question  as  to  what  conditions  of 
peace  they  required,  the  Pharisaic  leaders  answered 
that  the  first  condition  was  the  death  of  the  king. 
They  had,  in  fact,  secretly  offered  their  aid  to  the 
Syrian  monarch  Eucaerus  to  humble  Alexander. 
Summoned  by  their  promises,  Eucaerus  advanced 
upon  Judsea  with  40,000  infantry  and  3000  cavalry. 
Upon  the  news  of  this  impending  danger,  Alexander 
marched  out  at  the  head  of  20,000  infantry  and 
1000  cavalry.  In  the  terrible  encounter  that  ensued 
at  Shechem,  Judsean  fought  against  Judsean,  Greek 
against  Greek,  for  each  army  remained  true  to  its 
leader  and  could  not  be  bribed  into  desertion.  The 
battle,  disastrous  for  both  sides,  was  finally  gained 
by  Eucaerus,  and  Alexander  was  driven,  through  the 
loss  of  his  mercenaries,  to  wander  among  the  moun- 
tain-passes of  Ephraim.  There,  his  solitary  position 
moved  his  people  to  pity,  and  six  thousand  of  his 


CH.  II.  DIOGENES.  45 

Pharisaic  opponents  left  the  Syrian  camp  and  went 
over  to  their  king,  who  was  now  able  to  force 
Eucaerus's  retreat  from  Judsea. 

But  the  more  relentless  amongst  the  Pharisees 
still  held  out  against  Alexander,  and  after  an  unsuc- 
cessful battle  in  the  open  field,  threw  themselves  for 
safety  into  the  fortress  of  Bethome,  which,  however, 
they  were  obliged  to  surrender.  Urged  by  his 
Sadducsean  favorite  Diogenes,  and  impelled  by  his 
own  thirst  for  revenge,  the  king  had  eight  hundred 
Pharisees  crucified  in  one  day.  Tradition  even 
relates  that  the  wives  and  children  of  the  victims 
were  butchered  before  their  eyes,  and  that  Alexan- 
der, surrounded  by  his  minions,  feasted  in  the  pres- 
ence of  this  scene  of  carnage.  But  this  exaggeration 
of  cruelty  was  not  required  to  brand  him  with  the 
name  of  "Thracian";  the  crucifixion  of  eight  hun- 
dred men  was  enough  to  stigmatize  him  as  a  heart- 
less  butcher,  and  this  action  alone  was  to  bring  forth 
bitter  fruits  for  the  Sadducees  who  had  witnessed  it 
with  malicious  joy.  During  the  civil  wars  that  had 
lasted  for  six  years,  fifty  thousand  men  of  both  par- 
ties had  been  sacrificed,  but  the  Pharisees  had 
suffered  most.  The  remaining  Pharisees  trembled 
for  their  lives,  and  the  night  after  the  crucifixion  of 
the  eight  hundred,  eight  thousand  fied  from  Judaea, 
part  of  them  to  Syria  and  part  to  Egypt. 

The  weakness  of  Alexander's  position  may  read- 
ily be  gauged  by  the  fact  of  his  powerlessness  to 
prevent  Judsea  from  being  made  the  seat  of  war  by 
the  kings  of  Nabathaea  and  Syria.  Yet  his  good 
fortune  did  not  forsake  him,  for  a  sudden  change  in 
the  affairs  of  Syria,  resulting  In  the  overthrow  of  its 
king,  Aretas,  worked  to  Alexander's  advantage. 
Thereby  he  was  enabled  to  engage  in  the  siege  of 
some  important  towns,  colonized  by  Greeks  and 
subject  to  Aretas :  Diospolis,  Pella  and  Gerasa. 
Marching  north,  he  Invaded  the  lower  Gaulonitis, 
with  its  capital,  Gamala,  the  upper  province,  with  the 


46  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  II. 

town  of  Sogane,  and  the  city  of  Seleucia.  He  forced 
the  inhabitants  of  these  towns  to  accept  Judaism  and 
the  sign  of  the  covenant.  The  city  of  Pclla,  making 
a  show  of  resistance,  was  destroyed.  He  also  recov- 
ered the  cities  lying  east  of  the  Red  Sea,  w^hich  had 
been  taken  from  him  by  Aretas.  The  territory  of 
Judaea  now  embraced  within  its  circumference  a  num- 
ber of  important  towns  ;  it  extended  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Jordan,  from  Seleucia  in  the  north  to 
Zoar,  the  city  of  palms,  south  of  the  Dead  Sea  ;  from 
Rhinokolura  and  Raphia  in  the  south,  on  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean,  to  the  mountains  of  Carmel 
in  the  northwest.  The  cities  on  the  sea-coast  were 
of  the  most  importance.  Alexander  ordered  some 
coins  to  be  struck  for  his  Greek  subjects,  wdth  the 
Greek  inscription,  "  King  Alexander,"  while  an 
anchor  was  stamped  upon  one  side,  and  upon  the 
other,  in  Hebrew  characters,  "  Jonathan  the  King  " 
(Jehonathan  ha-Melech).  His  coins  of  an  earlier 
date  bore  the  same  inscription  as  those  of  his  prede- 
cessors, "  The  High  Priest  Jonathan,  the  Common- 
wealth OF  the  Jud^ans." 

After  a  campaign  of  three  years'  duration  Alex- 
der  returned  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  w^as  received 
with  the  honors  due  to.  a  conqueror.  He  had  caused 
his  crimes  in  part  to  be  forgiven.  In  the  very  cen- 
ter of  the  kingdom,  on  a  mount  near  the  Jordan,  he 
built  a  strong  fortress,  called  after  him,  Alexan- 
DRiON ;  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
upon  a  towering  height,  protected  on  all  sides  by 
deep  ravines,  he  raised  the  citadel  of  Machaerus,  the 
formidable  guardian  of  his  trans-Jordanic  conquests. 
These  two  mountain  fortresses,  together  with  the 
third,  Hyrcanion,  built  by  John  Hyrcanus,  on  Middle 
Mountain,  were  so  amply  fortified  by  nature  and  by 
art  that  they  were  considered  impregnable. 

Even  in  the  last  years  of  Alexander's  reign, 
although  he  was  suffering  from  an  intermittent 
fever,  he  undertook  the  siege  of  some  of  the  yet 


CH.  IT.  DEATH    OF    ALEXANDER.  47 

unconquered  fortresses  of  the  trans-Jordanic  terri- 
tory. During  the  siege  of  Argob,  however,  he 
was  seized  with  so  severe  an  attack  that  he  was 
forced  to  prepare  himself  for  death.  The  solem- 
nity of  his  last  hours  led  him  to  look  upon 
his  former  actions  in  a  new  light.  He  was  horror- 
stricken  to  think  how  cruelly  and  foolishly  he  had 
persecuted  the  Pharisees,  and  how  in  consequence 
he  had  alienated  himself  from  his  people.  He  earn- 
estly enjoined  upon  his  queen,  whom  he  declared 
regent,  to  connect  herself  closely  with  the  Pharisees, 
to  surround  herself  with  counselors  from  their  ranks, 
and  not  to  embark  in  any  undertaking  without  hav- 
ing their  consent.  He  also  impressed  upon  her  to 
keep  his  death  secret  from  his  army  until  the  beleag- 
uered fortress  should  have  fallen,  and  then  to  resign 
his  body  to  the  Pharisees,  that  they  might  either 
vent  their  rage  upon  it  or  else  generously  inter  it. 
From  an  obscure  but  more  authentic  source  we 
gather  that  Alexander  sought  to  allay  the  queen's 
anxiety  with  regard  to  the  party  strife  rampant  in 
Jerusalem  by  the  following  words :  "  Do  not  fear 
either  the  true  Pharisees  or  their  honest  opponents, 
but  be  on  your  guard  against  hypocrites  of  both 
sides  (the  counterfeit  ones),  who,  when  they  commit 
sins,  like  the  dissolute  Prince  Zimri,  expect  to  be 
rewarded  like  Phineas,  who  was  zealous  for  the  Law." 
Alexander  died  in  the  forty-ninth  year  of  his  life  and 
the  twenty-seventh  of  his  reign  (79),  and  left  two 
sons,  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus.  The  Pharisees 
ungenerously  appointed  the  anniversary  of  his  death 
as  a  day  of  rejoicing. 

It  was  indeed  most  fortunate  for  the  Judsean 
nation  that  a  woman  of  gentle  nature  and  sincere 
piety  should  have  been  called  to  the  head  of  the 
State  after  it  had  been  torn  asunder  by  the  reckless- 
ness of  its  former  ruler.  She  came  like  the  refresh- 
ing dew  to  an  arid  and  sunburnt  soil.  The  excited 
passions  and  the  bitter  hatred  of  the  two  parties  had 


48  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  II. 

time  to  abate  during  her  reign,  and  the  country  rose 
above  narrow  partisanship  to  the  worthier  occupa- 
tion of  advancing  the  common  welfare  of  the  nation. 
Although  Queen  Salome,  or,  as  she  was  called, 
Alexandra,  was  devoted  with  her  whole  soul  to  the 
Pharisees,  entrusting  them  with  the  management  of 
home  affairs,  yet  she  was  far  from  persecuting  the 
opposing  party.  Her  authority  was  so  greatly  res- 
pected by  the  neighboring  princes  that  they  did 
not  dare  make  war  with  Judsea,  and  she  shrewdly 
succeeded  in  keeping  a  mighty  conqueror,  who  had 
possessed  himself  of  Syria,  from  the  confines  of  her 
own  kingdom.  Even  the  heavens,  during  the  nine 
years  of  her  reign,  showered  their  blessings  upon 
the  land.  The  extraordinarily  large  grains  of  wheat 
gathered  during  this  time  in  the  fields  of  Judsea  were 
kept  and  exhibited  during  many  subsequent  years. 
The  queen  ordered  coins  to  be  struck,  bearing  the 
same  emblems  as  her  predecessors,  with  the  Greek 
inscription,  *'  Queen  Alexandra."  On  the  whole, 
her  reign  passed  peacefully  and  happily.  The  Law, 
which  had  fallen  into  great  neglect,  became  a  fixed 
institution,  and  if  it  occasionally  affected  the  Saddu- 
cees,  who  were  constantly  breaking  it,  they  could 
not  consider  themselves  victims  of  caprice.  The 
crowded  prisons  were  opened ;  the  Pharisees  re- 
turned from  exile,  with  their  narrowed  vision  widened 
by  the  experience  they  had  gained  in  foreign  lands. 

Salome  Alexandra  proclaimed  her  eldest  son 
Hyrcanus  high  priest ;  he  was  a  weak  prince,  whose 
private  life  was  irreproachable,  but  who  was  not 
fitted  for  a  public  post  of  importance. 

Simon  ben  Shetach,  the  brother  of  the  queen,  the 
oracle  of  the  Pharisaic  party,  stood  high  in  her  favor. 
So  great  a  part  did  he  play  in  the  history  of  that 
time  that  it  was  called  by  many  "  the  days  of  Simon 
ben  Shetach  and  of  Queen  Salome."  The  chief  post 
in  the  Council  of  Seventy,  hitherto  possessed  by  the 
high  priest,  was   now,  however,  given   up  to   the 


CH.  II.  JVDJEAN    LAWS.  49 

Pharisees  by  order  of  the  queen.  The  Nasi,  or 
president  of  the  Great  Council,  was  from  this  time 
on,  as  a  rule,  the  most  learned  and  the  most  res- 
pected of  the  Pharisees.  No  one,  of  course,  could 
lay  juster  claim  to  this  distinction  than  Simon  ben 
Shetach.  But  Sijnon  was  not  an  ambitious  man, 
and  he  determined  to  waive  his  own  rights  of  prece- 
dence in  favor  of  Judah  ben  Tabbai,  who  was  then 
residing  in  Alexandria,  of  whose  profound  learning 
and  excellent  character  he  had  formed  a  high  esti- 
mate. The  Alexandrian  Judaean  community  had 
probably  entrusted  this  celebrated  Palestinean  scholar 
with  some  important  office.  A  flattering  epistle  was 
sent  to  Judah,  inviting  him  to  return  to  Jerusalem 
and  was  couched  in  this  form  :  "  From  m.e,  Jerusalem, 
the  holy  city,  to  thee,  Alexandria :  my  spouse  dwells 
with  thee,  I  am  forsaken."  Judah  ben  Tabbai  res- 
ponded to  this  appeal  by  hastening  to  Jerusalem. 
With  the  help  of  Simon  he  undertook  the  reorgani- 
zation of  the  Council,  the  improvement  of  adminis- 
tration of  the  law,  the  re-establishment  of  neglected 
religious  observances,  the  furthering  of  education, 
and  generally  the  fashioning  of  such  regulations 
as  the  times  required.  Like  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
of  old,  these  two  zealous  men  insisted  upon  a  return 
to  the  strictest  form  of  Judaism ;  and,  if  they  were 
often  obliged  to  employ  severe  and  violent  measures, 
these  are  not  to  be  accounted  to  any  personal 
malice,  but  to  the  sternness  of  the  age  itself.  They 
were  indeed  scrupulously  strict  in  their  own  conduct, 
and  in  directing  those  closely  connected  with  them. 
From  the  days  of  Judah  ben  Tabbai  and  Simon  ben 
Shetach,  the  rule  of  Judaean  Law,  according  to  the 
views  of  the  Pharisees,  may  be  said  to  have  begun,  and 
it  grew  and  developed  under  each  succeeding  gen- 
eration. These  two  celebrated  men  have  therefore 
been  called  "  Restorers  of  the  Law,"  who  "  brought 
back  to  the  Crown  (the  Law)  its  ancient  splendor." 
Their  work  commenced  with  the  reorganization 


50  HISTORY   OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  II 

of  the  Synhedrion.  The  Sadducaean  members  were 
deprived  of  their  seats,  the  penal  code  which 
they  had  added  to  the  Biblical  penal  laws  was  set 
aside,  and  the  old  traditionary  methods  again  made 
valid.  The  people  had  nothing  to  complain  of  in 
this  change,  for  they  hated  the  severity  of  the  "  eye 
for  eye"  punishment  of  the  Sadducees.  On  the 
other  hand,  certain  days  of  rejoicing,  disregarded 
by  the  Sadducees,  were  proclaimed  as  half-holidays 
by  the  Pharisees.  Witnesses  in  the  law  courts 
were  no  longer  to  be  questioned  merely  upon  the 
place  where  and  the  time  when  they  had  seen  a 
crime  committed,  but  they  were  expected  to  give 
the  most  detailed  and  minute  evidence  connected 
with  it,  so  that  the  judge  might  be  better  able  to 
pronounce  a  correct  judgment  and  to  detect  the 
contradictory  statements  of  witnesses.  This  was 
particularly  designed  as  a  protection  against  the 
charges  of  informers,  who  were  numerous  enough 
in  an  age  when  conquerors  and  the  conquered  were 
constantly  changing  parts.  A  salutary  measure 
also  was  enforced  to  lessen  the  number  of  divorce 
cases,  which  the  literal  interpretation  of  the  Penta- 
teuchal  divorce  laws,  as  administered  by  the  Saddu- 
cees, had  failed  in  doing.  The  High  Court,  as  re- 
organized by  the  Pharisees,  ordered  the  husband  to 
give  his  repudiated  wife  a  certain  sum  of  money, 
by  which  she  could  support  herself,  and,  as  there 
was  but  little  current  coin  amongst  a  people  whose 
wealth  consisted  principally  in  the  fruits  of  the  soil 
or  in  cattle,  the  husband  would  often  pause  before 
allowing  a  momentary  fit  of  passion  or  excitement 
to  influence  his  actions. 

One  of  the  reforms  of  this  time  expressly  attributed 
to  Simon  ben  Shetach  was  the  promotion  of  better 
instruction.  In  all  large  towns,  high  schools  for  the 
use  of  young  men  from  the  age  of  sixteen  sprung 
up  at  his  instance.  But  all  study,  we  may  presume, 
was   entirely  confined  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and 


CH.  II.      THE  CEREMONY  OF  DRAWING  THE  WATER.         5  I 

particularly  to  the  Pentateuch  and  the  study  of  the 
Law.  Many  details  or  smaller  points  in  the  Law 
which  had  been  partly  forgotten  and  partly  neglected 
during  the  long  rule  of  the  Sadducees,  that  is  to  say, 
from  Hyrcanus's  oppression  of  the  Pharisees  until 
the  commencement  of  Salome's  reign,  were  once 
more  introduced  into  daily  life.  Neglected  customs 
were  renewed  with  all  pomp  and  solemnity,  the 
days  of  their  re-introduction  being  celebrated  with 
rejoicing,  and  any  public  mourning  or  fast  thereon 
was  suspended.  Thus  the  ceremony  of  pouring 
a  libation  of  water  upon  the  altar  during  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles,  which  had  been  mockingly  ridiculed 
by  Alexander,  was  in  time  reinstated  with  enthusiasm, 
and  became  a  favorite  and  distinctive  rite.  Upon 
these  occasions,  on  the  night  succeeding  the  first 
day  of  the  festival,  the  women's  outer  court  of  the 
Temple  was  brilliantly  illuminated  until  it  glowed 
like  a  sea  of  fire.  All  the  people  would  then 
crowd  to  the  holy  mount  to  witness  or  take  part 
in  the  proceedings.  At  times  these  bore  a  lively 
character,  such  as  torch-light  processions  and  danc- 
ing ;  at  others  they  took  the  more  solemn  form  of 
musical  services  of  song  and  praise.  This  jubilee 
would  last  the  whole  night.  At  break  of  day  the 
priests  announced  with  a  blast  of  their  trumpets 
that  the  march  was  about  to  commence.  At  every 
halting-place  the  trumpets  gathered  the  people 
together,  until  a  huge  multitude  stood  assembled 
round  the  spring  of  Siloah.  Thence  the  water  was 
drawn  in  a  golden  ewer.  In  solemn  procession  it 
was  carried  back  to  the  Temple,  where  the  libation 
was  performed.  The  water  streamed  over  the 
altar,  and  the  notes  of  the  flute,  heard  only  upon 
the  most  joyful  occasions,  mingled  with  the  rapturous 
strains  of  melody  that  burst  from  countless  instru- 
ments. 

A  similar  national  festival  was  the  half-holiday  of 
the  wood-feast,  held  in  honor  of  the  wood  that  was 


52  HISTORY   OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  II. 

offered  to  the  altar  of  the  Temple  ;  it  fell  upon  the 
fifteenth  day  of  Ab  (August).  A  number  of  white- 
robed  maidens  were  wont  to  assemble  upon  this 
occasion  in  some  open  space  among  the  vine-trees, 
where,  as  they  trod  the  measure  of  the  dance,  they 
chanted  strophes  of  song  in  the  Hebrew  tongue. 
It  was  an  opportunity  for  the  Judsean  youths,  spec- 
tators of  this  scene,  to  select  their  partners  for  life. 
This  festival,  like  the  preceding  one,  was  inaugurated 
by  the  Pharisees  in  opposition  to  Sadducsean  customs. 
The  Synhedrion  seized  upon  the  sacrificial  ardor  of 
the  people  to  introduce  a  measure  which,  above  all 
things,  was  calculated  to  arouse  feelings  of  patriotism 
in  the  nation,  and  which  was  diametrically  opposed 
to  the  views  of  their  rivals.  The  Sadducees  had 
declared  that  the  daily  offerings,  and  in  fact  the 
needs  of  the  Temple,  should  not  be  paid  for 
from  a  national  treasury,  but  with  individual,  volun- 
tary contributions.  But  the  Council,  in  the  reign 
of  Salome  Alexandra,  decreed  that  every  Israelite 
from  the  age  of  twenty — proselytes  and  freed  slaves 
included — should  contribute  at  least  a  half-shekel 
yearly  to  the  treasury  of  the  Temple.  In  this  way 
the  daily  sacrifices  acquired  a  truly  national  character, 
as  the  whole  nation  contributed  towards  them. 
Three  collections  were  instituted  during  the  year : 
in  Judaea  at  the  beginning  of  spring ;  in  the  trans- 
Jordanic  countries,  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  at  the 
Feast  of  Weeks  ;  and  in  the  yet  more  distant  lands 
of  Babylonia,  Media  and  Asia  Minor,  at  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles.  These  last  collections  were  the 
richest,  the  Judseans  who  dwelt  outside  Palestine 
being  very  generous  as  well  as  very  wealthy  ;  thus, 
instead  of  the  silver  or  copper  shekel  or  denaria, 
they  offered  gold  staters  and  darics.  Central  places 
in  each  land  were  chosen  where  the  offerings  should 
be  deposited  until  they  could  be  taken  to  Jerusalem 
The  most  distinguished  Judseans  were  selected  tc 
carry  them  thither,  and  they  were  called  "  holy  mes- 


CH.  II.  REFORMS.  53 

sengers."  In  the  Mesopotamian  and  Babylonian 
towns  of  Nisibis  and  Nahardea  (Naarda),  treasure- 
houses  were  built  for  these  Temple  gifts,  whence, 
under  a  strong  escort  to  protect  them  from  the 
Parthian  and  Nabathaean  robber-hordes,  they  were 
safely  borne  to  Jerusalem.  The  communities  of 
Asia  Minor  had  likewise  their  treasure-houses, 
Apamea  and  Laodicea,  in  Phrygia,  Pergamus  and 
Adramyttium,  in  the  country  of  Aeolis.  From 
this  stretch  of  land  nearly  two  hundred  pounds 
weight  of  gold  was  sent  to  Jerusalem  about  twenty 
years  after  the  first  proclamation  had  been  issued. 
From  this  we  may  gather  what  an  immense  rev- 
enue poured  into  the  Temple,  leaving  a  large  sur- 
plus after  all  the  requisites  for  divine  service  had 
been  obtained.  The  Temple  of  Jerusalem  became 
thereby  in  time  an  object  of  envy  and  of  greed. 

So  far,  the  revival,  introduced  by  Judah  ben 
Tabbai  and  Simon  ben  Shetach,  bore  a  harmless 
character  ;  it  reinstated  old  laws,  created  new  ones, 
and  sought  means  of  impressing  them  upon  the 
memory  and  attention  of  the  people.  But  no  re- 
action can  remain  within  moderate  bounds ;  it 
moves  naturally  towards  excesses.  The  Sadducees, 
who  were  unwilling  to  adopt  the  Pharisaic  rendering 
of  the  Law,  were  summoned  to  appear  before  the 
seat  of  justice  and  were  unsparingly  condemned. 
The  anxiety  to  exalt  the  Law  and  to  banish  all 
opposition  in  the  rival  party  was  so  great  that  upon 
one  occasion  Judah  ben  Tabbai  had  a  witness 
executed  who  had  been  convicted  of  giving  false 
testimony  in  a  trial  for  a  capital  crime.  He  was, 
in  this  instance,  desirous  of  practically  refuting  the 
Sadducaean  views,  forgetting  that  he  w^as  at  the 
same  time  breaking  a  law  of  the  Pharisees.  That 
law  required  all  the  witnesses  to  be  convicted  of 
perjury  before  allowing  punishment  to  be  inflicted  ; 
and,  as  one  witness  alone  could  not  establish  an 
accusation,  so  one  witness  alone  was  not  punishable. 


54  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  II. 

But  the  two  chiefs  were  so  clean-handed  that  Simon 
ben  Shetach  did  not  fail  to  upbraid  his  colleague 
on  account  of  ill-ad\^ised  haste,  and  Judah  ben  Tabbai 
evinced  the  profoundest  remorse  at  the  shedding 
of  the  innocent  blood  of  the  executed  witness  by 
resigning  his  office  of  president  and  by  making 
a  public  acknowledgment  of  his  contrition.  A 
favorite  maxim  of  Judah  ben  Tabbai  reveals  his 
gentle  disposition.  "  Consider  accused  persons  as 
lawbreakers  only  whilst  before  you  for  judgment ; 
the  moment  that  is  rendered,  look  upon  them  as 
innocent." 

Simon  ben  Shetach,  who  succeeded  Judah  as 
President  of  the  Council,  does  not  seem  to  have 
relaxed  in  severity  towards  the  infringers  of  the 
Law.  The  rare  case  of  witchcraft  was  once  brought 
before  him,  when  eighty  women  were  condemned 
for  the  offense,  and  crucified  in  Ascalon.  On  ac- 
count of  his  unsparing  severity,  Simon  ben  Shetach 
brought  upon  himself  such  hatred  of  his  opponents 
that  they  determined  upon  a  fearful  revenge.  They 
incited  two  false  witnesses  to  accuse  his  son  of  a 
crime  punishable  with  death,  in  consequence  of 
which  he  was  actually  condemned  to  die.  On  his 
way  to  the  place  of  execution  the  young  man 
uttered  such  vehement  protestations  of  innocence 
that  at  last  the  witnesses  themselves  were  affected, 
and  confessed  to  their  tissue  of  falsehoods.  But 
when  the  judges  were  about  to  set  free  the  con- 
demned, the  prisoner  himself  drew  their  attention 
to  their  violation  of  the  law,  which  enjoined  that  no 
belief  was  to  be  given  witnesses  who  withdrew  their 
previous  testimony.  "  If  you  wish,"  said  the  con- 
demned youth  to  his  father,  "  that  the  salvation  of 
Israel  should  be  wrought  by  your  hand,  consider  me 
but  the  threshold  over  which  you  must  pass  without 
compunction."  Both  father  and  son  showed  them- 
selves worthy  of  their  sublime  task,  that  of  guarding 
the  integrity  of  the  Law  ;  for  to  uphold  it  one  sacri- 


CH.  II.  PERSECUTION    OF    THE    SADDUCEES.  55 

ficed  his  life,  and  the  other,  his  paternal  love.  Simon, 
the  Judaean  Brutus,  let  the  law  pursue  its  course, 
although  he,  as  well  as  all  the  judges,  were  convinced 
of  his  son's  innocence. 

The  severity  of  the  Pharisaic  Synhedrion  had 
naturally  not  spared  the  leaders  of  the  Sadducees. 
Diogenes,  the  favorite  of  Alexander,  and  a  number 
of  others  who  had  advised  or  authorized  the  execu- 
tion of  the  800  Pharisees,  expiated  this  act  of  cruelty 
with  their  lives.  The  most  distinguished  of  the 
Sadducees  began  to  be  uneasy  at  this  constant  per- 
secution ;  they  felt  the  sword  of  justice  hanging  over 
their  heads,  ready  to  descend  upon  them  if  they  were 
guilty  of  the  slightest  infringement  of  the  Law.  In 
fear  of  their  lives  they  turned  to  Alexander's  second 
son,  Aristobulus,  who,  without  being  a  warm  adher- 
ent of  the  Sadducees,  was  prepared  to  be  the  pro- 
tector of  their  party.  He  sent  their  chiefs  to  Alex- 
andra, commending  them  warmly  to  her  mercy. 
When  they  appeared  before  the  queen  they  reminded 
her  of  their  services  to  the  late  king,  and  of  the 
terror  with  which  their  name  had  once  inspired 
Judaea's  neighbors,  and  they  threatened  to  offer  their 
valuable  services  to  the  Nabathaean  king  Aretas  or 
to  the  Syrian  monarch.  They  implored  the  queen 
to  grant  them  a  safe  retreat  in  some  fortress  where 
they  would  not  be  under  the  constant  supervision  of 
the  Pharisees.  The  gentle-hearted  queen  was  so 
much  moved  by  the  tears  of  these  gray-haired  war- 
riors that  she  entrusted  them  with  the  command  of 
most  of  the  fortresses,  reserving,  however,  the  three 
strongest — Hyrcanion,  Alexandrion,  and  Machaerus. 

No  political  events  of  any  great  importance 
occurred  during  Alexandra's  reign.  Tigranes,  king 
of  Armenia,  master  of  nearly  the  whole  of  Syria,  had 
threatened  to  invade  some  of  the  Judaean  provinces 
which  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Syrian  kingdom. 
The  proximity  of  this  ruler  had  greatly  alarmed  the 
queen,  and  she  endeavored  by  gentle  words  and 


56  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IL 

rich  presents  to  prevent  a  contest  with  this  power- 
ful Armenian  king.  Tigranes  had  received  the 
Judaea n  embassy,  and  accepted  the  queen's  gifts 
most  courteously,  but  they  would  hardly  have  pre- 
vented him  from  moving  upon  Judzea,  had  he  not 
been  compelled  to  devote  himself  to  the  defense  of 
his  own  country  from  the  attack  of  the  Roman  com- 
mander Lucullus  (69). 

Alexandra  fell  hopelessly  ill,  and  her  illness  occa- 
sioned the  saddest  of  entanglements.  The  violent 
and  ambitious  Aristobulus,  supposing  that  his 
mother  destined  his  weak  brother  Hyrcanus  as  her 
successor,  left  the  capital  secretly,  and  arriving  at  the 
Galilean  fortress  of  Gabata  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Sepphoris,  upon  the  friendship  of  whose  governor, 
the  Sadducee  Galaistes,  he  could  rely,  insisted  upon 
its  being  entirely  given  up  to  him.  He  garrisoned 
it  with  mercenaries,  furnished  by  some  of  the  minor 
Syrian  trans-Jordanic  princes  and  the  robber-hordes 
of  Trachonitis,  and  was  thus  enabled  to  hold  a  large 
force  at  his  command.  Hyrcanus  and  the  chiefs  of 
the  Synhedrion,  fearing  an  impending  civil  war, 
entreated  of  the  queen  to  take  measures  to  prevent 
it,  but  without  avail.  Alexandra  bade  them  trust  to 
the  army,  to  the  fortresses  that  had  remained  faith- 
ful, and  to  the  rich  treasury,  and  devoted  herself 
exclusively  to  preparation  for  death.  She  expired 
soon  after,  in  the  year  69,  leaving  her  people 
and  her  kingdom  to  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war 
which  was  ultimately  to  destroy  their  dearly  won 
independence.  Salome  Alexandra  had  reigned  for 
only  nine  years  ;  she  had  witnessed  the  happy  days 
of  her  people's  freedom,  and,  when  lying  on  her 
deathbed,  may  have  felt  in  her  troubled  soul  the 
presentiment  that  the  coming  night  of  slavery  was 
at  hand.  She  was  the  only  queen  in  Judaean  history 
whose  name  has  been  handed  down  to  us  with  ven- 
eration, and  she  was  also  the  last  independent  ruler 
of  Judaea. 


CHAPTER  III. 

HYRCANUS  II.      ARISTOBULUS  II. 

Brothers  contend  for  the  throne— Arrangement  between  the  brothers — 
The  Idumaean  Antipater — Hyrcanus's  weakness — Aretas  besieges 
Jerusalem — Interference  of  Rome — Pompey  at  Jerusalem— The 
Judsean  colony  in  Rome — Flaccus  in  Asia  Minor — Cicero's  oration 
against  the  Judasans — Weakening  of  the  power  of  the  Synhe- 
drion — Shemaya  and  Abtalion — Violent  death  of  Aristobulus  and 
his  son  Alexander — Julius  Caesar  and  the  Judaeans — Antipater's 
sons  Phasael  and  Herod— Herod  before  the  Synhedrion — Opera- 
tions of  Cassius  in  Judasa— Malich — Antigonus  as  King — Herod 
escapes  to  Rome. 

69 — 40  B.  c.  E. 

When  Providence  has  decreed  that  a  State  shall  be 
destroyed,  no  event  is  more  certain  to  hasten  its 
fall  than  the  contentions  between  two  rival  parties 
for  the  possession  of  the  throne.  The  noblest 
upholders  of  the  nation's  rights  are  then  invariably 
arrayed  against  each  other,  until  at  last  the  civil 
wars  in  which  they  are  engaged  are  usually  referred 
to  some  foreign  ruler,  whose  yoke  is  all  the  more 
galling  as  Tie  appears  invariably  in  the  light  of  a 
peacemaker  with  the  olive  branch  in  his  hand. 

The  death  of  the  queen  gave  the  first  incentive  to 
the  war  which  broke  out  between  the  two  brothers 
and  divided  the  nation  into  two  camps.  To  Hyr- 
canus  II,  her  eldest  son,  the  dying  mother  had,  in 
right  of  his  birth,  bequeathed  the  throne.  He, 
whose  virtues  would  have  graced  the  modest  life  of 
a  private  individual,  but  who  would  have  been  but 
an  indifferent  ruler  even  in  a  peaceful  era,  was  cer- 
tainly not  fitted  to  govern  in  troubled  times.  He 
did  more  harm  by  his  good  nature  than  many 
another  could  do  by  acts  of  tyranny.  His  younger 
brother  was  the  direct  opposite  to  him  in  character. 
Hyrcanus's  cowardice  contrasted  vividly  with  the 

57 


58  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

reckless  courage  of  Aristobulus,  a  quality  in  which 
he  resembled  his  father  Alexander.  Added  to  this, 
he  possessed  unlimited  ambition,  which  blinded  him 
to  practical  considerations  and  quitted  him  only 
with  his  last  breath.  His  aim  was  to  be  the  mighty 
ruler  of  Judaea,  and  with  the  means  at  his  command 
to  make  the  neighboring  countries  subject  to  his 
rule.  But  his  rash  impetuosity  prevented  him  from 
being  successful,  and,  instead  of  gathering  laurels, 
he  brought  only  contempt  upon  himself  and  his 
nation.  Hardly  had  Alexandra  expired  when 
Aristobulus,  at  the  head  of  his  mercenaries  and 
Sadducaean  followers,  marched  upon  Jerusalem  for 
the  purpose  of  dethroning  his  brother.  Upon  Hyr- 
canus's  side  were  ranged  the  Pharisees,  the  people 
and  the  army.  The  wife  and  children  of  Aristo- 
bulus had  been  imprisoned  as  hostages  in  the  citadel 
of  Baris  in  Jerusalem.  The  brothers  met  at  Jericho, 
each  at  the  head  of  his  army.  Hyrcanus  was  de- 
feated and  fled  to  Jerusalem,  the  greater  number 
of  his  troops  going  over  to  Aristobulus.  The 
younger  brother  attacked  and  took  the  Temple, 
where  many  of  his  opponents  had  sought  refuge. 
Hyrcanus  was  obliged  to  lay  down  his  arms  when 
he  saw  that  the  invader  was  master  of  the  sanctuary 
and  the  capital.  The  two  brothers  met  again, 
agreed  upon  making  peace,  and  signed  their  cove- 
nant in  the  Temple.  Aristobulus,  as  the  one  more 
capable  of  ruling,  was  to  wear  the  royal  crown, 
whilst  Hyrcanus  was  to  retain  the  high  priest's 
diadem.  This  agreement  was  ratified  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Aristobulus's  son  Alexander  to  Alexandra, 
daughter  of  Hyrcanus. 

Aristobulus  II,  who  had  attained  royal  dignity  by 
a  successful  stroke  of  arms,  does  not  appear  to  have 
in  any  way  excited  the  displeasure  of  the  Pharisees. 
The  position  of  the  two  parties  in  Judsea  now 
assumed  a  different  character,  and  they  might  have 
become  extinct  as  parties,  had  it  not  been  for  the 


CH.  III.  AXTIPATER.  59 

advent  of  a  man  whose  measureless  ambition  and 
personal  interest  brought  him  to  the  fore,  and  who, 
together  with  his  family,  became  the  vampire  of  the 
nation,  sucking  its  noblest  blood  away.  This  man 
was  Antipater,  the  descendant  of  a  distinguished 
Idumaean  family,  who,  in  common  with  all  other 
Idumseans,  had  been  compelled  by  John  Hyrcanus 
to  accept  Judaism.  Never  had  a  mistaken  action 
found  its  punishment  more  surely  and  swiftly.  The 
fanaticism  of  Hyrcanus  I  was  now  to  bring  ruin 
upon  his  house  and  family.  The  wealth  and  diplo- 
matic talents  of  Antipater  had  raised  him  to  the 
post  of  satrap  of  Idumsea  during  the  reign  of  Alex- 
ander Jannaeus  and  of  his  queen.  His  courteous 
acts  and  generous  presents  had  won  the  affections 
not  only  of  his  countrymen,  but  also  those  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Gaza  and  Ascalon. 

Hyrcanus  II,  who  required  a  guide  in  his  helpless- 
ness, bestowed  his  confidence  upon  Antipater,  who 
abused  it,  and  exerted  his  influence  to  his  own 
advantage.  The  Idumsean  lost  no  opportunity  of 
reminding  Hyrcanus  of  the  degrading  part  that  he  had 
had  to  play  in  having  been  called  to  the  throne  only 
to  relinquish  it  to  his  younger  brother.  So  success- 
fully did  Antipater  work  upon  his  feelings,  making 
him  believe  that  Aristobulus  was  actually  planning  his 
death,  that  Hyrcanus  was  tempted  into  breaking  the 
covenant  he  had  sworn  to  respect,  by  calling  in  a 
foreign  ruler  to  decide  between  the  claims  of  the  two 
brothers.  Antipater  had  laid  his  plans  beforehand 
with  Aretas,  king  of  the  Nabathaeans.  He  fled  one 
night  from  Jerusalem,  bearing  Hyrcanus  with  him, 
and  arrived  by  forced  marches  at  Petra,  the  capital 
of  the  Nabathaean  king.  Aretas  was  ready  to  help 
Hyrcanus,  having  been  richly  bribed  by  Antipater, 
and  having  the  prospect  of  recapturing  twelve  cities 
east  and  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  which  had  been 
bought  so  dearly  by  the  Hasmonaeans.  He  marched, 
therefore,  upon  Judaea,  with  an  army  of  fifty  thousand 


6o  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

men,  whose  numbers  were  augmented  by  the  fol- 
lowers of  Hyrcanus  (66).  Thus  the  peace  which 
the  nation  had  enjoyed  for  nearly  three  years  was 
disturbed  for  many  a  long-  day  by  the  scheming 
ambition  of  Antipater  and  the  boundless  folly  of 
Hyrcanus. 

Aretas  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem  in  the  beginning 
of  the  spring.  To  escape  so  deplorable  a  sight, 
many  of  the  most  distinguished  Judseans  (probably 
some  of  the  Pharisaic  leaders  amongst  them)  fled 
from  the  capital  to  Egypt.  The  siege  lasted  for 
several  months,  the  strong  walls  of  the  city  to  a 
certain  extent  making  up  for  the  insufficient  num- 
bers of  Aristobulus's  warriors.  But  provisions  began 
to  fail,  and,  what  was  a  far  more  serious  consider- 
ation for  the  pious  Judseans,  the  animals  necessary 
for  sacrificial  purposes,  particularly  for  the  coming 
Paschal  feast,  were  sensibly  diminishing.  But  Aristo- 
bulus  relied,  and  rightly  so,  upon  the  piety  of  the 
Judaean  besiegers,  who  would  not  dare  refuse  the 
required  victims  for  the  altar.  He  ordered  baskets 
to  be  lowered  each  day  from  the  walls,  containing  the 
price  of  the  lambs  that  were  placed  in  the  baskets, 
and  were  drawn  up  in  return.  But  as  the  siege 
dragged  on,  and  as  the  end  seemed  far  off,  some 
counselor — we  may  imagine  that  it  was  Antipater 
— advised  Hyrcanus  to  hurry  on  the  final  scene,  and 
to  desist  from  supplying  the  sacrificial  lamb.  The 
basket  that  was  lowered  after  this  advice  had  been 
tendered  was  found  to  contain,  when  received  within 
the  city  walls,  a  pig.  This  insult  to  the  Law  created 
a  feeling  of  disgust  amongst  the  besieged,  and  so 
deeply  affected  them  that  subsequently  the  breeding 
of  swine  was  forbidden  by  the  Synhedrion. 

The  adherents  of  Hyrcanus  were  guilty  of  yet 
another  enormity.  Amongst  those  who  had  left  the 
besieged  city  was  a  pious  man  called  Onias,  who 
had  once  successfully  prayed  for  rain  in  a  drought. 
The  soldiers  of   Hyrcanus  dragged  him   from   his 


CH   III.  INTERFERENCE   OF   ROME.  6 1 

solitary  retreat,  and  believing  that  Heaven  would 
again  answer  his  prayer,  commanded  him  to  pro- 
nounce a  curse  upon  Aristobulus  and  his  followers. 
But  instead  of  giving  vent  to  a  curse,  the  old  man  ex- 
claimed with  fitting  dignity,  "  Lord  of  the  universe, 
as  the  besieged  and  the  besiegers  both  belong  to 
Thy  people,  I  entreat  of  Thee  not  to  grant  the  evil 
prayers  of  either  party."  The  coarse  soldiers  could 
not  understand  the  feelings  that  prompted  such 
words,  and  murdered  him  as  if  he  had  been  a  crim- 
inal. In  this  way  they  thought  they  could  silence 
the  spirit  of  Judaism  rising  to  protest  against  this 
civil  war.  But  although  the  mighty  ones  of  the  land 
defied  all  right  and  proper  feeling,  the  people  were 
grievously  distressed,  and  believed  that  the  earth- 
quake and  the  hurricane  that  devasted  Palestine 
and  other  parts  of  Asia  at  that  time  were  the 
visible  signs  of  Divine  wrath. 

But  more  terrible  than  earthquake  or  hurricane 
was  the  harbinger  of  evil  that  appeared  in  Judaea, 
"  the  beast  with  iron  teeth,  brazen  claws,  and  heart 
of  stone,  that  was  to  devour  much,  and  trample  the 
rest  under  foot,"  which  came  to  the  Judsean  nation, 
to  drink  its  blood,  to  eat  its  flesh  and  to  suck 
its  marrow.  The  hour  had  struck  when  the  Roman 
eagle,  with  swift  flight,  was  to  swoop  down  upon 
Israel's  inheritance,  circling  wildly  round  the  bleed- 
ing nation,  lacerating  her  with  cruel  wounds  and 
finally  leaving  her  a  corpse. 

Like  inexorable  fate,  Rome  watched  over  the 
destinies  of  the  people  of  western  Asia,  plundering, 
dividing  and  destroying.  Judaea  was  destined  to 
the  same  lot.  The  bird  of  prey  scented  its  booty 
from  afar  with  astonishing  precision,  and  hastened 
to  put  out  the  last  spark  of  life.  It  came  to  Judaea 
for  the  first  time  in  the  person  of  Scaurus,  a  legate 
of  Pompey.  In  leaving  for  Asia,  Scaurus  hoped  to 
exchange  an  insignificant  position  In  his  own  country 
for  a  powerful  one  in  foreign  lands.     He  had  imag- 


62  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

ined  that  in  Syria  he  might  acquire  wealth  and  honor, 
but  finding  that  country  already  in  possession  of 
other  birds  of  prey,  he  turned  his  attention  to  Judaea. 
There  he  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  rival  brothers, 
who  looked  upon  him  as  an  arbitrator  in  their  diffi- 
culties. They  both  sent  ambassadors  to  meet  him, 
and  as  they  knew  that  the  Romans  were  not  indiff- 
erent to  gold,  they  took  care  not  to  appear  empty- 
handed  before  him.  But  Aristobulus's  gifts  pre- 
vailed ;  he  sent  three  hundred  talents,  whilst  Hyr- 
canus,  or  more  properly  speaking  Antipater,  gave 
little  but  promises.  Roman  interest  accorded  well 
with  the  greed  of  Scaurus.  The  Republic,  fearing 
the  growth  of  his  power,  began  by  insisting  that  the 
Nabathaean  king  should  retire  from  the  civil  war 
in  Palestine  ;  Scaurus  was  therefore  able  to  com- 
mand Aretas  to  raise  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  Aretas 
complied,  but  was  overtaken  with  his  army  at  Rabbath 
Ammon  by  the  troops  of  Aristobulus  and  defeated. 
For  the  moment  Aristobulus  might  fancy  that  he 
was  the  victorious  monarch  of  Judaea.  The  direc- 
tion that  Roman  statesmanship  had  taken,  and  the 
slow,  deliberate  movements  that  the  commander 
Pompey  employed  against  Mithridates,  lulled  him 
into  the  delusion  that  his  monarchy  was  one  of  last- 
ing duration.  A  lover  of  war  like  his  father,  he 
began  immediately  to  make  inroads  into  neighbor- 
ing provinces,  and  also  organized  a  fleet  for  warlike 
purposes.  For  two  years  Aristobulus  nursed  this 
vain  dream,  and  he  may  even  have  wished  to  establish 
a  show  of  independence  by  ordering,  during  this 
interval,  coins  to  be  struck  in  his  name.  But  Anti- 
pater's  inventive  genius  soon  dissipated  this  dream  ; 
for  in  the  arts  of  bribery  and  diplomacy  he  w^as  far 
superior  to  Aristobulus.  Antipater  had  already  in- 
duced Scaurus  to  side  with  Hyrcanus,  and.to  win  for 
him  the  favor  of  Pompey,  who  was  at  this  time 
gathering  laurels  in  Syria.  Pompey  looked  upon 
the  quarrel  between  the  two  brothers  as  an  excel- 


CH.  III.  THE    GOLDEN    VINE.  63 

lent  means  for  adding  another  conquest  to  his  long 
lists  of  triumphs.  Although  Aristobulus  had  made 
him  a  magnificent  gift,  valuable  in  point  of  art  as 
of  intrinsic  merit,  the  contest  had  not  been  brought 
to  an  end.  This  gift  consisted  of  a  golden  vine, 
bearing  clusters  of  golden  grapes  and  golden 
leaves,  valued  at  five  hundred  talents,  and  it  had 
probably  been  designed  by  King  Alexander  for  the 
adornment  of  the  Temple.  This  work  of  art  aroused 
the  admiration  of  all  those  who  saw  it,  and  for  that 
reason  Pompey  hastened  to  send  it  to  Rome,  where 
it  was  placed  in  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  on  the  Capitol, 
as  the  harbinger  of  his  triumphs.  But  the  pious 
Judseans,  naturally,  would  not  allow  their  own  sanc- 
tuary to  be  deprived  of  such  an  ornament,  and 
spontaneously  made  contributions,  some  for  golden 
grapes,  others  for  golden  leaves  ;  so  that  another 
golden  vine,  in  later  days,  graced  the  outer  court  of 
the  Temple. 

Although  Pompey's  vanity  was  flattered  by  this 
magnificent  present,  he  was  far  from  deciding  in 
favor  of  the  donor.  He  had  the  insolence  to  com- 
mand Antipater  and  Nicodemus,  the  two  envoys  of 
the  rival  brothers,  to  bid  their  masters  appear  in 
person  at  Damascus,  where  the  vexed  question 
should  be  discussed,  and  where  he  would  decide  in 
favor  of  one  of  the  two  princes.  In  spite  of  the 
deep  humiliation  which  each  felt,  both  Hyrcanus 
and  Aristobulus  appeared,  and  upheld  their  indi- 
vidual claims ;  the  one  resting  upon  his  rights 
of  birth,  the  other  upon  his  capacity  for  govern- 
ing. But  a  third  party  had  also  appeared  before 
Pompey,  which  was  to  represent  the  right  of 
the  nation  apart  from  the  angry  princes.  Weary 
of  the  Hasmonaean  quarrels,  a  republican  party 
had  sprung  up,  which  was  ready  to  govern  the 
Judsean  community,  according  to  the  letter  of  the 
Law,  without  an  hereditary  sovereign.  The  repub- 
licans  especially   complained   that   the   last   of  the 


64  HISTORY    OP^   THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

Hasmonaeans  had  changed  the  Judsean  form  of 
government  from  a  hierarchy  to  a  monarchy,  in 
order  to  reduce  the  nation  to  servitude.  Pompey, 
however,  gave  ear  neither  to  the  murmurs  of  the 
repubHcans  nor  to  the  arguments  of  the  two 
brothers.  It  was  not  his  intention  to  put  an  end 
to  the  strife ;  what  he  desired  was,  in  the  guise  of  a 
peaceful  arbitrator,  to  bring  Judaea  under  the  Roman 
rule.  He  soon  saw  that  the  weak-minded  Hyrcanus 
(under  the  tutelage  of  a  designing  minister)  would 
be  better  adapted  for  the  part  of  a  ward  of  Rome 
than  the  daring  Aristobulus,  and  he  inwardly  deter- 
mined to  support  the  weaker  prince.  But  as  he 
feared  that  by  too  rash  a  decision  he  would  only  be 
involved  in  a  long  contest  with  Aristobulus  in  an 
inaccessible  country,  and  that  he  would  only  delay 
his  triumphal  entry  into  Rome,  he  endeavored  to 
put  off  the  younger  brother  with  empty  promises. 
Aristobulus,  however,  saw  through  the  snare  that 
was  prepared  for  him,  and  determined  to  make  sure 
of  his  freedom  whilst  there  was  yet  time.  He, 
therefore,  entrenched  himself  in  the  citadel  of  Alex- 
andrion,  intending  to  oppose  the  invasion  of  the 
enemy  from  the  walls  of  the  fortress.  But  Roman 
greed  of  conquest  was  now  to  manifest  itself  in 
all  its  abhorrent  nakedness. 

The  Roman  commander  was  pleased  to  look 
upon  this  prince's  justifiable  act  of  self-defense  as 
evidence  of  insubordination,  and  to  treat  him  as  an 
obstinate  rebel.  He  crossed  the  Jordan  at  Beth- 
shean,  and  taking  the  field  against  Aristobulus,  com- 
manded him  to  surrender,  following  up  this  com- 
mand by  a  series  of  delusive  promises  and  serious 
threats,  such  as  would  have  induced  a  more  wily 
man  to  take  a  false  step.  The  unfortunate  prince 
surrendered  the  fortress  of  Alexandrion,  but  soon 
repenting  of  this  folly,  returned  to  entrench  himself 
behind  the  strong  walls  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem, 
whither  Pompey  followed  him.     When  the  Roman 


CH.  III.  POMPEY    AT   JERUSALEM.  65 

commander  arrived  at  Jericho  he  heard,  to  his 
infinite  satisfaction,  of  the  suicide  of  Mithridates,  the 
great  and  dangerous  enemy  of  the  Roman  State, 
and  he  felt  that  he  had  now  only  to  subdue  Aristo- 
bulus  before  celebrating  his  triumphs  in  Rome. 
It  seemed  as  if  this  end  would  be  easily  attained  ; 
for  Aristobulus,  impelled  by  fear,  came  penitently 
to  the  feet  of  Pompey,  loading  him  with  presents, 
and  promising  to  deliver  Jerusalem  into  his  hands. 
For  this  purpose  Aristobulus  started  for  the  capital, 
accompanied  by  the  legate  Gabinius ;  but  their 
advance  was  repelled  by  the  patriots,  who  closed 
the  gates  of  Jerusalem  upon  them,  and  Pompey  was 
compelled  to  lead  his  army  against  the  city.  The 
Hyrcanists,  or  lovers  of  peace,  as  they  were  called, 
opened  their  gates  to  the  enemy ;  but  the  patriots 
entrenched  themselves  upon  the  Mount  of  the 
Sanctuary,  and  destroying  the  bridge  that  connected 
the  Temple  with  the  town,  prepared  for  a  desperate 
defense.  Pompey,  much  against  his  will,  found  that 
he  was  involved  in  a  regular  siege,  the  Temple 
Mount  being  strongly  fortified.  Then  he  sent  to 
Tyre  for  his  battering-rams,  and  ordered  trees  to  be 
felled  for  bridging  over  the  moats.  The  siege 
(asted  for  a  long  while,  and  might  have  continued 
still  longer,  had  not  the  storming  of  the  fortress 
been  rendered  easier  to  the  besiegers  by  the 
patriots'  strict  observance  of  the  Sabbath-day.  In 
accordance  with  either  a  Pharisaic  or  a  Sadducsean 
rendering  of  the  Law,  the  besieged  declared  that 
they  were  permitted  to  resist  an  attack  of  the 
invaders  on  the  Sabbath,  but  that  they  were 
infringing  upon  the  sanctity  of  that  day  if  they 
merely  defended  the  walls  from  the  enemy's  on- 
slaughts. As  soon  as  the  Romans  were  aware  of 
this  distinction,  they  turned  it  to  their  own  advan- 
tage. They  let  their  weapons  rest  on  the  Sabbath- 
day,  and  worked  steadily  at  the  demolishing  of  the 
walls.     Thus  it  happened  that  upon  one  Sabbath,  in 


66  IIISTORV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

the  month  of  Sivan  (June,  63  b.  c),  a  tower  of  the 
Temple  fell,  and  a  breach  was  effected  by  which 
the  most  daring  of  the  Romans  prepared  a  way  for 
entering  the  Sanctuary.  The  legions  of  Rome  and 
the  foreign  mercenaries  crowded  into  the  court  of 
the  Temple,  and  killed  the  priests  as  they  stood 
sacrificing  before  the  altar.  Many  of  the  unfortu- 
nate victims  threw  themselves  headlong  from  the 
battlements  into  the  depths  below,  whilst  others  lit 
their  own  funeral  pyre.  It  is  believed  that  twelve 
thousand  Judseans  met  their  death  upon  this  day. 
Pompey  then  penetrated  into  the  Sanctuary,  in 
order  to  satisfy  his  curiosity  as  to  the  nature  of 
the  Judaean  worship,  about  which  the  most  contra- 
dictory reports  prevailed.  The  Roman  general  was 
not  a  little  astonished  at  finding  within  the  sacred 
recesses  of  the  Holy  of  Holies,  neither  an  ass's 
head  nor,  indeed,  images  of  any  sort.  Thus  the 
malicious  fictions  busily  circulated  by  Alexandrian 
writers,  and  of  a  character  so  prejudicial  to  the 
Judseans,  were  now  shown  to  be  false.  The  en- 
trance of  the  Roman  conqueror  into  the  Temple, 
though  deplorable  enough,  was  in  a  way  favorable  to 
Judaism.  Whether  he  was  penetrated  by  awe  at 
the  sublime  simplicity  of  the  Holy  of  Holies,  or 
whether  he  did  not  wish  to  be  designated  as  the 
robber  of  sanctuaries,  we  know  not ;  but,  wonderful 
to  relate,  Pompey  controlled  his  greed  for  gold 
and  left  the  treasury,  containing  2000  talents,  un- 
touched. But  the  independence  of  the  nation 
ceased  forever  from  that  hour.  Exactly  a  century 
after  the  Maccabees  had  freed  their  people  from  the 
tyranny  of  the  Syrians,  their  descendants  brought 
down  the  tyranny  of  the  Romans  upon  Judaea. 

What  did  Hyrcanus  gain  by  his  supplication  for 
aid  from  the  Republic  ?  Pompey  deprived  him  of 
his  royal  title,  only  leaving  him  the  dignity  of  the 
high  priesthood,  with  the  doubtful  appellation  of 
ethnarch,  and  made  him  the  ward  of  Antipater,  who 


CH.  III.  SUBJECTION    OF   JUD^A.  67 

was  named  governor  of  the  country.  The  walls  of 
Jerusalem  were  razed  to  the  ground,  Judaea  put 
into  the  category  of  conquered  provinces,  and  a  tax 
was  levied  upon  the  capital.  The  territory  was 
brought  within  narrower  confines,  and  its  extent 
became  once  more  what  it  had  been  in  pre-Has- 
monaean  times.  Several  seaports  lying  along  the 
coast,  and  inhabited  by  Greeks,  as  well  as  those 
trans-Jordanic  towns  which  Hyrcanus  and  Alexan- 
der had  conquered  after  hard  fighting,  and  had 
incorporated  with  Judaea,  were  declared  to  be  free 
towns  by  Pompey,  and  were  placed  under  the 
guardianship  of  the  Roman  governor  of  Syria. 
But  these  cities,  particularly  the  trans-Jordanic  ones, 
joined  together  in  a  defensive  and  offensive  league, 
calling  themselves  the  Decapolis.  Pompey  ordered 
the  most  determined  of  his  prisoners  of  war,  the 
zealots,  to  be  executed,  whilst  the  rest  were  taken 
to  Rome.  The  Judaean  prince,  Aristobulus,  his  son 
Antigonus,  his  two  daughters,  and  his  uncle  Absa- 
lom were  forced  to  precede  Pompey's  triumphal  car, 
in  the  train  of  the  conquered  Asiatic  kings  and 
kings'  sons.  Whilst  Zion  veiled  her  head  in  mourn- 
ing, Rome  was  reveling  in  her  victories  ;  but  the 
Judaean  prisoners  that  had  been  dragged  to  Rome 
were  to  become  the  nucleus  of  a  community  destined 
to  carry  on  a  new  kind  of  warfare  against  long- 
established  Roman  institutions,  and  ultimately  to 
modify  or  partly  destroy  them. 

There  were,  without  doubt,  many  Judaeans  living 
in  Rome  and  in  other  Italian  cities  before  Pompey's 
conquests,  who  may  have  emigrated  into  Italy  from 
Egypt  and  Asia  Minor  for  commercial  objects.  As 
merchants,  bringing  grain  from  the  Nile  country,  or 
tribute  money  from  Asia  Minor,  they  may  have  come 
into  contact  with  the  Roman  potentates.  But  these 
emigrants  could  hardly  have  formed  a  regular  com- 
munal organization,  for  there  were  no  authorized 
teachers  of  the  Law  amongst  them.    Probably,  how- 


68  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CII.  III. 

ever,  some  learned  men  may  have  followed  in  Pom- 
pey's  train  of  captives,  who  were  ransomed  by  their 
compatriots,  and  persuaded  to  remain  in  Rome. 
The  descendants  of  these  prisoners  were  called 
according  to  Roman  law  libertini  (the  freed  ones). 
The  Judaean  quarter  in  Rome  lay  upon  the  right 
bank  of  the  Tiber,  on  the  slope  of  Mount  Vatican, 
and  a  bridge  leading  across  that  river  to  the  Vatican 
was  known  for  a  long  while  by  the  name  of  the 
Bridge  of  the  Judaeans  (Pons  Judaeorum).  Theodus, 
one  of  the  Judaeans  settled  in  Rome,  introduced 
into  his  own  community  a  substitute  for  the  pas- 
chal lamb,  which  could  not  be  eaten  outside  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  the  loss  of  which  was  a  bitter  deprivation 
to  the  exiles.  This  aroused  the  displeasure  of  the 
Judaeans  in  the  home  country,  who  wrote  to  Theodus  : 
"  If  thou  wert  not  Theodus,  we  should  excommuni- 
cate thee." 

The  Roman  Judaeans  influenced,  to  a  certain 
extent,  the  course  of  Roman  policy.  For  as  the 
original  emigrants,  as  well  as  the  ransomed  captives, 
enjoyed  the  power  of  voting  in  public  assemblies, 
they  were  able  at  times,  by  their  combined  action 
on  a  preconcerted  plan,  by  their  assiduity,  by  their 
temperate  and  passionless  conception  of  the  situa- 
tion, perhaps  also  by  their  keen  intelligence,  to  turn 
the  scale  upon  some  popular  question.  So  impor- 
tant was  their  quiet  influence  that  the  eloquent  but 
intolerant  Cicero,  who  had  learned  to  hate  the 
Judaeans  from  his  master  ApoUonius  Molo,  was 
afraid  on  one  occasion  to  give  vent  to  his  anti- 
Judaean  feelings  in  a  public  speech,  for  fear  of  stir- 
ring them  up  against  him.  He  had  to  defend  the 
unjust  cause  of  a  praetor  Flaccus,  who  w^as  accused 
of  having  been  guilty  of  num.erous  extortions  during 
his  government  of  the  Asia  Minor  provinces. 
Amongst  other  things,  Flaccus  had  seized  upon  the 
votive  offerings  of  the  Temple  {aurunt  yudcBorimi) 
given  by  the  community  of  Asia  Minor — about  two 


CH.  III.  CICERO    AND    THE    JUD/EANS.  69 

hundred  pounds  of  gold,  collected  by  the  Judaean 
inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  Apamea,  Laodicea, 
Adramyttium,  and  Pergamus  (62).  In  order  to 
justify  his  proceedings  Flaccus  cited  a  resolution  of 
the  Senate,  by  which  all  exportation  of  money  was 
forbidden  from  Roman  to  foreign  provinces  ;  and 
although  Judaea  had  been  conquered  by  Roman  arms, 
yet  she  did  not  enjoy  the  honor  of  being  enrolled 
amongst  the  provinces  of  the  Republic.  The  Roman 
Judseans  were  intensely  interested  in  this  trial,  and 
many  of  them  were  present  among  the  populace. 
The  cowardly  Cicero  was  so  much  afraid  of  them 
that  he  would  have  Hked  to  speak  in  a  low 
tone  in  order  to  be  heard  by  the  Judges  but 
not  by  the  Judaeans.  In  the  course  of  his  defense 
he  made  use  of  an  unworthy  piece  of  sophistry, 
which  might  have  made  an  impression  upon  some 
bigoted  Roman,  but  which  could  hardly  satisfy  an 
intelligent  mind.  "  It  requires  great  decision  of 
character,"  he  said,  "  to  oppose  the  barbaric  super- 
stitions of  the  Judaeans  and,  for  the  good  of  our 
country,  to  show  proper  contempt  towards  these 
seditious  people,  who  invade  our  public  assemblies. 
If  Pompey  did  not  avail  himself  of  a  conqueror's 
rights,  and  left  the  treasures  of  the  Temple  untouched, 
we  may  be  sure  he  did  not  restrain  himself  out  of 
reverence  for  the  Judaean  sanctuary,  but  out  of 
astuteness,  to  avoid  giving  the  suspicious  and  slan- 
derous Judaean  nation  an  opportunity  of  accusing 
him ;  for  otherwise  he  would  hardly  have  spared 
foreign,  still  less  Judaean,  sanctuaries.  When  Jeru- 
salem was  unconquered,  and  when  the  Judaeans  were 
living  in  peace,  they  displayed  a  deeply-rooted 
antipathy  to  the  glory  of  the  Roman  State,  to  the 
dignity  of  the  Roman  name,  and  to  the  laws  of  our 
ancestors.  During  the  last  war  the  Judaean  nation 
proved  most  effectually  how  bitterly  they  hate  us. 
How  little  this  nation  is  beloved  by  the  immortal 
gods  is  now  evident,  as  her  country  is  conquered 


70  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  HI. 

and  leased  out."  What  impression  this  speech 
made  upon  the  audience,  and  what  decision  was 
given  to  Flaccus,  are  unknown.  A  year  later  Cicero 
was  punished  by  a  sentence  of  banishment.  He 
was  not  allowed  to  be  seen  within  eighty  miles  of 
Rome,  and  his  villas  were  razed  to  the  ground. 

After  Pompey's  departure  from  Syria,  the  thral- 
dom imposed  upon  dismembered  Judcea  became  more 
onerous  than  before,  because  she  was  left  in  the 
anomalous  condition  of  a  partly  conquered  province 
and  a  partly  independent  country.  The  powerful 
minister  of  Hyrcanus  contributed  to  make  this  con- 
dition lasting  and  oppressive.  He  endeavored  to 
strengthen  his  connection  with  Rome  by  munificent 
presents,  trusting  that  the  Republic  would  support 
him,  in  spite  of  his  unpopularity  with  the  Judsean 
people,  who  hated  him  as  the  cause  of  their  subjec- 
tion. With  the  sweat  from  Judsea's  brow  he  sus- 
tained the  Roman  commander  Scaurus,  who  had 
opened  a  campaign  against  the  Nabathsean  king, 
Aretas.  Meanwhile  Alexander  II,  the  eldest  son 
of  Aristobulus,  escaping  from  captivity  and  arriving 
in  Judaea,  gained  the  support  of  the  patriots,  and 
putting  himself  at  the  head  of  fifteen  hundred  horse 
and  ten  thousand  foot  soldiers,  marched  upon  Jeru- 
salem. Hyrcanus,  or  more  properly  speaking  his 
master  Antipater,  could  not  resist  so  great  a  force, 
and  left  the  capital  to  Alexander,  who  entered  and 
had  it  fortified.  The  great  Roman  power  fought 
alternately  upon  either  side,  according  to  the  bribes 
that  were  offered  its  officials.  Alexander  felt  so 
secure  of  his  position  that  he  had  coins  struck  with 
the  following  inscription  in  Greek  and  Hebrew, 
'*  King  Alexander  and  High  Priest  Jonathan."  Aulus 
Gabinius,  however,  the  governor  of  Syria,  and  the 
most  unscrupulous  of  the  Roman  extortioners  of  his 
times,  succeeded  in  ending  this  revolt  and  in  subdu- 
ing Alexander.  The  death-stroke  that  awaited  the 
latter  was    only  warded  off  by  his  mother,  who, 


CH.  III.  AULUS    GABINIUS.  7 1 

embracing  the  knees  of  the  Roman  commander, 
entreated  him  to  show  mercy  to  her  son. 

Gabinius  succeeded  in  weakening  the  unity  of  the 
Judaean  State,  which  had  of  late  been  so  unworthily 
represented  by  the  last  of  the  Hasmonaeans,  but  the 
integrity  of  which  had  always  been  so  jealously 
watched  over  by  the  Great  Council.  Judaea  was  no 
longer  to  be  an  independent  State  with  self-govern- 
ing and  legislative  powers  over  the  whole  country, 
but  was  to  be  divided  into  five  provinces,  each  hav- 
ing its  own  independent  Senate  or  Synhedrion  for 
the  control  of  home  affairs.  These  assemblies  were 
held  at  specially  appointed  towns,  at  Jerusalem, 
Gazara,  Emmaus,  Jericho,  and  Sepphoris ;  and 
Judaeans  selected  from  the  aristocratic  party,  who 
were  well  disposed  towards  Rome,  were  placed  at 
the  head  of  these  councils. 

Although  the  fact  of  having  dismembered  the 
State  testified  in  favor  of  Gabinius's  political  insight, 
yet  he  deceived  himself  as  regarded  the  ultimate 
success  of  his  plans.  As  the  Synhedrion  had  grown 
out  of  the  innermost  life  of  the  whole  nation  and 
had  not  been  forced  upon  it  by  outside  influences,  it 
was  no  easy  matter  to  break  its  centralizing  power. 
The  new  scheme  of  dividing  Judaea  into  five  prov- 
inces was  hardly  introduced  before  it  disappeared 
with  Gabinius,  leaving  no  trace  of  its  existence.  The 
Great  Council  remained  as  before  the  heart  of  the 
people,  but  its  power  was  lessened  by  unfavorable 
circumstances.  From  that  time  it  was  called  the 
'*  Synhedrion,"  and  to  distinguish  it  from  the  small 
Councils,  the  "Great  Synhedrion."  But  it  could  not 
boast  of  any  political  power,  for  that  was  now 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  Simon  ben 
Shetach,  the  celebrated  president  of  the  Council, 
was  succeeded  by  his  two  most  distinguished  disci- 
ples, Shemaya  (Sameas)  and  Abtalion  (Pollion). 
We  can  trace  the  despairing  sentiments  of  that  gen- 
eration in  some  of  their  sayings  which  have  been 


72  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  111. 

handed  down  to  us  :  "  Love  thy  handicraft  and  shun 
governing ;  estrange  thyself  from  worldly  power." 
"  Be  prudent  in  your  words,"  said  Abtalion  to  the 
law-framers  ;  "  do  not  bring  upon  yourselves  the 
penalty  of  exile,  for  your  disciples  would  have  to 
follow  you  into  a  land  full  of  ensnaring  influences 
(poisonous  waters)  which  they  would  imbibe,  and  the 
sacred  name  of  God  would  be  through  them  pro- 
faned." These  two  presidents  of  the  Synhedrion 
seem  to  have  been  Alexandrian  Judseans,  or  at  least 
they  must  have  spent  some  years  of  exile  in  Alex- 
dria,  perhaps  with  their  master  Judah  ben  Tabbai. 

During  their  twenty-five  years  of  official  life 
(60-35),  whilst  the  political  power  of  the  Synhedrion 
was  waning,  their  energy  appears  to  have  been 
directed  towards  its  inner  or  moral  power.  They 
assembled  a  circle  of  eager  disciples  around  them, 
to  whom  they  taught  the  tenets  of  the  Law,  their 
origin  and  application.  They  were  indeed  accred- 
ited in  after  ages  with  so  profound  a  knowledge  of 
the  Law,  that  to  cite  Shemaya  or  Abtalion  in  support 
of  an  interpretation  was  considered  indisputable 
proof  of  its  accuracy.  One  of  their  most  distin- 
guished and  most  grateful  disciples  called  them 
"  the  two  great  men  of  the  era,"  and  the  peculiarly 
careful  study  of  the  Law,  for  which  the  Pharisees 
became  so  justly  celebrated,  may  be  said  to  have 
originated  with  them. 

For  some  little  time  the  history  of  Judaea  con- 
tains nothing  but  accounts  of  insubordination  to 
Roman  despotism  and  its  unhappy  consequences, 
of  scenes  of  oppression  and  robbery,  and  of  acts  of 
spoliation  of  the  Temple.  Aristobulus,  who  had 
succeeded  in  escaping  from  Rome  with  his  son 
Antigonus,  now  appeared  in  Judaea.  The  rule  of 
the  Romans  was  of  so  galling  a  character  that  Aris- 
tobulus, who  had  not  been  a  favorite  in  the  old  days, 
was  now  received  with  unbounded  enthusiasm.  Suffi- 
cient arms  could  not  be  procured  for  the  volunteers 


CH.  III.      ARISTOBULUS    II    AND    ALEXANDER    II.  y^ 

who  flocked  to  his  camp.  He  was  joined  by  Pitho- 
laus,  a  Judaean  commander,  who  had  once  served  as 
a  general  to  Hyrcanus.  Aristobulus  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  8000  men,  and  began  immediately  to 
regarrison  the  citadel  of  Alexandrlon,  whence  he 
hoped  to  exhaust  the  Romans  by.  guerrilla  warfare. 
But  his  impatient  temper  led  him  into  open  battle,  in 
which  a  large  part  of  his  army  was  utterly  destroyed, 
and  the  rest  scattered.  Still  unsubdued,  Aristobulus 
threw  himself  with  the  remnant  of  his  followers  into 
the  citadel  of  Machaerus,  but  at  the  approach  of  the 
Romans  with  their  battering-rams  he  was  obliged 
to  capitulate,  and  for  the  second  time  was  sent  with 
his  sons  into  captivity  at  Rome  (56). 

Another  insurrection,  organized  by  his  son  Alex- 
ander, who  had  obtained  his  freedom  from  the  then 
all-powerful  Pompey,  was  doomed  to  come  to  as  dis- 
astrous a  termination.  Galled  by  the  oppression  of 
the  Governor  of  Syria,  the  inhabitants  of  that  unfor- 
tunate country  sent  an  army  of  30,000  men  to  join 
Alexander.  They  commenced  by  killing  all  the 
Romans  who  came  in  their  way,  Gabinius's  troops 
not  being  strong  enough  to  oppose  them.  But  the 
Governor  craftily  succeeded  in  detaching  some  of 
Alexander's  followers  from  his  ranks,  and  then 
tempted  the  Judaean  prince  into  open  battle.  At 
Mount  Tabor  (in  55),  the  Judaeans  were  signally 
defeated. 

Meanwhile  the  three  most  eminent  men  of  Rome 
— Julius  Caesar,  distinguished  by  his  brilliant  saga- 
city, Pompey  by  his  martial  renown,  and  Crassus  by 
his  boundless  wealth — had  agreed  to  break  the 
power  of  the  Senate,  and  to  manage  the  affairs  of 
the  State  according  to  their  own  will.  The  trium- 
virs began  by  dividing  the  fairest  lands  into  prov- 
inces, which  they  separately  appropriated.  Syria 
fell  to  the  share  of  Crassus,  who  was  intensely  avar- 
icious in  spite  of  his  vast  riches.  Judaea  from  this 
time  on  was  annexed  to  Syria  quite  as  a  matter  of 


74  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

course.  Crassus  went  out  of  his  way,  when  march- 
iui^  against  the  Parthians,  to  enter  Jerusalem,  being 
tempted  thither  by  the  rich  treasury  of  the  Temple. 
He  made  no  secret  of  his  wish  to  seize  upon  the 
two  thousand  talents  that  Pompey  had  spared.  In 
order  to  satisfy  his  greed,  a  pious  priest,  Eleazer, 
delivered  up  to  him  a  solid  bar  of  gold,  the  exist- 
ence of  which,  hidden  as  it  was  in  a  hollow  staff  of 
curiously  carved  wood,  had  been  unknown  to  the 
priests.  Upon  the  receipt  of  this  gift,  Crassus 
swore  solemnly  that  he  would  spare  the  treasury  of 
the  Temple.  But  when  was  a  promise  known  to  be 
binding  that  was  made  by  a  Roman  to  a  Judaean? 
He  took  the  golden  bar,  the  two  thousand  talents, 
and  all  the  golden  vessels  of  the  Temple,  which  were 
worth  another  eight  thousand  talents  (54).  Laden 
wdth  these  and  other  spoils  of  the  Sanctuary,  Crassus 
marched  against  the  Parthians ;  but  the  Roman 
arms  had  always  failed  to  subdue  this  people.  Cras- 
sus was  slain,  and  his  army  was  so  entirely  disabled 
that  his  legate,  Cassius  Longinus,  returned  to  Syria 
wath  scarcely  the  tenth  part  of  the  army  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  men  (53).  The  Parthians  pursued 
the  weakened  army,  and  the  Syrians,  weary  of  the 
Roman  yoke,  lent  them  secret  aid.  To  the  Judaeans 
this  seemed  an  auspicious  moment  also  for  their  own 
emancipation. 

It  fell  to  Pitholaus  to  call  the  army  together, 
which  he  led  against  Cassius.  Fortune,  however, 
always  deserted  the  Judaean  arms  when  they  were 
turned  against  the  Romans.  Shut  up  in  Tarichea 
on  the  lake  of  Tiberias,  the  troops  were  obliged  to 
surrender.  Upon  the  urgent  demand  of  Antipater, 
Pitholaus  was  sentenced  to  death  by  Cassius,  and 
thirty  thousand  Judaean  warriors  were  sold  into 
slavery  (52). 

But  the  imprisoned  Aristobulus  looked  forward 
once  again  to  the  hope  of  placing  himself  upon  his 
father's    throne    and    of   banishing   Antipater   into 


CH.  III.  JULIUS    C^:SAR.  75 

obscurity.  Julius  Caesar,  the  greatest  man  that 
Rome  ever  produced,  had  openly  defied  the  Senate, 
and  broken  with  his  associate  Pompey.  The  bitter 
strife  between  the  two  Roman  potentates  lit  the 
torch  of  war  in  the  most  distant  provinces  of  the 
Roman  empire.  Caesar  had  given  Aristobulus  his 
freedom,  and  in  order  to  weaken  Pompey's  influence, 
had  sent  him  with  two  legions  to  Palestine  to  create 
a  diversion  in  his  favor.  But  the  partisans  of  Pom- 
pey contrived  to  poison  the  Judcean  prince.  His 
followers  embalmed  his  body  in  honey  and  carried 
it  to  Jerusalem,  where  it  was  buried  beside  the 
bodies  of  the  Hasmonaean  princes.  His  eldest  son, 
the  gallant  Alexander,  was  decapitated  by  order  of 
Sclpio,  a  follower  of  Pompey,  at  Antloch.  The 
widow  of  Aristobulus  and  his  surviving  son  Anti- 
gonus  found  protection  with  Ptolemy,  prince  of 
Chalcis,  whose  son  Phillpplon  had  fallen  in  love 
with  Alexandra,  the  daugfhter  of  Aristobulus,  and 
had  brought  her  to  his  father's  court.  But  Ptolemy, 
out  of  criminal  love  to  his  own  daughter-in-law, 
caused  his  son  to  be  murdered  and  married  the 
widow. 

Antipater  continued  to  be  Pompey's  faithful  ally, 
until  the  Roman  general  met  with  a  miserable  end 
in  Egypt.  Then  the  Idumaean  offered  his  services 
to  Caesar.  When  the  great  general  found  himself 
in  Egypt,  without  sufficient  forces,  without  news 
from  Rome,  in  the  midst  of  a  hostile  population, 
Antipater  evinced  a  touching  eagerness  to  help  him, 
which  did  not  remain  unrewarded.  He  provided 
the  army  of  Caesar's  ally,  Mithridates,  king  of  Perga- 
mus,  with  all  necessaries,  and  sent  him  a  contingent 
of  Judaean  troops ;  he  aided  him  in  conquering 
Pelusium,  and  conciliated  the  Egyptlan-Judaeans 
who  had  taken  the  part  of  his  opponent.  He  was 
now  well  able  to  forego  the  favor  of  Hyrcanus. 
To  no  effect  did  Antigonus,  the  last  surviving  son 
of  Aristobulus,  seek  an  interview  with  Caesar,  in 


76  IIISTURV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

which  he  dwelt  upon  his  father's  and  his  brother's 
loyalty  to  the  Roman  general ;  Antipater  had  but 
to  display  his  wounds,  which  he  had  received  in  the 
very  last  campaign,  to  gain  the  victory  over  his 
rival.  Caesar,  who  was  an  astute  reader  of  men, 
and  who  had  himself  revolted  from  the  legitimate 
order  of  things,  knew  well  enough  how  to  value 
Antipater's  loyalty  and  energy,  and  did  not  support 
the  rightful  claims  of  Antigonus.  Out  of  considera- 
tion for  Antipater  (47),  Hyrcanus  was  proclaimed 
high  priest  and  ethnarch,  and  to  Judaea  was  given 
some  relief  from  her  burdens.  The  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem were  rebuilt,  the  provinces  that  formerly 
belonged  to  Judaea,  namely,  Galilee,  the  towns  in 
the  plains  of  Jezreel,  and  Lydda,  were  once  more 
made  part  of  her  territory.  The  Judaeans  were  no 
longer  forced  to  provide  winter  quarters  for  the 
Roman  legions,  although  the  landowners  were 
obliged  to  give  the  fourth  part  of  their  harvest 
every  second  year  to  the  Roman  troops. 

Caesar  was  altogether  benevolent  to  the  Judaeans, 
and  rewarded  them  for  their  loyalty.  To  the 
Alexandrian  Judaeans  he  granted  many  privileges, 
confirming  their  long-enjoyed  equality  with  the 
Greeks,  and  permitting  them  to  be  governed  by  a 
prince  of  their  own  (Ethnarch).  Money  was  again 
liberally  provided  for  the  Temple.  Caesar  enabled 
the  supplies  to  reach  their  destination.  He  pre- 
vented the  Greek  inhabitants  of  Asia  Minor  from 
molesting  the  Judaeans  of  those  provinces,  from  sum- 
moning them  before  the  courts  of  justice  on  the 
Sabbath,  from  interfering  with  their  public  assem- 
blages and  the  building  of  their  synagogues,  and 
in  general  from  disturbing  them  in  their  religious 
observances  (47-44).  Caesar  must  also  have  ex- 
tended his  generosity  to  the  Judsean  community  in 
Rome,  for  they  evinced  the  warmest  devotion  to 
his  memory. 

But  in  si:)ite  of  all  these  favors,  the  Judaean  nation 


CH.  III.  C^SAR    AND    JUD/EA.  ^'] 

as  a  whole  remained  cold  and  distant.  The  foreign 
communities  of  Judceans  might  bless  Caesar  as  their 
benefactor,  but  the  Palestinean  Judaeans  could  see 
in  him  only  the  Roman,  the  patron  of  the  hated 
Idumaean.  So  defiant  was  the  attitude  of  the  nation 
that  Antipater  felt  himself  compelled  to  threaten 
the  disaffected  with  the  triple  wrath  of  Caesar,  of 
Hyrcanus  and  of  himself,  whilst  he  promised  liberal 
bounty  to  the  obedient  and  loyal  Judaeans.  Mean- 
while, a  small  body  of  men  taken  from  the  army  of 
Aristobulus  had  assembled  under  the  command  of 
Ezekias  upon  one  of  the  mountain  heights  of  Galilee, 
where  they  only  awaited  an  opportune  moment  for 
raising  the  standard  of  revolt  against  Rome.  The 
Romans,  it  is  true,  only  looked  upon  this  little  army 
as  a  band  of  robbers,  and  upon  Ezekias  as  a  robber 
chieftain,  but  to  the  Judaeans  they  were  the  avengers 
of  their  honor  and  their  freedom.  For  they  were 
deeply  mortified  that  Antipater  had  placed  the 
reins  of  government  in  the  hands  of  his  sons,  and 
that  he  cared  only  for  the  growing  power  of  his 
house.  Of  the  four  sons  born  to  him  by  Kypros, 
the  daughter  of  the  King  of  Arabia,  he  proclaimed 
Phasael,  the  eldest,  Governor  of  Jerusalem  and 
Judaea,  and  the  second,  Herod,  a  youth  of  the  age 
of  twenty.  Governor  of  Galilee. 

This  prince  was  destined  to  become  the  evil  genius 
of  the  Judaean  nation  ;  it  was  he  who  brought  her  as 
a  bound  captive  to  Rome  ;  it  was  he  who  placed  his 
feet  triumphantly  upon  her  neck.  Like  an  ominous 
cloud  weighted  down  with  misfortune,  he  seems  from 
the  very  first  to  have  thrown  a  dark  shadow  upon 
the  life  of  the  nation,  which,  as  it  slowly  but  surely 
advanced,  quenched  all  light  in  the  gathering  dark- 
ness and  withered  all  growth,  until  nothing  remained 
but  a  scene  of  desolation.  True  to  his  father's 
policy,  Herod  began  by  basely  flattering  Rome 
and  by  wounding  the  Judaean  spirit.  In  order  to 
gain  favor   with  Caesar,  and  also  to  establish  the 


78  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

security  of  his  family,  he  undertook  a  campaign 
against  the  followers  of  Ezekias  ;  he  captured  the 
leader  of  the  band,  and,  without  any  trial  or  show  of 
justice,  sentenced  him  and  his  followers  to  decapi- 
tation. Eagerwerethe  words  of  praise  and  of  thanks 
awarded  to  him  by  the  Syrians  and  the  Romans  ; 
he  was  called  the  "  Robber-subduer";  but  whilst 
he  was  loaded  with  favors  by  Sextus  Caesar,  the 
Roman  Governor  of  Syria,  all  true  patriots  mourned. 

The  bitter  degradation  which  the  people  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  this  Idumeean  family  inspired  some 
of  the  most  distinguished  Judaeans  to  lay  before  the 
weak-minded  Hyrcanus  the  true  state  of  their  own 
and  of  their  High  Priest's  new  position.  They 
explained  to  him  that  his  dignity  was  but  an  empty 
name,  that  all  real  power  lay  with  Antipater  and  his 
sons.  They  pointed  to  the  execution  of  Ezekias 
and  his  followers  as  an  act  of  gross  contempt  for 
the  Law.  These  bitter  complaints  would  have  had 
but  little  effect  upon  the  weak  Hyrcanus,  had  not 
the  mothers  of  the  slain  torn  his  heart  with  their 
cries  of  anguish.  Whenever  he  appeared  in  the 
Temple  they  threw  themselves  before  him  and 
entreated  him  not  to  let  the  death  of  their  sons 
remain  unavenged. 

At  last  Hyrcanus  permitted  the  Synhedrion  to 
summon  Herod  before  the  seat  of  justice.  But 
Antipater  did  not  fail  to  warn  his  son  of  the  terrible 
storm  that  was  gathering  over  his  head,  and  of  the 
danger  of  entering  Jerusalem  alone  and  unarmed; 
while  at  the  same  time  he  cautioned  him  not  to  ap- 
pear surrounded  by  too  many  troops,  and  so  arouse 
the  suspicions  of  Hyrcanus.  Herod  appeared  at 
the  appointed  time,  but  with  an  armed  escort,  and 
with  a  letter  from  Sextus  Caesar,  making  the  king 
answerable  for  the  life  of  the  favorite.  Thus  the 
day  arrived  for  the  great  trial  to  which  all  the 
inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  were  looking  forward  with 
feverish  impatience.     When   the   members   of  the 


CH.  III.  HEROD    BEFORE    THE    SYNHEDRION.  79 

court  had  taken  their  places,  the  accused,  clad  in 
purple,  with  aggressive  demeanor,  and  escorted  by 
his  followers,  appeared  before  them.  At  this  sight 
most  of  the  accusers  felt  their  courage  fail  them  ; 
Herod's  bitterest  enemies  looked  downcast  and 
shamefaced,  and  even  Hyrcanus  was  embarrassed. 
A  painful  silence  ensued,  during  which  each  man 
stood  breathless.  Only  one  member  found  words 
to  save  the  waning  dignity  of  the  Council,  the 
President,  Shemaya.  Quietly  and  calmly  he  spoke: 
"  Is  it  not  the  intention  of  the  accused  to  put  us  to 
death  if  we  pronounce  him  guilty  ?  And  yet  I  must 
blame  him  less  than  the  king  and  you,  who  suffer 
such  contempt  to  be  cast  upon  the  Law.  Know, 
then  that  he,  before  whom  you  are  all  trembling, 
will  one  day  deliver  you  to  the  sword  of  the 
executioner."  These  words  roused  the  fainting 
courage  of  the  judges,  and  they  soon  showed 
themselves  to  be  as  determined  as  they  had  before 
appeared  to  be  cowardly.  But  Hyrcanus  was 
afraid  of  their  growing  wrath,  and  commanded  the 
Council  to  adjourn  the  sitting.  Meanwhile  Herod 
withdrew  from  the  anger  of  the  people,  and  was 
cordially  received  at  Damascus  by  Sextus  Caesar, 
who  proclaimed  him  governor  of  Ccelesyria  (46). 
Overwhelmed  with  honors,  he  was  on  the  point  of 
wreaking  his  vengeance  upon  the  king  and  the 
Council,  when  his  father  and  his  brother  Phasael 
urged  him  to  milder  measures.  But  he  silently 
nursed  his  revenge,  determined  to  gratify  it  upon 
some  future  occasion. 

The  wide-spread  disturbance  occasioned  by  the 
murder  of  Caesar  (44)  involved  Palestine  in  new 
troubles.  The  Roman  Judaeans  justly  were  so  in- 
consolable at  the  death  of  this  great  man  that  they 
spent  several  entire  nights  mourning  beside  the 
grave  that  contained  his  ashes.  The  internal  strug- 
gles, the  bloody  warfare,  the  constant  proscriptions, 
were  but  the  labor-throes  of  Rome  previous  to  the 


8o  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

birth  of  a  new  order  of  things  ;  but  for  Judcca  they 
were  to  a  certain  extent  a  fresh  attack  of  a  fatal  dis- 
ease. The  heads  of  the  republican  party  supplanted 
those  of  the  Caesarian  party,  but  merely  to  be  sup- 
planted by  them  again  in  a  short  time  ;  and  this  was 
the  case  not  only  in  Judaea,  but  in  various  parts  of 
the  Roman  empire.  The  republican,  Cassius  Lon- 
ginus,  had  arrived  in  Syria  for  the  purpose  of  raising 
troops  and  money,  and  demanded  that  Judaea  should 
supply  him  with  700  talents.  Cassius  was  in  des- 
perate haste,  for  any  moment  might  deprive  him  of 
the  supreme  power  with  which  he  ruled  at  that  time 
over  persons  and  events  in  Syria.  Thus  he  threw 
the  inhabitants  of  four  Palestinean  cities  into  chains 
and  sold  them  into  slavery,  because  their  contribu- 
tions were  not  delivered  quickly  enough. 

The  eyes  of  the  unfortunate  monarch,  Hyrcanus, 
were  opened  at  last  to  the  fact  that  the  Idumaeans 
were  seeking  only  their  own  interest  under  the 
cloak  of  warm  partisanship  for  his  cause.  He  began 
to  be  suspicious  in  his  dealings  with  them,  and  turned 
for  support  to  a  true  and  faithful  friend,  Malich,  who 
had  long  since  recognized  the  duplicity  of  the  Idu- 
maeans. As  yet  Hyrcanus  knew  nothing  of  the 
fiendish  plot  by  which  he  was  to  be  dethroned,  and 
which  was  to  raise  Herod,  by  the  help  of  the  Roman 
legions,  to  the  throne  of  Judaea.  But  this  rumor 
had  reached  the  ears  of  Malich.  Determined  to  rid 
the  king  of  the  hated  Antipater,  he  contrived  to  poison 
him  when  he  was  feasting  at  a  banquet  with  Hyrcanus 
(43).  In  cutting  at  the  root,  he  failed,  however,  to  de- 
stroy the  growing  evil,  for  Herod  surpassed  his  father, 
not  only  in  determination  and  in  audacity,  but  also  in 
duplicity.  He  avenged  the  death  of  Antipater  by 
the  assassination  of  Malich.  All  attempts  to  ruin 
the  Idumaean  brothers  were  unsuccessful.  Even 
when  Herod  fell  suddenly  and  grievously  ill,  Phasael 
was  fortunate  enough  to  subdue  his  enemies.  A 
plot  conceived  by  Antigonus,  the    son  of  Aristo- 


CH.  III.  THE   TRIUMVIRS    AND    HEROD.  8 1 

bulus  II,  supported  by  his  kinsman  Ptolemy  of 
Chalcis,  to  deprive  the  Idumaeans  of  their  power, 
failed  likewise,  and  Herod  compelled  Hyrcanus  to 
crown  him  with  the  garland  of  victory  when  he  made 
his  entry  into  Jerusalem.  As  a  means  of  disarming 
this  terrible  and  mighty  prince,  Hyrcanus  tried  to 
attach  him  to  his  house,  by  betrothing  him  to  his 
granddaughter  Mariamne,  celebrated  in  history  no 
less  for  her  beauty  than  for  her  misfortunes.  The 
victim  was  to  be  bound  to  the  executioner  by  the 
bonds  of  marriage,  and  her  own  mother,  Alexandra, 
helped  to  bring  about  this  miserable  alliance. 

Fortune  smiled  so  persistently  upon  the  Idumaean 
that  all  changes  in  the  political  world,  however  they 
might  appear  to  damage  his  cause,  only  gave  him 
greater  power.  The  republican  army  was  completely 
routed  at  Philippi  (in  42),  the  leaders,  Brutus  and  Cas- 
sius,  committed  suicide,  and  the  Roman  world  lay  at 
the  feet  of  the  second  triumvirate — Octavius,  Antony, 
and  Lepidus.  Herod  and  Phasael  looked  upon 
these  changes  with  a  troubled  eye  ;  for  had  they  not 
displayed  the  warmest  zeal  for  the*  opponents  of  the 
triumvirate?  Besides  this,  some  of  the  Judaean 
nobles  had  hurried  forth  to  meet  the  victor  Antony 
in  Bithynia,  carrying  to  him  their  complaints  of  the 
rapacity  of  the  Idumsean  brothers.  But  Herod  soon 
found  the  means  to  scatter  the  clouds.  He  also 
appeared  before  Antony  with  a  smooth  tongue  and 
ready  money.  Antony  did  not  fail  to  remember 
that  he  had  formerly  tasted  of  Antipater's  hospitality. 
He  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  Judaean  nobles,  and  dis- 
missed Herod  with  marks  of  favor.  The  voice  of 
the  nation,  which  made  itself  heard  through  its 
ambassadors,  was  no  longer  heeded.  Antony  sen- 
tenced some  of  the  unfortunate  envoys  to  be  thrown 
into  prison,  and  others  to  be  executed,  whilst  he 
proclaimed  the  two  Idumaean  brothers  governors  of 
Judaea,  with  the  title  "  Tetrarch." 


82  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  III. 

At  one  time  it  seemed  as  if  this  constant  good 
fortune  were  about  to  desert  the  Idumaean  brothers 
and  to  return  to  the  Masmon:ean  house.  The  Par- 
thians,  stimulated  by  the  fugitive  Roman  repubHcan 
Labienus,  had  made,  under  the  command  of  their 
kind's  son  Pacorus,  and  his  commander,  Barza- 
pharnes,  an  inroad  into  Asia  Minor  and  Syria,  whilst 
Mark  Antony  was  reveling  at  the  court  of  the  be- 
witching queen  Cleopatra.  The  Parthians,  enemies 
of  the  Roman  republic,  were  also  violently  antago- 
nistic to  Herod  and  Phasael ;  they  became  doubly  so 
on  account  of  their  connection  with  Lysanias,  the  son 
of  Ptolemy,  who  was  related  to  the  house  of  Aristob- 
ulus,  and  who  had  promised  great  rewards  to  the 
Parthian  commanders  if  they  would  sweep  the  hated 
brothers  out  of  the  way,  dethrone  Hyrcanus,  and 
crown  Antigonus.  The  Parthians  agreed  to  this 
scheme,  and,  dividing  their  army  into  two  detach- 
ments, marched  by  the  sea-coast  and  the  inland  road 
upon  Jerusalem.  At  every  step  they  were  met  and 
joined  by  Jud^ean  troops,  who  outstripped  them  in 
their  haste  to  arrive  at  the  capital.  Upon  entering 
Jerusalem  they  besieged  the  Hasmonaean  palace, 
and  flocked  to  the  Mount  of  the  Temple.  The  com- 
mon people,  in  spite  of  being  unarmed,  supported 
the  invaders.  The  festival  of  Pentecost  was  at  hand, 
and  a  crowd  of  worshipers  from  all  parts  of  Judaea 
were  streaming  into  Jerusalem  ;  they  also  declared 
themselves  in  favor  of  Antigonus.  The  Idumseans 
h  Id  the  palace  and  its  fortress,  and  the  invaders, 
the  city.  Hyrcanus  and  Phasael  were  at  last  per- 
suaded by  Pacorus,  the  king's  cup-bearer,  to  go  as 
envoys  of  peace  to  the  general,  Barzapharnes,  whilst 
Herod  was  closely  watched.  Upon  arriving  at 
Ecdippa  the  two  unfortunate  ambassadors  were 
thrown  into  prison,  where  Phasael  committed  suicide, 
and  where  Hyrcanus  had  his  ears  mutilated,  in  order 
to  incapacitate  him  thereafter  for  holding  his  priestly 
office    I'lots  were  also  laid  to  ensure  the  downfall  of 


CH.  III.  PLOTS    AGAINST    HEROD.  83 

Herod,  but,  warned  by  some  faithful  followers  of  his 
brother,  he  contrived  to  escape  from  his  palace  at 
night.  Accompanied  by  his  bride  Mariamne,  and  by 
the  female  members  of  his  family,  he  hurried  to  the 
fortress  Masada,  which  he  left  in  command  of  his 
brother  Joseph,  retiring  first  into  Arabia,  then  into 
Egypt,  and  finally  to  Rome.  He  was  followed  by 
the  execrations  of  the  people.  Antigonus  was  now 
proclaimed  king  of  Judaea  (the  Parthians  carrying 
off  Hyrcanus  to  Babylon),  and  feeling  himself  to  be 
in  truth  a  monarch,  he  had  coins  struck  with  his 
Hebrew  and  Greek  names :  "  Mattathias,  High 
Priest,  and  the  Commonwealth  of  the  Judaeans,"  and 
also  "  King  Antigonus."  The  Parthian  auxiliary 
troops  were  dismissed,  and  Antigonus  destroyed  the 
last  of  the  Roman  contingent  that  still  held  some  of 
the  fortresses  in  Palestine.  So  Judaea  was  once 
more  freed  from  foreign  soldiery,  and  could  indulge 
in  the  sweet  dream  of  regained  independence  after 
thirty  hard  years  of  internal  troubles  and  terrible 
warfare. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ANTIGONUS   AND   HEROD. 

Weakness  of  Antigonus  and  Herod's  Strength  of  Character — Con- 
test for  the  Throne— Herod  becomes  King — Proscriptions  and 
Confiscations — Herod's  Policy — Abolition  of  the  Hereditary 
Tenure  of  the  High  Priesthood— Death  of  the  High  Priest 
Aristobulus — War  with  the  Arabians — The  Earthquake — Death 
of  the  last  of  the  Hasmona^ans — Hillel  becomes  the  Head  of 
the  Synhedrion — His  System  of  Tradition — Menahem  the  Essene 
— Shammai  and  his  School— Mariamne — Herod's  Magnificence 
and  Passion  for  Building— Herod  rebuilds  the  Temple — Herod 
executes  his  Sons  Alexander  and  Aristobulus — Antipater  and 
his  Intrigues — The  Pharisees  under  Herod — The  Destruction  of 
the  Roman  Eagle — Execution  of  Antipater  and  Death  of  Herod. 

40—3  B.  c.  E, 

It  is  certain  that  Judaea  derived  her  greatness  and 
independence  rather  from  the  tact  and  foresight  of 
the  first  Hasmona^ans  than  from  their  skill  in  arms  ; 
and  in  like  manner  she  suffered  humiliation  and 
bondage  from  the  short-sightedness  of  the  last  Has- 
monsean  kings,  who  did  not  understand  how  to  make 
use  of  the  advantages  within  their  grasp.  Events 
were  most  favorable  for  Antigonus  to  acquire  ex- 
tended power.  The  Roman  leaders  were  violently 
opposed  to  one  another.  The  provinces  in  the  east, 
unimportant  in  the  eyes  of  Octavius,  were  looked 
upon  by  Antony  as  the  abode  of  luxury  and  pomp 
rather  than  as  an  arena  for  warlike  achievements. 
The  soft  arms  of  Cleopatra  had  made  the  rough 
couch  of  the  war-goddess  distasteful  to  him.  The 
Parthians,  who  hated  the  greed  of  Rome,  had  vali- 
antly repulsed  her  troops.  Had  Antigonus  under- 
stood how  to  keep  alive  the  hatred  of  the  people 
towards  the  Idumaean  house,  the  Romans  them- 
selves would  have  courted  him  as  an  ally  instead  of 
shunning  him  as  an  enemy,  so  eager  were  they  for 
84 


CH.  IV.  charactp:r  of  axtigonus.  85 

assistance  in  staying-  the  progress  of  the  Parthians. 
The  mountain  tribes  of  Galilee  had  already  declared 
in  favor  of  Antigonus  ;  and  Sepphoris,  one  of  their 
cities,  had  been  converted  into  an  arsenal ;  besides, 
the  caves  of  Arbela  sheltered  numerous  bands 
of  freebooters,  who  might  have  proved  dangerous 
to  the  enemy's  rear.  But  Antigonus  was  neither 
a  statesman  nor  a  general.  He  did  not  know  how 
to  turn  to  account  the  varied  material  which  he  had 
at  hand.  The  whole  of  his  strength  was  frittered 
away  upon  trivial  aims  ;  his  leading  passion  was 
the  revenge  which  he  meditated  against  Herod  and 
his  brothers,  and  this  retarded  instead  of  stimulat- 
ing his  activity.  He  did  not  know  how  to  rise  to  the 
truly  royal  height  whence  he  could  look  down  with 
contempt  instead  of  with  hatred  upon  the  Idumaean 
upstarts.  During  his  reign,  which  lasted  three 
years  and  a  half  (40-37),  he  undertook  nothing 
great  or  decisive,  although  the  Roman  officers,  who 
for  the  sake  of  appearances  pretended  to  support 
Herod,  in  point  of  fact  usually  occupied  a  neutral 
position. 

Even  amongst  his  own  people  Antigonus  did  not 
know  the  secret  of  winning  men  of  influence  to  his 
cause  so  that  they  would  stand  or  fall  with  him. 
The  very  leaders  of  the  Synhedrion,  Shemaya  and 
Abtalion,  averse  to  Herod  on  account  of  his  over- 
whelming audacity,  were  not  partisans  of  Antigonus. 
It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  understand  entirely  the 
reason  of  this  aversion  to  the  Hasmonsean  king. 
Had  Antigonus  professed  allegiance  to  Sadducaan 
principles,  or  was  there  personal  jealousy  between 
the  representatives  of  the  royal  power  and  the 
teachers  of  the  Law  ?  We  are  led  to  believe  from 
one  circumstance,  insignificant  in  itself,  that  the  dis- 
like originated  from  the  latter  cause.  It  happened 
once,  upon  the  day  of  Atonement,  that  the  entire 
congregation,  according  to  custom,  had  followed  the 
high  priest,  Antigonus,  at  the  close  of  the  divine  ser- 


86  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

vice,  from  the  Temple  to  his  own  residence.  On 
the  way  they  met  the  two  Synhedrists,  Shemaya 
and  Abtalion  ;  they  quitted  their  priest-king  to  form 
an  escort  for  their  beloved  teachers  of  the  Law. 
Antigonus,  vexed  at  this  apparent  insult,  expressed 
his  displeasure  to  the  Synhedrists  by  an  ironical 
obeisance,  which  they  returned  in  the  same  offensive 
way.  This  unfortunate  variance  with  the  most 
influential  men,  coupled  with  Antigonus's  lack  of 
generalship  and  statecraft,  brought  misfortune  upon 
himself,  his  house  and  the  nation. 

His  rival  Herod,  who  possessed  all  those  qualities 
in  \vhich  he  \vas  deficient,  was  a  man  of  a  different 
stamp.  When  fortune  frow^ned  upon  him  for  a 
time,  he  could  always  win  back  her  smiles.  His 
flight  from  Jerusalem  had  been  so  desperate  for  him 
that  at  one  moment  he  contemplated  suicide.  His 
design  to  make  an  ally  of  the  Nabathaean  king 
failed.  He  wandered  through  the  Judaean-Idumaean 
desert,  an  outcast  and  penniless,  but  yet  unbroken, 
and  revolving  far-reaching  schemes.  He  turned  to 
Egypt ;  there  Cleopatra  offered  to  make  him  gen- 
eral of  her  army,  but  he  refused,  for  he  still  clung  to 
the  hope  of  wearing  the  crown  of  Judaea.  He  took 
ship  for  Rome,  and  after  being  tempest-tossed  and 
narrowly  escaping  shipwreck,  he  arrived  at  his  des- 
tination at  the  favorable  moment  when  Octavius 
and  Antony  had  once  more  agreed  upon  the  Brun- 
disian  treaty.  He  found  no  difficulty  in  persuading 
Antony  that  he  could  render  him  great  service  in 
repulsing  the  Parthians,  and  he  convinced  him  that 
Antigonus,  raised  to  the  throne  of  Judaea  by  the 
Parthians,  would  always  be  an  implacable  enemy  to 
the  Romans.  Antony  was  completely  deceived  by 
the  craft  and  subtlety  of  Herod.  He  spoke  favor- 
ably of  him  to  Octavius,  who  dared  not  refuse  him 
anything.  Thus  within  seven  days,  Herod  succeeded 
in  having  the  Senate  proclaim  him  King  of  Judaea, 
and  Antigonus  pronounced  an  enemy  of  Rome  (40). 


CH.  IV.  CHARACTER    OF    HEROD.  8/ 

This  was  the  second  death-blow  that  Rome  had 
dealt  the  Judaean  nation,  in  delivering  her  up  to  the 
mercy  of  an  aHen,  a  half-Judaean,  an  Idumaean,  who 
had  his  own  personal  insults  to  avenge.  Judaea  was 
forced  to  submit,  and  in  addition  to  pay  tribute- 
money  to  Rome. 

Herod,  seeing  that  his  ambition  was  to  be 
crowned  with  success,  now  left  Antony  (who  had 
loaded  him  with  honors),  in  order  to  assume  the 
royal  title  conferred  upon  him.  He  left  Rome  and 
arrived  at  Acco  (39).  He  was  supplied  with  sums 
of  money  by  various  friends,  and  especially  by 
Saramalla,  the  richest  Judaean  in  Antioch.  With 
these  moneys  he  hired  mercenaries  and  subdued  a 
great  part  of  Galilee.  He  then  hastened  south- 
wards, to  relieve  the  fortress  of  Masada,  where  his 
brother  Joseph  was  hard  pressed  by  the  friends  of 
Antigonus.  This  struggle  was  of  long  duration,  as 
the  Romans  were  unwilling  to  take  an  active  part  in 
the  contest.  Herod  felt  the  necessity  of  appearing 
in  person  in  Antony's  camp,  which  at  that  moment 
was  pitched  before  Samosata,  there  to  plead  his 
own  cause.  Partly  in  return  for  the  services  he  ren- 
dered to  the  Roman  commander  upon  this  occasion, 
and  partly  through  his  persuasive  powers,  he 
induced  Antony  to  send  Sosius,  one  of  his  generals, 
at  the  head  of  two  legions,  to  resolutely  carry  on 
the  contest  against  Antigonus,  and  to  establish 
upon  the  throne  the  king  selected  by  Rome. 

This  war  was  carried  on  by  Herod  with  impla- 
cable severity.  Five  cities  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Jericho,  with  their  inhabitants  to  the  number  of 
2000,  who  had  sided  with  Antigonus,  he  ordered  to 
be  burnt.  In  the  following  spring  {2,7),  he  com- 
menced the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  Previous  to  this, 
he  celebrated  in  Samaria,  with  hands  stained  with 
the  blood  of  its  inhabitants,  his  nuptials  with  Mari- 
amne,  to  whom  he  had  now  for  several  years  been 
betrothed. 


SS  HISTORY    OF    TllK    JKWS.  CH.  IV. 

As  soon  as  Sosius  had  advanced  into  Judaea  with 
a  large  army  of  Roman  infantry,  cavalry  and  Syrian 
mercenaries,  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  was  pressed. 
The  besieging  army  numbered  one  hundred  thou- 
sand men.  They  built  ramparts,  filled  up  the 
moats,  and  prepared  their  battering-rams.  The 
besieged,  though  suffering  from  want  of  food,  de- 
fended themselves  heroically.  They  made  occa- 
sional sorties,  dispersed  the  workmen,  destroyed 
the  preparations  for  the  siege,  built  up  a  new  wall, 
and  harassed  the  besiegers  to  such  an  extent  that 
after  one  month's  labor  they  had  not  advanced 
to  any  extent  in  their  work.  But  the  two  Synhe- 
drists,  Shemaya  and  Abtalion,  raised  their  voices 
against  this  opposition,  and  recommended  their 
countrymen  to  open  their  gates  to  Herod. 

This  division  of  purpose  amongst  the  besieged, 
combined  with  the  attacks  of  the  invaders,  may 
have  hastened  the  fall  of  the  northern  wall,  which 
took  place  at  the  end  of  forty  days.  The  besiegers 
rushed  into  the  lower  town  and  into  the  outworks 
of  the  Temple,  while  the  besieged,  with  their  king, 
fortified  themselves  in  the  upper  town  and  on  the 
Temple  Mount.  The  Romans  were  occupied  during 
another  fortnight  with  the  storming  of  the  south 
wall.  On  a  Sabbath  evening,  when  the  Judaean 
warriors  were  least  expecting  an  attack,  a  portion 
of  the  wall  was  taken,  and  the  Romans  rushed  like 
madmen  into  the  old  part  of  the  city  and  into  the 
Temple.  There,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex, 
they  slaughtered  all  who  came  in  their  way,  even 
the  priest  beside  his  sacrifice.  By  a  strange 
fatality,  Jerusalem  fSU  on  the  anniversary  of  the  day 
on  which,  twenty-seven  years  previously,  the  Temple 
had  been  taken  by  Pompey.  It  was  hardly  possible 
for  Herod  to  restrain  his  savage  soldiery  from  plun- 
dering and  desecrating  the  holy  spot,  and  it  was 
only  by  giving  costly  gifts  to  each  soldier  that  he 
prevented    the    entire    destruction    of    Jerusalem. 


CH.  IV.  POLICY    OF    HEROD.  89 

Antigonus  was  thrown  into  chains  and  sent  to 
Antony,  who,  upon  Herod's  persistent  entreaties, 
and  contrary  to  all  custom  and  usage,  had  him  tor- 
tured and  then  ignobly  beheaded.  This  disgraceful 
treatment  excited  the  opprobrium  even  of  the 
Romans. 

Herod,  or,  as  the  people  called  him,  the  Idumcean 
slave,  had  thus  reached  the  goal  of  his  lofty  desires. 
His  throne,  it  is  true,  rested  upon  ruins  and  upon 
the  dead  bodies  of  his  subjects  ;  but  he  felt  that  he 
had  the  power  to  maintain  its  dignity,  even  if  it  were 
necessary  to  carry  a  broad  river  of  blood  round  its 
base.  The  bitter  hatred  of  the  Judaean  people, 
whose  ruler  he  had  become  without  the  slightest 
lawful  title,  was  nothing  to  him  as  compared  with 
the  friendship  of  Rome  and  the  smile  of  Antony. 
His  line  of  action  was  clearly  marked  out  for  him 
by  the  situation  of  affairs :  he  had  to  cling  to  the 
Romans  as  a  support  against  the  ill-will  of  his 
people,  and  meet  this  ill-will  by  apparent  con- 
cessions, or  control  it  by  unrelenting  severity. 
This  was  the  policy  that  he  followed  from  the 
first  moment  of  his  victory  until  he  drew  his  last 
breath.  During  a  1  the  thirty-four  years  of  his 
reign  he  followed  this  line  of  policy,  cold  and  heart- 
less as  fate,  and  entailing  the  most  terrible  conse- 
quences. Even  in  the  first  confusion  attendant 
upon  the  conquest  of  the  Temple  Mount,  he  had 
not  lost  his  coolness  and  vigilance,  but  had  ordered 
his  satellite  Costobar  to  surround  the  exits  of  Jeru- 
salem with  his  soldiery,  and  thus  to  prevent  the 
escape  of  the  unfortunate  fugitives.  The  followers 
of  Antigonus  were  slain  in  large  numbers,  many 
amongst  them  being  of  the  most  distinguished 
families.  Herod  did  not  forget  old  grievances. 
The  Synhedrists,  who  twelve  years  previously  had 
decreed  his  death,  were  killed  to  a  man,  with  the 
exception  of  Abtalion  and  Shemaya,  who  had  been 
hostile  to  Antigonus.     He  seized  the  property  of 


90  HISTORY    OF   TIIK    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

those  whom  he  executed  or  otherwise  condemned 
for  the  royal  treasury  ;  for  this  worthy  pupil  of  Roman 
masters  was  fully  alive  to  the  advantages  of  pro- 
scription and  confiscation.  He  passed  over  the  Has- 
moniean  house  in  selecting  a  high  priest,  and  chose 
a  certain  Ananel,  a  descendant  of  Aaron,  but  not  of 
high-priestly  family,  for  that  office.  He  declared 
that  his  own  was  an  old  Judaean  family  which  had 
returned  from  Babylonia,  wishing  in  this  way  to 
obliterate  the  fact  that  he  was  descended  from  an 
Idumaean  ancestor  who  had  been  forced  to  accept 
Judaism.  The  natives  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  a 
good  memory  for  his  true  extraction,  did  not  indeed 
lend  an  ear  to  this  invention,  but  foreign  Judseans 
and  heathens  may  perhaps  have  been  deceived  by 
it.  His  confidential  friend  and  historian,  Nicolaus 
of  Damascus,  relates  this  fiction  as  coming  from  his 
own  lips.  At  the  death  of  Shemaya  and  Abtalion, 
the  presidents  of  the  Synhedrion  w-ere  chosen  from 
a  Babylonian-Juda;an  family,  that  of  Bene  Bathyra, 
Two  persons  still  existed  who  might  prove  dan- 
gerous to  Herod:  an  old  man  and  a  youth — Hyrca- 
nus,  who  had  once  worn  the  crown  and  the  priestly 
diadem,  and  his  grandson  Aristobulus,  Herod's 
brother-in-law,  who  had  claims  upon  both  the  royal 
and  the  priestly  dignity.  Herod  could  not  devote 
himself  to  the  calm  enjoyment  of  his  conquest  until 
these  two  should  be  powerless.  Hyrcanus,  it  was 
true,  who  had  fallen  captive  to  the  Parthians,  had 
been  mutilated  by  them,  and  was  therefore  unfit  to 
resume  his  priestly  office ;  but  his  captors  had 
generously  granted  him  freedom,  and  the  aged 
monarch  had  been  joyfully  and  reverentially  w^el- 
comed  by  the  community  of  Babylonian  Jud2eans. 
In  spite  of  the  devotion  which  he  received  from 
these  people,  Hyrcanus  had  an  intense  longing 
to  return  to  his  native  land,  and  Herod  was  afraid 
that  he  might  induce  the  Babylonian  Judajans  or  the 
Parthians  to  take  up  his  cause  and  help  him  regain 


CH.  IV.  ARISTOBULUS.  9I 

his  throne,  from  which  the  latter  had  torn  him. 
Anxious  to  avert  this  danger,  Herod  bethought  him- 
self of  taking  Hyrcanus  from  Parthian  influence  and 
of  bringing  him  under  his  own  power.  It  was  thus 
that  the  aged  monarch  received  a  pressing  invitation 
to  Jerusalem  to  share  the  throne  and  the  power  of 
king  Herod,  and  to  receive  the  thanks  of  the 
Idumaean  for  past  acts  of  kindness  that  Hyrcanus 
had  shown  him.  Vainly  did  the  Babylonian  Judaeans 
warn  the  credulous  prince  not  to  let  himself  be 
drawn  a  second  time  into  the  eddy  of  public  life ; 
he  hurried  to  his  doom.  Herod  received  him  with 
every  mark  of  respect,  and  gave  him  the  place  of 
honor  at  his  table  and  in  the  Council,  masking 
his  treachery  so  completely  that  Hyrcanus  was 
entirely  deceived.  He  was  unarmed  and  powerless 
in  a  golden  cage. 

But  more  dangerous  to  Herod  seemed  his  young 
brother-in-law  Aristobulus,  the  only  brother  of  Ma- 
riamne,  who,  on  account  of  his  Uncage,  his  3'outh, 
and  his  surpassing  beauty,  had  attracted  the  love 
and  devotion  of  all  his  people.  Herod,  in  debarring 
him  from  the  dignity  of  high  priest,  imagined  that 
he  had  successfully  destroyed  his  influence.  But  this 
was  not  so.  Alexandra,  the  mother  of  Mariamne 
and  Aristobulus,  as  well  versed  in  intrigue  as  Herod 
himself,  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  Antony's  favor 
for  her  son.  She  had  sent  the  portraits  of  her  chil- 
dren, the  most  beautiful  of  their  race,  to  the  Roman 
triumvir,  believing  his  weak  nature  might  be  worked 
upon  most  favorably  through  the  senses.  Antony, 
in  truth,  struck  by  the  portraits,  requested  to  see 
Aristobulus.  But  Herod,  in  order  that  this  meeting 
should  not  take  place,  suddenly  proclaimed  the 
young  Hasmonaean  high  priest,  and  Ananel  was 
deprived  of  this  dignity.  But  Alexandra  was  far 
from  being  satisfied,  for  she  was  secretly  determined 
that  her  son  should  also  wear  the  crown  which  his 
ancestors    had   worn.       Herod,    fully   alive    to   his 


92  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

peril,  was  all  the  more  determined  to  rid  himself  of 
this  dang^eroiis  youth.  Aristobulus  had  already 
gained  the  heart  of  the  people,  and  whenever  he 
appeared  in  the  Temple,  every  eye  hung  upon  his 
noble  and  perfect  form,  every  glance  seemed  to 
avow  that  the  Judseans  were  longing  to  see  this  last 
scion  of  the  Hasmonaean  house  seated  upon  the  royal 
throne.  Herod  durst  not  act  with  open  violence 
against  his  rival,  who  was  looked  upon  with  special 
favor  by  Queen  Cleopatra,  but  as  usual  he  resorted 
to  treachery.  He  invited  Aristobulus  to  Jericho, 
and  bade  his  followers  dispatch  the  youth  whilst  he 
was  disporting  in  the  bath.  Thus  died,  at  the  early 
age  of  seventeen,  Aristobulus  III.,  the  last  male 
representative  of  the  Hasmonaean  house.  Herod 
then  reappointed  his  puppet  Ananel  as  high  priest. 
It  was  vain  for  the  Idumaean  to  affect  deep  grief  at 
the  death  of  his  young  brother-in-law,  it  was  vain 
for  him  to  throw  sweet  perfume  upon  his  body ;  all 
the  relations  and  friends  of  the  murdered  Hasmo- 
naean accused  Herod  in  their  hearts  of  his  death, 
although  their  lips  gave  no  utterance  to  their 
thoughts. 

But  this  crime  brought  its  own  bitter  punishment 
with  it,  and  made  Herod's  whole  life  one  long  tale 
of  misery.  The  agony  of  remorse  that  might  have 
wrought  some  change  upon  a  less  hardened  nature 
was  not  felt,  but  only  an  ever-increasing  suspicion 
towards  those  of  his  own  household,  which  urged 
him  to  heap  crime  upon  crime,  to  murder  his  nearest 
relatives,  even  his  own  children,  until  he  became  at 
last  the  most  terrible  example  of  a  sin-laden  exist- 
ence. Alexandra,  who  had  staked  her  ambitious  hopes 
upon  the  coronation  of  her  son,  and  who  now  found 
herself  so  cruelly  deceived,  did  not  hesitate  to  accuse 
Herod  before  Cleopatra  of  the  murder  of  Aristo- 
bulus. This  queen,  whose  passions  were  uncon- 
trolled, and  who  looked  with  an  envious  eye  upon 
Herod's  newly  acquired  kingdom,  took  advantage 


CH.  IV.  MARIAMNE.  93 

of  his  crime  to  make  its  author  appear  odious  in  the 
eyes  of  Antony.  Herod  was  summoned  to  Lao- 
dicea.  Trembling  for  his  life,  the  vassal  king  obeyed 
the  summons,  but  succeeded  in  ingratiating  himself 
so  thoroughly  by  costly  gifts  and  by  carefully  chosen 
yet  eloquent  words,  that  not  only  was  the  death  of 
Aristobulus  overlooked,  but  he  was  distinguished 
by  marks  of  esteem,  and  sent  back  to  Jerusalem, 
full  of  happy  self-confidence.  He  lost,  however,  one 
precious  pearl  from  his  crown.  The  far-famed  dis- 
trict of  Jericho,  celebrated  for  its  wealth  of  palm- 
trees  and  its  highly-prized  balsam,  had  been  given 
by  Antony  to  Cleopatra,  and  Herod  was  forced  to 
accept  two  hundred  talents  in  lieu  as  tribute-money 
from  the  queen.  He  could,  however,  rest  well  satis- 
fied with  this  loss,  when  comparing  it  with  the 
danger  from  which  he  had  escaped. 

On  the  threshold  of  his  palace,  however,  the  demon 
of  discord  awaited  him,  ready  to  fill  his  whole  being 
with  despair.     On  the  eve  of  his  departure  he  had 
entrusted  his  wife  Mariamne  to  the  care  of  Joseph, 
the  husband  of  his  sister  Salome,  and  had  given  him 
the  secret  command  that,  in  case  of  his  falling  a  victim 
to  Antony's  displeasure,  Joseph  should  murder  both 
Mariamne  and  Alexandra.     Love  for  his  beautiful 
wife,  whom  he  could  not  bear  to  think  of  as  belong- 
ing to  another,  added  to  hatred  of  Alexandra,  who 
should  not   triumph   in   his   death,   prompted   this 
fiendish  resolve.    But  Joseph  had  betrayed  his  secret 
mission  to  Mariamne,  and  had  thus  plunged  another 
dagger  into  the  heart  of  that  unhappy  queen.   When 
a  false  report  of  Herod's  death  became  current  in 
Jerusalem,  Mariamne  and  her  mother  prepared  to 
put  themselves  under  Roman  protection.     Herod's 
sister  Salome,  who  hated  both  her  husband  Joseph 
and  her  sister-in-law  Mariamne,  made  use  of  this 
lact  to  calumniate  them  upon  her  brother's  return, 
accusing  them  of  a  mutual  understanding  and  undue 
\ntimacy.     Herod  at  first  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  this 


94  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

calumny,  but  when  Mariamnc  disclosed  to  her  hus- 
band, amidst  tears  of  indignation,  that  Joseph  had 
confessed  his  secret  mission  to  her,  then  the  king's 
wrath  knew  no  bounds.  Declaring  that  he  fully 
believed  his  sister's  accusations,  he  beheaded  Joseph, 
placed  Alexandra  in  confinement,  and  would  have 
had  Mariamne  slain,  had  not  his  love  for  his  queen 
surpassed  even  his  rage.  From  that  day,  however,  the 
seeds  of  distrust  and  hatred  were  sown  in  the  palace, 
and  they  grew  and  spread  until  one  member  of  the 
royal  family  after  another  met  with  an  untimely  and 
violent  death. 

Outwardly,  however,  fortune  appeared  to  smile 
upon  Herod,  carrying  him  successfully  over  the  most 
difficult  obstacles  in  his  path.  Before  the  sixth  year 
of  his  reign  had  ended,  threatening  clouds  began  to 
gather  over  his  head.  A  surviving  sister  of  the  last 
Hasmonaean  king  Antigonus  had  arisen  as  the 
avenger  of  her  brother  and  his  race,  and  had,  in  some 
way  or  other,  possessed  herself  of  the  fortress  of 
Hyrcanion.  Herod  had  hardly  disarmed  this  female 
warrior  before  he  was  threatened  by  a  more  serious 
danger.  Cleopatra,  who  had  always  hated  the  Judae- 
ans,  and  who  had  been  most  ungenerous  to  that 
community  in  Alexandria  during  a  year  of  famine, 
had  again  attempted  to  effect  Herod's  ruin  by 
awakening  Antony's  displeasure  against  him.  Afraid 
of  this  violent  and  yet  crafty  queen,  and  alarmed  at  the 
hatred  of  his  own  people,  who  were  longing  for  his 
downfall,  Herod  determined  upon  preparing  some 
safe  retreat,  where  his  life  would  at  all  events  be 
secure  from  his  enemies.  He  chose  for  this  purpose 
the  fortress  of  Masada,  which  nature  had  rendered 
almost  impregnable,  and  which  he  fortified  still  more 
strongly.  But  Cleopatra  was  already  devising 
another  scheme  for  the  downfall  of  her  enemy.  She 
succeeded  in  entangling  him  in  a  war  with  Malich, 
the  Nabathsean  king,  and  thus  endeavored  to  bring 
about   the   ruin   of  two    equally  hated   monarchs. 


CH.  IV.  CLEOPATRA    OPPOSES    HEROD.  95 

But  Herod  gained  two  decisive  victories  over  the 
Nabathseans,  which  alarmed  Cleopatra,  and  caused 
her  to  send  her  general  Athenion  to  the  aid  of 
Malich.  The  Judaean  army  sustained  a  terrible 
defeat,  and  Herod  was  beaten  back  across  the  Jor- 
dan. This  disaster  was  followed  by  an  earthquake, 
which  alarmed  and  dispirited  the  Judaean  troops  to 
such  an  extent  that  they  lost  all  courage  and  were 
almost  powerless  before  the  enemy.  But  Herod, 
with  true  genius,  succeeded  in  rousing  his  people, 
and  in  leading  them  victoriously  against  the  Naba- 
thseans. Malich  was  forced  to  become  the  vassal 
of  the  Judaean  king. 

Hardly,  however,  was  peace  restored  before  a 
storm  arose  that  threatened  to  shake  the  Roman 
world  to  its  very  depths  and  to  destroy  the  favorite 
of  the  Roman  generals.  Ever  since  that  day  when 
Rome  and  her  vast  possessions  lay  at  the  feet  of 
the  triumvirs,  who  hated  each  other  cordially,  and 
each  one  of  whom  wished  to  be  sole  ruler  of  the 
state,  the  political  atmosphere  had  been  charged 
with  destructive  elements  that  threatened  to  explode 
at  any  given  moment.  Added  to  this,  one  of  the 
three  leaders  was  completely  under  the  sway  of  the 
dissolute  and  devilish  Queen  Cleopatra,  who  had  set 
her  heart  upon  becoming  mistress  of  Rome,  even 
though  this  should  entail  the  devastation  of  whole 
countries  by  fire  and  by  sword. 

It  was  during  this  highly  excited  period  that  a 
Judaean  author  foretold,  in  beautiful  Greek  verse, 
written  in  the  form  of  a  sibylline  prophecy,  the 
coming  destruction  of  the  Roman-Greek  state,  and 
the  reign  of  Belial,  who  would  decoy  the  unhappy 
ones  to  their  final  destruction ;  but  this  Judaeo- 
Greek  seer  also  heralded  the  coming  of  a  glorious 
Messiah.  An  era  of  crime  had  certainly  begun,  and 
a  Belial  had  appeared  in  the  person  of  the  half- 
Judaean  Herod,  but  as  yet  no  Messianic  dawn  of 
better  things  was  apparent. 


g6  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

With  the  declaration  of  war  between  Octavius 
and  Antony,  a  fierce  strife  broke  out  between  the 
Western  and  the  Eastern  provinces  of  Rome  ;  it 
was  Europe  against  Asia — a  w^ar  of  nations.  But 
it  came  to  a  sudden  end  with  the  fall  of  Antony  in 
the  battle  of  Actium  (31).  This  blow  struck  Herod 
severely  ;  neither  he  nor  his  friends  doubted  for  one 
moment  that  he  w^ould  be  submerged  in  the  ruin 
of  his  protector,  for  he  had  been  closely  allied  to 
Antony.  He  was  prepared  for  the  worst,  but  he 
determined  not  to  be  outlived  by  the  aged  Hyr- 
canus,  by  his  wife  Marlamne,  or  by  his  mother-in-law 
Alexandra.  He  accused  Hyrcanus  of  having  con- 
spired with  the  Nabathaean  king,  and  ordered  the 
innocent  monarch  to  be  executed.  Mariamne  and 
Alexandra  he  placed  under  the  guardianship  of  the 
Ithuraean  Soem  in  the  fortress  of  Alexandrion. 
Herod  then  prepared  to  present  himself  before  the 
conqueror,  Octavianus  Caesar,  and  if  he  met  with 
his  death,  as  was  most  probable,  Mariamne  and  her 
mother  were  to  be  instantly  murdered. 

On  the  eve  of  Herod's  departure,  he  found  him- 
self compelled  to  make  some  change  in  the  Synhe- 
drion,  and  to  appoint  the  Babylonian  Hillel,  a  man 
unknown  until  then,  as  one  of  the  presidents.  This 
gave  a  new  direction  to  the  spirit  of  Judaism,  which 
has  affected  that  faith  down  to  the  present.  Hillel, 
born  about  the  year  75,  traced  back  his  descent,  on 
his  mother's  side,  to  the  house  of  David.  Although 
his  lineage  was  a  distinguished  one,  he  was  living  in 
needy  circumstances,  and  was  supported  by  his  rich 
brother,  Shebna.  He  probably  accompanied  Hyr- 
canus on  his  return  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem,  and 
became  one  of  the  most  devoted  disciples  of  the 
Synhedrists,  Shemaya  and  Abtalion,  whose  tradi- 
tional lore  he  endeavored  to  transmit  literally  and 
faithfully. 

Hillel  was  particularly  distinguished  for  his  win- 
ning,   dove-like    gentleness,    his    intense    love   of 


CH.  IV.  HILLEL.  97 

humanity,  which  arose  from  his  own  humility,  and 
from  his  deep  faith  in  others,  and  lastly,  for  that 
perfect  equanimity  proceeding  from  his  profound 
trust  in  God,  that  never  wavered  in  the  midst  of 
trouble.  In  later  ages  he  was  revered  as  the  ideal 
of  modesty  and  gentleness.  When  he  was  once 
asked  to  express  the  essence  of  Judaism  in  one 
sentence,  he  uttered  this  golden  maxim  :  "  Do  not 
unto  others  what  thou  wouldst  not  have  done  unto 
thyself.  This  is  the  principal  commandment :  all 
others  are  the  development  of  that  one."  If  strife 
and  dissension  arose,  Hillel  was  invariably  the 
peacemaker.  His  beneficence  knew  no  bounds,  and 
he  had  that  rare  delicacy  of  feeling  which  never 
humiliates  the  recipient  by  the  gift,  but  which  rather 
helps  him  to  maintain  his  self-respect.  His  faith 
in  God  raised  him  triumphantly  above  every  fear. 
All  the  members  of  his  household  were  imbued 
through  his  example  with  the  same  faith  ;  so  much 
so  that  once,  upon  entering  the  town  and  hearing  a 
cry  of  distress,  he  was  able  confidently  to  remark, 
"  That  cry  cannot  have  proceeded  from  my  house." 
Hillel  has  bequeathed  a  greater  number  of  maxims 
to  us  than  any  of  his  predecessors.  We  read 
amongst  them  the  following  :  "  If  I  were  not  to  care 
for  myself  (my  soul),  who  would  do  so  for  me  ?  If  I 
care  for  myself  alone,  what  can  I  effect  ?  If  not 
now,  when  then  ?"  "  Be  of  the  disciples  of  Aaron, 
love  peace,  seek  peace,  love  mankind,  thus  lead 
them  to  the  Law."  Impressed  by  the  sublime  mis- 
sion of  Israel,  that  of  maintaining  and  teaching  the 
pure  belief  in  one  God,  he  exclaimed  at  one  of  the 
festivals  in  the  Temple :  *'  If  I  (Israel)  am  here, 
then  is  everything  here  ;  if  I  should  be  wanting,  who 
would  be  here  ?"  The  doctrines  of  Judaism  were  so 
profoundly  revered  by  him  that  his  indignation  was 
roused  whenever  they  were  used  as  stepping-stones 
to  the  schemes  of  the  ambitious.  "He  who  wishes 
to  raise  his  name,  lowers  it ;  he  who  does  not  seek 


98  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

the  Law,  does  not  deserve  to  live.  He  who  does 
not  progress  in  learning,  retrogrades  ;  he  who  uses 
the  crown  of  the  Law  for  his  own  ends,  perishes." 

Hillel  became  in  after  years  the  very  ideal  of  his 
co-religionists.  The  impetus  given  by  him  to  the 
development  of  doctrinal  Judaism  marks  an  epoch  in 
the  history  of  that  faith.  He  greatly  enriched  the 
mass  of  the  traditional  lore  that  he  had  imbibed 
from  the  Synhedrists,  Shemaya  and  Abtalion.  But 
far  more  important  was  his  logical  derivation  of 
the  statutes  of  the  Law  observed  in  his  time.  He 
traced  them  back  to  their  first  principles,  and  raised 
them  out  of  the  narrow  circle  of  tradition  and  mere 
custom  to  the  heigrht  of  reason.  The  traditional 
law,  according  to  Hillel,  carries  within  itself  its 
justification  and  binding  power,  it  does  not  depend 
on  authority  alone.  Thus,  to  a  certain  extent,  he 
paved  the  way  to  a  reconciliation  between  Phar- 
isees and  Sadducees  by  placing  before  them  the 
principles  common  to  both,  from  which  neither  of 
them  could  withhold  their  assent.  On  the  one 
hand,  Hillel  agreed  with  the  Sadducaean  principle, 
that  a  law  can  only  be  valid  if  founded  upon  scrip- 
tural authority ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  declared 
that  this  authority  did  not  merely  lie  in  the  dead 
letter,  but  was  also  to  be  derived  from  the  general 
spirit  of  the  scriptural  writings.  After  this  demon- 
station  by  Hillel,  no  dispute  amongst  the  schools 
could  arise  as  to  the  binding  power  of  traditional 
law.  By  the  introduction  of  seven  rules,  or  Mid- 
doth,  the  oral  law  could  be  imbued  with  the  same 
weight  and  authority  as  that  actually  contained  in 
the  Scriptures.  Through  these  seven  rules  the  oral 
law  assumed  quite  a  different  aspect ;  it  lost  its 
apparently  arbitrary  character  ;  it  became  more  uni- 
versal and  reasonable  in  its  tendency,  and  might 
be  looked  upon  as  originating  from  Holy  Writ  itself. 

These  explanatory  rules  were,  moreover,  intended 
not  only  to  justify  the  oral  law,  but  also  to  lay  down 


CH.  IV.  FAME    OF    HILLEL.  99 

instructions  how  to  amplify  the  laws,  and  how  to 
meet  unforeseen  cases  of  difficulty.  At  first  they 
appear  to  have  been  unfavorably  received.  It  is 
expressly  narrated  that  Hillel  introduced  them  at  a 
council  of  the  Bathyrene  Synhedrion,  but  that 
assembly  may  either  have  misinterpreted  them  or 
have  disputed  their  expediency.  In  the  meantime 
an  opportunity  presented  itself  of  having  recourse 
to  these  explanatory  rules,  for  a  question  was 
raised,  the  solution  of  which  deeply  excited  the  whole 
nation,  and  to  this  opportunity  Hillel  owed  the  dig- 
nified position  of  President  of  the  Synhedrion.  The 
eve  of  the  festival  on  which  the  Paschal  Lamb  was 
to  be  sacrificed  occurred  on  the  Sabbath,  a  most 
unusual  event  at  that  time,  and  the  Bathyrene  Synhe- 
drion could  not  throw  any  light  upon  the  disputed 
question,  whether  it  was  permitted  or  not  to  sacri- 
fice the  Paschal  Lamb  on  the  Sabbath  Day„  Hillel, 
whose  ability  must  have  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
discerning  before,  had  taken  part  in  the  discussion, 
and  had  proved  that  according  to  the  explanatory 
rules,  the  Pesach,  or  Paschal  Sacrifice,  like  every 
other  whole  offering,  supersedes  the  Sabbath.  The 
debate  became  heated,  the  mass  of  the  people  being 
warmly  interested  in  the  celebration  of  the  festival. 
Expressions  of  approval  and  censure  for  Hillel  were 
freely  uttered.  Some  cried,  "  We  have  to  look  to 
the  Babylonians  for  the  best  information";  others 
ironically  asked,  "  What  good  can  we  expect  from 
the  Babylonians?" 

From  that  day  Hillel's  name  became  so  popular 
that  the  Bathyrene  Synhedrists  resigned  their  offices 
— whether  of  their  own  free  will,  or  because  they 
were  forced  to  do  so  by  the  people,  is  not  known — 
and  conceded  the  Presidency  to  Hillel  himself  (about 
30).  Hillel,  far  from  being  proud  of  his  exalted 
position,  expressed  himself  as  dissatisfied,  and 
angrily  reproved  the  Synhedrists.  "  Why  is  it,"  he 
asked,  "that  I,  an  insignificant  Babylonian,  became 


lOO  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

President  of  the  Synhedrion?  Only  because  you 
have  been  too  indolent  to  heed  the  teachings  of 
Shemaya  and  Abtalion."  Herod  does  not  seem  to 
have  made  any  objection  to  the  choice. 

One  of  the  statutes  which  Hillel  had  introduced 
was  of  general  interest,  and  proved  that  he  had 
true  insight  into  affairs  of  life.  In  the  Sabbatical 
year  all  debts  were  by  law  canceled.  At  the  time 
when  the  state  was  a  republic  based  upon  moral 
laws,  this  was  a  wise  measure  for  equalizing  prop- 
erty ;  but  at  a  later  period,  when  capital  became 
a  power  in  itself,  the  rich  were  not  willing  to  relieve 
their  less  wealthy  neighbors  from  their  difficulties  by 
giving  them  loans.  On  this  account  Hillel,  without 
entirely  abrogating  the  law  which  already  existed, 
ruled  that  the  creditor  should  give  over  the  debt  in 
writing  to  the  Court,  so  that  the  Court  might  collect 
it,  and  the  creditor  be  relieved  from  the  necessity  of 
violating  the  law.  This  timely  statute,  equally  advan- 
tageous to  debtor  and  creditor,  was  called  by  the 
Greek  word  Prosbol,  because  the  debt  was  given 
over  to  the  Council  of  the  Elders. 

At  Herod's  particular  desire,  the  second  place  of 
honor,  that  of  Deputy  of  Hillel,  was  given  to  the 
Essene  Menahem,  to  whom  the  king  showed  great 
partiality.  The  cause  of  this  attachment  was  as 
follows  (at  least  so  the  tale  ran  in  later  days): 
Menahem,  by  means  of  the  pr-ophetic  power  ascribed 
to  the  Essenes,  had  foretold  during  his  childhood 
that  Herod  would  one  day  be  king  in  Jerusalem,  and 
that  his  reign  would  be  a  brilliant  one,  but  that  he 
would  fail  in  piety  and  justice.  That  which  had  ap- 
peared incredible  to  the  youth  recurred  to  the  man 
when  he  wore  the  regal  crown.  But  Menahem 
appears  not  to  have  found  his  office  congenial, 
and  soon  withdrew  in  favor  of  Shammal,  whose  char- 
acteristics, opposed  In  many  ways  to  those  of  Hillel, 
In  reality  supplemented  them,  Shammal  was  prob- 
ably by  birth  a  Palestinean,    and   therefore   much 


CH.  IV.  SHAMMAI.  lOI 

interested  In  all  the  political  and  religious  contro- 
versies of  his  native  land.  His  religious  views  were 
strict  to  a  painful  extreme.  But  Shammai  was  not 
of  a  gloomy  or  misanthropical  disposition  ;  indeed, 
he  encouraged  friendliness  in  demeanor  towards 
every  one.  This  is  indicated  by  the  maxim  which 
has  come  down  to  us,  "  Let  your  work  in  the  Law 
be  your  principal  occupation ;  speak  little,  but  do 
much,  and  receive  all  men  with  a  friendly  counte- 
nance." 

The  two  Synhedrists,  Hillel  and  Shammai, 
founded  two  separate  schools,  opposed  to  each 
other  in  many  religious,  moral,  and  legal  ques- 
tions, which,  with  their  different  tendencies,  exerted 
a  powerful  influence,  during  the  subsequent  unset- 
tled and  warlike  times,  upon  events  of  historical 
importance.  Herod  had  no  conception  of  the  forces 
antagonistic  to  his  house  that  were  quietly  develop- 
ing within  the  seclusion  of  these  schools. 

With  a  trembling  heart  he  had  presented  himself 
at  Rhodes  before  Octavianus  Csesar,  who,  since  the 
defeat  of  Antony  at  Actium,  was  sole  master  of  the 
Roman  provinces.  He,  so  haughty  in  his  own 
country,  appeared  in  meek  and  lowly  guise  at  the 
footstool  of  the  mighty  ruler,  yet  not  without  a  cer- 
tain manly  resolution.  In  his  interview  with  Octa- 
vianus, Herod  did  not  in  any  way  conceal  the  posi- 
tion he  had  held  with  relation  to  Antony ;  but  he 
took  care  to  dwell  upon  the  fact  of  his  having 
refrained  from  aiding  Antony  after  his  defeat  at 
Actium,  thereby  intimating  to  Octavianus  what  use 
he  might  make  of  the  devotion  and  zeal  which 
Herod  was  prepared  to  transfer  from  the  cause  of 
Antony  to  that  of  his  conqueror.  Octavianus  was 
neither  noble  enough  to  despise  so  venal  a  man,  nor 
did  he  feel  secure  enough  to  do  without  him. 

So  he  graciously  encouraged  the  pleading  Herod, 
bade  him  array  himself  as  before  in  royal  robes, 
and  sent  him  back  to  his  own  country  laden  with 


1Q2  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

honors  (30).  Herod  found  no  difficulty  in  becom- 
ing as  loyal  a  partisan  of  Octavianus  as  he  had 
been  for  twelve  long  years  of  Antony.  During 
the  campaign  of  the  second  Caesar  against  Egypt, 
he  was  met  at  Accoby  Herod  bearing  rich  presents, 
and  the  Judaean  king  supplied  the  Roman  army  with 
water  and  with  wine  during  their  march  through  an 
arid  country.  It  is  possible  that  Antony  may  have 
heard,  before  he  put  an  end  to  his  life,  that  Herod's 
loyalty  was  not  founded  on  a  rock.  Herod  had  also 
the  malicious  joy  of  knowing  that  his  persistent 
enemy,  Cleopatra,  who  had  failed  to  fascinate  the 
conqueror  by  her  attractions,  had  nothing  left  but 
to  seek  death.  The  Alexandrian  Judaeans,  who  had 
suffered  from  her  hatred,  shared  Herod's  feelings. 
For,  but  a  short  time  previous  to  her  death,  this 
terrible  woman  had  longed  to  assassinate  with  her 
own  hands  the  Judaeans  who  were  living  in  the  capital 
of  Egypt,  and  who  were  devoted  to  the  cause  of 
Octavianus.  The  Egyptian  Judaeans  were  rewarded 
for  their  devotion  by  an  official  recognition  of  their 
equality  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  ;  in  fact, 
Octavianus  had  such  confidence  in  their  loy- 
alty that  he  placed  the  harbors  of  the  Nile  and  of 
the  sea  under  the  control  of  the  Judaean  Alabarchs, 
who  had  held  that  office  under  former  Egyptian 
monarchs.  This  was  a  special  mark  of  favor,  for 
the  possession  of  Egypt,  the  Roman  granary,  and 
particularly  of  the  harbor  of  Alexandria,  was  so 
precious  to  the  first  emperor  of  Rome  that  no 
Senator  dared  approach  that  country  without  the 
imperial  permission.  When  the  Alabarch  who  was 
then  in  office  died,  Octavianus  allowed  his  successor 
to  be  chosen  by  the  Alexandrian  Judaeans,  and 
granted  him  all  the  rights  of  his  predecessors.  Whilst 
he  governed  the  Greek  Alexandrians  with  extreme 
severity  on  account  of  their  depravity,  their  untrust- 
worthiness  and  their  love  of  sedition,  and  kept  them 
strictly  under  his  own  rule,  he  appointed  a  Judaean 


CH,  IV.  OCTAVIANUS   AND    THE    JUD/EANS.  IO3 

Council  to  assist  the  Alabarchs  or  Ethnarchs.  The 
Judsean  community  was  thus  g-overned  by  one  of  its 
own  race,  who  decided  all  the  judicial  questions  and 
provided  for  the  carrying  out  of  all  imperial  com- 
mands and  behests. 

Octavianus  also  granted  to  the  numerous  Ju- 
daeans  who  were  settled  in  Rome,  the  Libertini,  if 
not  extraordinary  privileges,  at  least  the  right  of 
observing  their  own  religious  customs,  and  thus  set 
a  worthy  example  to  his  successors.  The  Judaeans 
were  allowed  to  build  synagogues,  where  they 
worshiped  according  to  their  rites  ;  they  were  also 
permitted  to  transmit  their  yearly  contributions  to 
the  Temple  in  Jerusalem,  although,  in  general,  it 
was  forbidden  to  send  large  sums  out  of  Rome. 
The  Roman  Judaeans  also  received  their  due  portion 
of  the  grain  that  was  distributed  amongst  the  popu- 
lation. If  the  distribution  happened  to  take  place 
on  a  Sabbath,  their  portion  was  allotted  to  them  on 
the  following  day.  These  were  the  orders  of  the 
emperor. 

Octavianus  made  overto  Herod  the  splendid  body- 
guard of  Cleopatra,  numbering  four  hundred  Gauls, 
and  he  placed  under  his  jurisdiction  several  seaports 
that  had  been  torn  from  Judaea,  as  well  as  the  ter- 
ritory of  Jericho.  Samaria,  as  also  Gadara  and 
Hippos  in  trans-Jordanic  territory,  were  also  incor- 
porated with  Judaea.  The  area  of  the  kingdom  was 
now  identical  with  what  it  had  been  before  the  civil 
war  between  the  royal  brothers  and  the  first  inter- 
vention of  the  Romans  ;  but  different,  indeed,  were 
the  circumstances  under  which  she  had  regained  her 
possessions  !  Probably  it  was  due  to  Herod's  bound- 
less sycophancy  to  Rome  that  sacrifices  were  now 
regularly  offered  up  for  the  welfare  of  the  Caesars, 
Augustus  and  his  consort  presenting  in  return 
golden  vessels  for  the  use  of  the  Temple. 

Herod  was  now  at  the  very  zenith  of  his  power ; 
the  untoward  fortune  that  he  had  feared  had  not 


I04  HISTORY   OF  THE   JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

only  been  averted,  but  had  actually  assisted  in 
exalting  him.  He  was  not,  however,  to  enjoy  his 
good  fortune ;  the  terrible  consequences  of  his 
crimes  clung  to  his  footsteps  and  changed  his  cup 
of  happiness  into  one  of  gall.  In  the  narrow  circle 
of  his  own  home  a  tragedy  was  about  to  be  enacted, 
far  more  terrible  than  could  have  been  conceived  by 
the  imagination  of  a  poet.  Mariamne,  who,  as  well 
as  her  mother  Alexandra,  had  been  in  close  confine- 
ment during  the  king's  absence,  had  elicited  from 
her  gaoler  Soem  the  fact  that  she  would  not  have 
been  permitted  to  outlive  Herod.  Upon  the  king's 
return  she  made  no  secret  of  her  hatred  for  him,  and 
when  he  spoke  to  her  in  words  of  tenderness  and 
affection,  she  taunted  him  with  the  murders  of  her 
brother,  her  grandfather  and  many  others  of  her 
relatives.  Herod's  heart  was  torn  by  the  love  he 
bore  to  this  beautiful  woman  and  by  the  wrath  he 
felt  at  her  persistent  enmity  to  his  person  and  his 
power.  Whilst  still  a  prey  to  these  conflicting  feel- 
ings he  was  only  too  ready  to  lend  a  willing  ear  to 
the  malicious  inventions  of  his  sister  Salome,  who 
assured  him  that  his  cup-bearer  had  been  bribed 
by  Mariamne  to  poison  him.  During  the  investi- 
gation that  ensued  it  transpired  that  Soem  had  dis- 
closed his  secret  instructions  to  the  queen,  and  this 
treachery  on  the  part  of  a  confidential  servant  let 
loose  a  ihost  of  wild  passions  within  Herod's  breast. 
Soem  was  decapitated  on  the  spot.  Whilst  still 
moved  by  his  ungovernable  rage,  Herod  summoned 
a  council,  before  whom  he  accused  his  wife  of  adul- 
tery and  of  an  attempt  to  poison  him.  The  judges 
passed  the  sentence  of  death  upon  her,  and,  wishing 
to  curry  favor  with  Herod,  ordered  the  execution 
to  take  place  forthwith.  It  was  thus  that  the  most 
beautiful  woman  in  Judaea,  the  Hasmonaean  prin- 
cess, the  pride  of  her  people,  was  led  to  the  scaffold. 
She  went  to  her  doom  with  remarkable  fortitude, 
without  the  faintest  tremor  or  the  least  display  of 


CH.  IV.  EXECUTION    OF    MARIAMNE.  IO5 

feminine  weakness,  worthy  of  her  heroic  ancestry 
(29).  We  may  take  Mariamne  as  the  symbol  of 
Judaea,  delivered  up  to  the  axe  of  the  executioner 
by  intrigue  and  passion. 

But  Mariamne's  death  did  not  quench  Herod's 
thirst  for  revenge ;  on  the  contrary,  it  brought 
on  still  fiercer  paroxysms  of  rage.  He  could  not 
endure  her  loss,  and  became  a  prey  to  sickness 
and  insanity.  He  would  call  frantically  upon  her 
name  in  a  passion  of  sobs  and  tears  ;  and  he  had 
her  body  embalmed  in  honey,  so  that  he  might  keep 
it  in  his  presence.  It  was  whilst  traveling  in 
Samaria  that  he  fell  so  dangerously  ill  that  the  doc- 
tors despaired  of  his  life,  and  when  this  intelligence 
reached  his  capital,  Alexandra  proceeded  to  possess 
herself  of  Jerusalem.  But  the  king's  vitality  returned 
upon  the  rumor  of  this  sudden  peril  to  his  throne, 
and  Alexandra  fell  a  victim  to  her  sedition.  She 
was  the  very  last  who  bore  the  Hasmonsean  name, 
and  she  had  lived  long  enough  to  witness  the  vio- 
lent and  disgraceful  deaths  of  her  father-in-law 
Aristobulus  II,  her  husband  Alexander,  her  brother- 
in-law  Antigonus,  her  son  Aristobulus  III,  her  father 
Hyrcanus  II,  and  her  daughter  Mariamne. 

The  remaining  two-thirds  of  the  Herodian  reign 
are  devoid  of  any  real  progress ;  the  record  of  that 
time  tells  of  cringing  submission  to  Augustus  and 
to  Rome,  of  the  erection  of  magnificent  edifices,  of 
the  love  of  pomp  and  display,  of  deeply-rooted 
moral  corruption,  of  unsuccessful  conspiracies  and 
court  intrigues,  leading  to  new  crimes  and  further 
executions.  In  order  to  retain  the  favor  of  the  all- 
powerful  Augustus,  Herod  introduced  into  Jeru- 
salem the  celebration  of  the  Actian  games,  occur- 
ring every  fifth  year,  in  remembrance  of  Augustus' 
victory  over  his  rival-,  he  also  built  theaters  and 
arenas,  where  he  organized  combats  between  gladi- 
ators or  wild  beasts,  thus  arousing  the  displeasure 
of  the  national  party,  who  rightly  divined  that  it  was 


I06  HISTORY   OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

intended  that  Judaism  soon  should  be  absorbed  by 
a  Pagan-Roman  worship,  and  who  recognized  in  the 
Roman  trophies  and  eagles  displayed  in  the  theaters, 
the  introduction  of  Roman  deities.  Herod  trave  his 
people  another  cause  for  umbrage,  in  the  fact  that 
he  was  not  only  ornamenting  the  hated  city  of 
Samaria,  within  a  circumference  of  half  a  mile,  with 
the  most  beautiful  buildings,  but  that  he  also  con- 
templated making  that  city  the  capital  of  his  domin- 
ions, a  dignity  for  which  she  was  singularly  adapted 
by  her  fortunate  position.  The  newly-built  Samaria 
was  renamed  Sebaste,  just  as  the  citadel  Baris,  the 
armory  of  the  Hasmonaeans  in  old  days,  on  the 
northwest  side  of  the  Temple,  had  been  called 
Antonia  in  honor  of  Antony.  In  fact,  Judaea  became 
crowded  with  cities  and  with  monuments  which  bore 
the  names  of  Herod's  own  family  or  those  of  his 
Roman  protectors.  The  fortress  of  Straton  on  the 
sea  was,  by  most  lavish  expenditure,  converted  into 
a  beautiful  city,  with  an  extensive  harbor,  and 
received  the  name  of  Caesarea,  one  of  the  towers 
on  its  walls  being  called  Drusus,  after  the  son  of 
Augustus.  Herod  did  not  even  hesitate  to  erect  a 
Roman  temple  on  the  soil  of  the  Holy  Land.  Two 
colossal  figures  were  raised  in  Caesarea,  one  of  them 
representing,  in  gigantic  proportions,  the  figure  of 
Augustus  as  the  Olympian  Jupiter,  and  the  other 
that  of  the  city  of  Rome  as  the  Argive  Juno.  At 
the  splendid  consecration  of  Caesarea,  the  rebuilding 
of  which  had  occupied  twelve  years,  the  inhabitants 
could  have  imagined  themselves  transported  into 
a  pagan  city.  On  account  of  its  name,  its  origin 
and  its  importance,  the  national  partyjustly  called  it 
Little  Rome.  In  later  days  it  became  the  seat  of  the 
Roman  governor,  the  rival  of  Jerusalem,  and  finally 
her  conqueror.  Whenever  Caesarea  rejoiced,  Jeru- 
salem was  sure  to  mourn.  The  harbor  of  Caesarea, 
which  grew  in  time  to  be  a  town  itself,  was  called 
Sebastus.     Herod  had,  without  doubt,  enhanced  the 


CH.  IV.  C^SAREA    FOUNDED.  I07 

beauty  of  Judaea,  but,  like  a  doomed  victim,  she  was 
garlanded  for  the  altar.  His  love  of  display  found 
satisfaction  in  the  magnificence  of  his  edifices,  but 
not  his  love  of  renown.  Despairing  of  securing  the 
affection  of  his  own  people,  he  resolved  to  compel 
the  admiration  of  the  stranger.  He  exhausted  his 
people  by  taxation,  redoubled  his  extortions,  searched 
for  hidden  treasures  in  the  ancient  royal  cemeteries, 
sold  those  who  had  been  imprisoned  for  theft  as 
slaves  to  neighboring  countries,  and  then  lavished 
all  the  funds  he  had  gained  by  these  practices  upon 
the  adornment  of  Syrian,  Asiatic,  and  Greek  cities. 
Huge  were  the  sums  of  money  that  he  withdrew 
from  his  own  country  for  such  enterprises. 

Herod  may  possibly  have  secured  the  admiration 
and  affection  of  the  Greeks,  the  Romans  and  the 
Judaeans  outside  of  Palestine ;  but  the  people  of 
Jerusalem  felt  nothing  but  aversion  for  this  grasping 
upstart,  who  sought  to  estrange  them  from  the 
customs  of  their  fathers.  In  spite  of  his  having  shown 
himself  to  be  their  generous  benefactor,  upon  the 
occasion  of  a  great  famine  (24),  the  nation  now  only 
beheld  in  him  the  murderer  of  the  Hasmonaeans,  the 
usurper  of  their  throne,  the  destroyer  of  the  noblest 
citizens,  the  suppressor  of  freedom.  He  had  dis- 
graced the  three  dignities  of  Monarch,  High  Priest, 
and  Synhedrist.  The  first  he  had  arrogated  to 
himself ;  the  second,  which  until  his  reign  had,  with 
very  few  exceptions,  descended  by  right  of  inheri- 
tance from  father  to  son,  he  had  given  away,  accord- 
ing to  his  own  pleasure  or  to  attain  his  own  ends  ;  and 
the  power  of  the  third  he  had  curtailed  by  allowing 
it  hardly  any  scope  for  action.  Joshua,  of  the 
family  of  Phabi,  had,  through  Herod's  instrumen- 
tality, succeeded  Ananel  as  High  Priest ;  but  the 
king  having  been  fascinated  by  the  beauty  of  another 
Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  an  inferior  priest,  Simon, 
he  dispossessed  Joshua  of  his  dignity,  and  raised 
Simon  to  his  office,  in  order  that  his  future  wife's 
rank  be  not  too  strikingly  below  his  own. 


I08  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

This  I  lii^h  Priest  Simon  was  an  Alexandrian,  the 
son  of  Boethus,  and  it  was  he  who  laid  the  founda- 
tion-stone of  the  i^reatness  of  the  house  of  Boethus, 
from  which  several  high  priests  descended.  He 
appears  to  have  been  the  founder  of  the  sect  of  the 
Boethuseans,  who  followed  the  teachings  of  the 
Sadducees,  but  who  were  better  able  to  grasp  and 
apply  those  teachings  than  the  Sadducees  them- 
selves, thanks  to  their  Alexandrian  readiness  and 
sophistry. 

These  despotic  acts  of  Herod  v»rere  not  calculated 
to  make  him  beloved  by  his  people.  He  was  per- 
fectly aware  of  their  ill-will  towards  him,  but  as  he 
could  not  crush  it,  he  at  least  sought  to  make  it 
harmless.  Thus  he  insisted  upon  all  subjects  taking 
an  oath  of  allegiance,  resolving  to  punish  severely 
those  who  would  refrain  from  doing  so.  The  Essenes 
alone,  who  disapproved  of  oaths,  were  exempt ;  he 
had  no  cause  for  fear  in  their  peaceful,  contem- 
plative lives  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  warmly  approved 
of  such  subjects,  who  would  submit  without  murmur- 
.ing  to  any  law  that  he  might  choose  to  make. 
Those  amongst  the  Pharisees  who  were  the  followers 
of  the  peace-loving  Hillel  seem  to  have  taken  the 
required  oath  without  hesitation,  but  the  followers 
of  the  sterner  Shammai  stubbornly  refused  to  do  so. 
Six  thousand  Pharisees  in  all  refused  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  and  to  inflict  corporal  punishment 
upon  so  great  a  number  appeared,  even  to  Herod,  a 
serious  matter.  So  he  heavily  taxed  the  refractory, 
amongst  whom  was  the  wife  of  his  brother  Pheroras, 
an  ardent  devotee,  strange  to  say,  of  strict  Phari- 
seeism. 

But,  in  spite  of  all  these  precautionary  measures, 
Herod  did  not  trust  his  subjects,  and  employed  a 
number  of  spies  to  watch  them.  He  himself  would 
often  appear  in  disguise  at  their  popular  assemblies, 
and  woe  to  the  unfortunate  individual  who,  at  that 
moment,  might  be  giving  utterance  to  a  complaint 


CH.  IV.  REBUILDING    OF    THE    TEMPLE.  lOQ 

against  the  existing  order  of  things  ;  he  was  doomed 
to  be  imprisoned  in  a  fortress,  or  secretly  de- 
spatched. But  popularity  is  too  sweet  for  the  tyrant 
to  forego  it,  and  to  Herod  it  was  particularly  im- 
portant, as  he  wished  to  appear  before  the  Romans 
in  the  character  of  a  prince  beloved  by  his  people. 
This,  besides  his  passion  for  building,  was  probably 
the  motive  that  impelled  him  to  convert  the  Temple, 
now  five  hundred  years  old,  small  and  of  an  old 
fashion,  into  a  magnificent  edifice  in  a  new  style. 
The  representatives  of  the  nation,  when  he  informed 
them  of  his  plan,  received  the  news  with  horror; 
they  feared  that  Herod  intended  merely  to  destroy 
their  old  Temple,  and  that  he  would  endlessly  pro- 
tract the  work  of  the  new  building,  thus  robbing 
them  entirely  of  their  sanctuary.  But  he  pacified 
them  by  the  assurance  that  the  old  Temple  should 
remain  standing  until  all  the  workmen,  with  their 
material,  were  at  hand  for  the  construction  of  the 
new  one.  Thousands  of  carts,  laden  with  quarry 
stone  and  marble,  now  appeared  on  the  scene,  and 
ten  thousand  skilled  workmen  were  ready  to  com- 
mence operations.  In  the  eighteenth  year  of  Herod's 
reign  (20)  the  building  was  begun,  and  in  one  year 
and  a  half  (18)  the  inner  part  of  the  Temple  was 
finished.  The  building  of  the  outer  walls,  courts 
and  galleries  occupied  a  period  of  eight  years,  and 
long  after  this  time,  until  just  before  the  destruction, 
the  workmen  were  still  employed  upon  them. 

The  Herodian  Temple  was  a  magnificent  pro- 
duction, the  exquisite  beauty  of  which  those  who 
witnessed  it  could  not  sufficiently  admire.  It  differed 
from  the  uncompleted  Temple  of  Zerubbabel  in 
being  of  vaster  dimensions  and  of  richer  and  more 
ornate  decoration.  The  whole  circumference  of  the 
Temple  Mount  (Har-ha-bayith),  which  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  lofty  and  strong  wall,  besides  the 
fortress  at  Antonia,  with  which  it  was  in  communi- 
cation, exceeded  three-quarters  of  a  mile,  and  the 


I  lO  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

ground  rose  in  terraces.     Owincr  to  this  command- 
ing position  the  Sanctuary  could  be  seen  from  afar. 
The  long  range  of  outer  wall  protected  a  series  of 
courts  and  galleries,  with  their  cedar  ceilings  and 
mosaic  floorings.    The  first  court  was  assigned  as  a 
place  of  assembly  for  the  people,  where  the  most 
important  questions  were  discussed.   Here  the  pagan 
and  the  unpurified  were  admitted ;    here  Greek  and 
Roman  inscriptions,  in  large  characters,  and  placed 
in  prominent  positions,  caught  the  eye  of  him  who 
entered.     They  ran    as  follows :    "  No   foreigner  is 
permitted    to    pass    through    this  grating   into  the 
Sanctuary  and  its  surroundings.    If  discovered  there 
he  has  brought  the  punishment  of  death  upon  him- 
self."    The  second  court,  which  in  former  days  had 
been  protected  by  a  wooden  grating,  was  now  shut 
in  by  a  low  wall.    The  internal  arrangements  of  the 
Temple  were  but  little  changed,  and  consisted,  as 
in  the  Temple  of  Zerubbabel,  of   three  uncovered 
courts  and  of  the  Sanctuary,  which  was  of  a  size  to 
admit  of  the  golden  altar,  the  candlestick  and  the 
shewbread  table,  and,  at  the  extreme  end,  of  the 
Holy  of  Holies.     But  the  outer  parts  of  the  Sanc- 
tuary vastly  outshone  those  of  the  old  Temple.     Its 
walls  were  of  snow-white  marble,  and  as  they  rose 
on  the  highest  summit  of  the  Temple  Mount,  and 
towered  above  the  outer  walls  and  their  fortifica- 
tions, they  presented  a  beautiful  and  striking  appear- 
ance from  all  sides.     The  large  space  in  front  of 
the  Sanctuary  was  partitioned  into  various  smaller 
courts  for  the  use  of  the  women,  the  laymen,  the 
priests,  and  for  all  those  who  were  engaged  in  pre- 
paring the  sacrifices  for  the  altar.    The  space  allotted 
to   the   female   portion   of  the   worshipers,    whose 
visits  to  the  Temple  were  now  of  frequent  occur- 
rence, was  entirely  shut  off  from  the  rest,  and  three 
large  balconies  were   reserved  for  the  use  of  the 
women,  from  which  they  were  able  to  witness  ail 
celebrations   of  a    public  character.     The  gateway 


CH.  IV.  HEROD  S    TEMPLE.  Ill 

leading-  to  this  part  of  the  Temple  was  closed  by 
a  magnificent  door,  cast  in  Corinthian  brass.  th(!  gift 
of  a  rich  and  pious  Alexandrian,  after  whom  it  was 
named  the  Gate  of  Nicanor.  Fifteen  steps  led 
thence  to  the  laymen's  quarters,  which  were  reached 
by  passing  through  a  gateway,  called,  on  account  of 
its  commanding  position,  the  High  Gate.  The  outer 
court  was  entirely  open  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Sanctuary  was  shut  off  by  a  gateway  higher  and 
broader  than  any  other,  containing  double  folding 
doors,  thickly  covered  with  a  layer  of  gold.  This 
was  the  Great  Gate  or  the  Gate  of  the  Sanctuary. 
The  high  roof  of  the  Sanctuary  rose  at  intervals 
into  sharp  gilded  points,  the  object  of  which  was  to 
prevent  the  birds  from  building  their  nests  on  this 
consecrated  place,  but  probably  quite  unintention- 
ally on  the  part  of  the  builder,  they  may  also  have 
served  as  lightning  conductors. 

The  splendor  of  the  dedication  far  exceeded  that 
solemnized  in  King  Solomon's  time.  Hecatombs 
upon  hecatombs  were  offered  up,  and  the  whole 
nation  was  feasted.  The  celebration  fell  upon  the 
very  anniversary  of  the  day  when,  twenty  years  pre- 
viously, Herod,  with  blood-stained  hands,  had  made 
himself  master  of  Jerusalem — a  terrible  reminis- 
cence. The  hands  that  built  the  Temple  had  already 
lighted  the  torch  for  its  destruction.  Herod  placed 
it  under  the  protection  of  Rome.  To  the  horror  of 
the  pious  Judaeans,  a  golden  eagle,  the  symbol  of 
Roman  might,  was  hung  over  the  principal  entrance. 
Herod,  moreover,  constructed  a  subterranean  pas- 
sage, leading  from  the  fortress  of  Antonia  to  the 
east  gate  of  the  Temple,  in  order  to  control  the 
egresses  of  the  Sanctuary.  His  soul  was  filled  with 
distrust  of  his  people. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  reign  the  aged  and  sin- 
laden  monarch  was  seized  with  a  terrible  ma/ady. 
This  threw  him  into  a  condition  of  such  hopeless 
misery  that  one  may  say  that  all  human  feeling 


112  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

gave  place  to  the  fury  of  the  wild  beast.  The 
corpses  of  his  innocent  victims  rose  up  before  his 
excited  imagination,  and  made  his  Hfe  one  long 
torment.  Vainly  he  sought  for  one  loving  heart, 
one  faithful  soul,  who  would  comfort  and  guide  him. 
But  he  believed  that  his  own  flesh  and  blood — his 
sister  and  brother,  Salome  and  Pheroras,  even  his 
own  children — were  his  enemies,  and  were  conspir- 
ing against  his  peace  and  his  life.  This  terrible 
state  of  mind  made  him  more  dangerous  than  ever 
to  those  who  ventured  within  his  presence.  The 
chief  cause  of  his  frenzy  was  the  death  of  his  be- 
loved Mariamne.  Besides  two  daughters,  she  had 
left  him  two  sons,  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  who, 
as  they  grew  to  man's  estate,  took  the  death  of  their 
unfortunate  mother  deeply  to  heart,  and  could  not 
conceal  the  aversion  they  felt  for  their  father.  As 
these  princes  were  of  Hasmonaean  descent,  Herod 
had  decided  upon  making  them  his  successors.  He 
had  sent  them  as  youths  to  Rome,  in  order  that  they 
might  gain  the  favor  of  Augustus,  and  be  educated 
according  to  Roman  fashion.  He  married  the 
eldest,  Alexander,  to  Glaphyra,  the  daughter  of 
Archelaus,  King  of  Cappadocia,  and  the  younger, 
Aristobulus,  to  Salome's  daughter,  Berenice.  He 
thought  that  by  these  means  he  could  secure  peace 
amongst  the  members  of  his  own  family.  But  his 
wishes  were  defeated  by  the  hatred  that  the  revenge- 
ful Salome  and  her  brother  Pheroras  bore  to  the 
descendants  of  the  Hasmonaean  Mariamne.  Herod 
was  induced  by  his  sister  to  take  to  his  heart  and  to 
adopt  as  a  royal  prince  the  son  of  his  first  wife, 
Doris,  whom  together  with  her  child  he  had  re- 
pudiated upon  his  marriage  with  Mariamne. 

Antipater,  the  son  of  Doris,  had  inherited  all  the 
malice,  craft  and  cruelty  of  the  Idumaeans,  and  he 
spared  neither  his  father  nor  his  brothers.  The 
three,  Salome,  Pheroras,  and  Antipater,  although 
they  hated  one  another  mortally,  were  united  ip 


CH.  IV.  DISSENSIONS    IN    HEROD  S    FAMILY.  II3 

hatred  against  the  sons  of  Mariamne.  The  more 
these  princes  were  indulged  by  their  father,  and  the 
more  they  were  beloved  by  the  people  as  descend- 
ants from  the  Hasmonaeans  on  their  mother's  side, 
the  more  did  their  bitter  foes  fear  and  detest  them. 
Antipater  accused  Alexander  and  Aristobulus  of 
wishing  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  mother  upon 
the  person  of  their  father.  Imprudent  expressions, 
hastily  uttered  in  moments  of  irritation,  may  have 
given  some  show  of  reason  to  these  accusations. 
Herod's  suspicions  dwelt  eagerly  upon  this  calumny. 
He  began  to  hate  his  sons,  and,  as  a  mark  of  dis- 
pleasure towards  them,  led  Antipater  to  believe 
that  he  should  share  in  their  rights  of  succession. 
This  determination  of  the  king  served  to  embitter 
the  Hasmonaean  princes  still  more,  and  drove  them 
to  the  most  unwise  outbursts  of  ang-er  as^ainst  their 
father.  Antipater  succeeded  at  the  same  time  in 
laying  proofs  of  an  attempted  conspiracy  of  the  two 
brothers  against  Herod  before  him.  Their  friends 
and  their  servants  were,  by  the  king's  commands, 
put  to  the  torture,  and  upon  the  strength  of  their 
confession,  wrung  from  them  under  agony,  Alexan- 
der and  Aristobulus  were  condemned  to  death  by  a 
council  numbering  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  Herod's 
friends.  Herod  himself  hastened  the  execution,  and 
ordered  the  two  princes  to  be  torn  from  Jerusalem 
and  hurried  to  Samaria,  and  there,  where  thirty 
years  previously  their  unnatural  father  had  cele- 
brated his  marriage  with  their  mother,  her  two  sons 
were  mercilessly  beheaded. 

However,  the  conspiracies  against  Herod's  life 
did  not  cease  with  their  death,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
acquired  fresh  vigor.  Antipater,  not  feeling  at  all 
sure  of  his  succession  so  long  as  his  father  was  alive, 
actually  conspired  with  Pheroras  against  the  life  of 
that  father  and  benefactor.  But  his  fiendish  dcsio^n 
came  to  light,  and  it  was  discovered  that  Antipater 
had    undoubtedly  intended    poisoning    his    father. 


114  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IV. 

This  disclosure  was  a  terrible  blow  for  Herod. 
The  turmoil  of  his  outraged  feelings  cannot  be 
described,  and  yet  he  had  to  control  himself,  and 
even  to  pretend  great  affection  for  Antipater,  in 
order  to  induce  that  prince  to  leave  Rome  and 
return  to  Jerusalem.  Upon  Antipater's  arrival,  his 
father  loaded  him  with  reproaches,  and  accused  him 
before  a  tribunal,  which  was  under  the  presidency 
of  the  Roman  governor  Ouintilius  Varus,  of  fratri- 
cide and  attempted  parricide.  Vainly  did  the  prince 
plead  innocence  ;  Herod's  friend,  Nicolaus  of  Da- 
mascus, appeared  as  his  merciless  accuser.  His 
death  sentence  was  passed,  and  Herod  begged  of 
Augustus  to  ratify  it. 

Such  constant  and  frequent  alarms  brought 
Herod,  who  had  nearly  reached  his  seventieth  year, 
to  his  death-bed.  All  his  hopes  were  frustrated ; 
the  result  of  so  much  labor,  of  so  much  guilt,  of  so 
much  bloodshed,  had  become  hateful  to  him.  In 
which  of  his  surviving  sons  could  he  have  confidence  ? 
For  the  third  time  he  altered  the  succession,  and 
resolved  that  the  throne  should  belong  to  his 
youngest  son,  Antipas  I. 

His  miserable  state  of  mind,  which  might  have 
made  him  gender  and  more  merciful,  only  led  him 
into  still  greater  cruelty.  An  unimportant  rising  on 
the  part  of  some  hot-headed  youths  called  forth 
from  the  aged  monarch  an  act  of  retaliation  as 
heartless  and  as  severe  as  in  the  days  when  his 
heart  beat  high  with  young  and  ambitious  hopes. 
The  Pharisees  were  no  friends  of  his,  especially 
those  who  were  the  disciples  of  Shammai.  He 
therefore  kept  a  suspicious  eye  upon  the  members 
of  the  Pharisaic  schools,  and  the  Pharisees,  on  their 
side,  continued  to  incite  the  youths  of  their  fol- 
lowing against  their  monarch,  whom  they  termed 
the  Idumaean  and  the  Roman.  This  they  were 
able  to  do  without  incurring  any  danger  to  them- 
selves, for  they  clothed  their  words  in  a  metaphorical 


CH.  IV.  HEROD  S    CRUELTY.  II5 

garb,  applying  the  denunciations  of  the  Hebrew 
prophets  of  old  to  the  Idumcean  nation,  to  express 
what  they  felt  for  Herod  and  his  family. 

Amongst  the  Pharisees  who  were  most  bitterly 
opposed  to  Herod  and  the  Romans,  Judah  ben 
Zippori  and  Matthias  ben  Margalot  were  distin- 
guished for  their  ardor  and  recklessness,  and  were 
endeared  to  their  people  by  these  very  character- 
istics. Upon  hearing  of  Herod's  mortal  illness, 
they  incited  some  of  their  young  disciples  to  put  an 
end  to  the  desecration  of  the  Temple,  by  hurling 
the  Roman  eagle  from  the  gateway.  The  rumors 
of  Herod's  death,  that  were  credited  in  Jerusalem, 
favored  this  bold  undertaking.  A  number  of  youths 
armed  with  axes  rushed  to  the  Temple  Gate,  scaled 
it  by  means  of  a  rope-ladder,  and  cut  down  the 
eagle.  At  the  news  of  this  rebellious  action,  the 
captain  of  the  Herodian  guard  sent  his  troops  to  the 
spot,  and  they  succeeded  in  capturing  the  two  ring- 
leaders and  forty  of  their  followers.  They  were 
brought  into  the  king's  presence,  and  the  sight  of 
these  new  victims  revived  his  exhausted  vitality. 
At  their  trial,  which  was  conducted  in  Ihis  pres- 
ence, he  was  forced  to  hear  much  that  proved  how 
incapable  he  had  been  in  breaking  the  stubborn 
will  of  his  people.  The  prisoners  fearlessly  con- 
fessed what  they  had  done,  boasting  proudly  of  their 
performance,  and  replying  to  the  question  as  to  who 
had  incited  them  to  such  an  action,  "  The  Law." 
They  were  all  burnt  alive  as  "desecrators  of  the 
Temple." 

But  Herod  was  to  be  punished  more  effectually 
by  eternal  justice  than  would  have  been  possible 
had  he  been  arraigned  before  the  severest  earthly 
tribunal.  Even  the  pleasure  that  was  granted  him 
before  he  entirely  succumbed  to  his  loathsome 
malady,  the  delight  of  being  able  to  order  the  exe- 
cution of  his  son,  was  soon  followed  by  a  paroxysm 
of  pain  in  which  he  nearly  caused  his  own  destruc- 


Il6  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.   IV. 

tion.  His  relative  Achiab  tore  the  knife  from  his 
hand,  but  the  cry  of  horror  that  arose  from  his 
palace  in  Jericho  at  this  suicidal  attempt,  came  to 
the  ear  of  Antipater,  a  prisoner  in  the  same  palace. 
He  began  to  hope  that  his  life  might  yet  be  spared, 
and  he  besought  his  gaoler  to  release  him.  But 
the  gaoler,  who  feared  to  risk  his  own  life,  hurried 
into  the  king's  apartments,  to  see  if  the  cruel 
monarch  still  lived.  When  Herod  heard  that 
Antipater  yet  hoped  to  outlive  him,  he  ordered  his 
instant  assassination,  and  his  orders  were  forth- 
with obeyed.  Although  Antipater  deserved  his 
death  tenfold,  yet  there  was  a  general  feeling  of 
horror  at  the  idea  of  a  father  who  could  sentence 
his  three  sons  to  death.  Even  Augustus,  who  did 
not  show  any  tenderly  paternal  feelings  to  his 
daughter  Julia,  could  not  help  exclaiming  at  the 
news  of  Antipater's  execution,  that  "he  would 
rather  be  Herod's  swine  than  his  son."  A  legend 
of  later  date  tells  how  Herod  was  not  satisfied 
with  shedding  the  blood  of  his  own  children,  but 
how,  in  a  passion,  he  ordered  all  children  under  two 
years  of  age  in  Bethlehem  and  the  surrounding 
country  to  be  massacred,  because  he  had  heard 
that  the  Messiah  of  the  House  of  David  had  been 
born  in  that  place  !  But  Herod,  criminal  as  he 
was,  was  innocent  of  this  crime. 

Herod's  last  thoughts  dwelt,  however,  upon 
bloodshed.  He  insisted  upon  the  most  respected 
men  of  Judaea  being  brought  to  Jericho,  and  im- 
prisoned in  the  great  public  arena,  where  they  were 
closely  guarded  ;  he  then  left  orders  with  his  sister 
Salome  and  her  husband  that  directly  after  his 
death  had  taken  place  they  should  be  all  mas- 
sacred by  his  body-guard,  so  that  the  entire  nation 
might  be  mourning  their  loved  ones,  and  no  one 
would  have  the  heart  to  rejoice  over  his  demise. 
Murder  filled  his  thoughts  from  the  first  moment  of 
his  public  life  until  he  drew  his  last  breath.     He 


CH.  IV.  DEATH    OF    HEROD.  II/ 

died  five  days  after  the  execution  of  Antipater,  in 
the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  life  and  the  thirty-seventh 
of  his  reign,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  4  b.  c.  His 
flatterers  called  him  "  Herod  the  Great,"  but  the 
nation  only  knew  him  as  "  the  Hasmonsean  slave." 
Whilst  his  body  was  being  taken  in  all  pomp  to  its 
resting-place  in  Herodium,  under  the  escort  of  the 
Thracian,  German  and  Gallic  body-guard,  the 
nation  joyfully  celebrated  the  day  as  a  semi-festival. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   HERODIANS. 

The  Family  of  Herod — Partition  of  the  Kingdom  of  Judaea — Revolt 
against  Archelaus— Sabinus  and  Varus — The  Adventurer-Chief, 
Judas  the  GaHlcean — Confirmation  of  Herod's  Will — Archelaus 
as  Ruler — His  brief  Reign  and  his  Banishment — Judaea  becomes 
a  Roman  Province — The  Revolt  against  the  Census — The 
Schools  of  Hillel  and  Shammai  — Judas  Founder  of  the  Party  of 
Zealots— Onerous  Taxation— Fresh  Hostility  of  the  Samaritans 
—  Expulsion  of  the  Judasans  from  Rome  by  Tiberius — Pontius 
Pilate. 

3  B.  c.  E— 37  c.  E. 

However  unfortunate  the  reign  of  Herod  may 
have  been,  it  yet  contrasted  favorably  with  that 
which  followed.  Herod's  rule  was  at  all  events  dis- 
tinguished by  external  splendor,  and  by  a  certain 
amount  of  animation  in  the  direction  of  public 
affairs.  The  boundaries  of  Judaea  now  extended 
far  beyond  the  limits  assigned  to  them  in  the  most 
prosperous  days  of  the  Hasmonaeans.  Those  tracts 
of  land  beyond  the  Jordan  and  the  Hermon,  which 
Aristobulus  I  and  Alexander  I  had  only  partially 
conquered  after  years  of  useless  fighting,  fell  into  the 
possession  of  Herod  merely  by  the  stroke  of  a  pen; 
but  the  new  territories  were  less  welcome,  perhaps, 
on  that  account  than  if  they  had  been  won  with 
toil  and  difficulty.  The  towns  of  Judaea  had  been 
restored  with  great  magnificence,  they  were  adorned 
with  beautiful  specimens  of  Greek  sculpture  and 
architecture ;  but  the  monuments  which  were 
erected  perpetuated  the  fame  of  Roman  dignitaries 
and  the  Herodian  family,  and  not  the  greatness  of 
the  nation.  The  seaports,  and  especially  the  port 
of  Caesarea,  were  crowded  with  shipping,  and  trade 
was  consequently  encouraged,  but  the  imports 
which  naturally  increased    did    not  help  to  enrich 

ii8 


CH.  V.  HEROD  S   WILL.  II9 

the  nation.  The  Temple  was  resplendent  in  its 
renovated  glory,  and  outwardly  recalled  the  days 
of  Solomon,  but  the  priests  were  forced  to  offer 
sacrifices  for  the  welfare  of  those  whom  they  hated 
in  their  hearts.  The  country  even  enjoyed  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  independence,  for  the  Roman  fetters 
were  not  visible  at  a  superficial  glance.  All  this 
outward  show — because  it  was  only  outward  show 
— disappeared  with  the  death  of  the  one  man  who 
knew  how  to  make  use  of  it.  As  soon  as  death 
had  torn  the  reins  from  Herod's  hands,  public  affairs 
fell  into  an  unsettled  and  disjointed  state,  which  was 
the  beginning  of  more  lasting  misfortunes.  The 
edifice,  superficially  constructed,  soon  gave  way, 
burying  among  its  ruins  everything  that  remained 
in  Judaea  of  freedom  and  national  existence. 

Herod  had  left  several  daughters  and  six  sons. 
Some  of  them  he  favored  in  his  will,  others  he 
slighted.  The  publication  of  this  will  (the  con- 
tents of  which  were  known  to  Ptolemy,  the  brother 
of  the  celebrated  historian,  Nicolaus  of  Damascus) 
proved  how  little  he  cared  for  the  interests  of 
Judaea,  and  how  constantly  he  was  actuated  by 
the  most  selfish  motives.  Instead  of  keeping  the 
unity  of  the  country  intact,  he  dismembered  it,  so 
as  to  subdivide  it  between  three  of  his  sons.  The 
other  three  were  not  mentioned  ;  these  were — 
Herod,  his  son  by  the  second  Mariamne  ;  another 
Herod,  by  Cleopatra  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  Phasael,  by 
his  wife  Pallas.  He  bequeathed  to  his  son  Arche- 
laus  (whose  mother  was  Malthace  the  Samaritan) 
the  countries  of  Judaea  and  Samaria,  with  the  title 
of  sovereign.  Herod  Antipas  (also  the  son  of  Mal- 
thace) became  the  possessor  of  the  lands  of  Galilee 
andPeraea  ;  Philip.thesonof  Cleopatra  of  Jerusalem, 
another  tetrarchy — Gaulanitis,  Batansea,  Trachoni- 
tis,  and  the  country  called  Panias,  which  contained 
the  source  of  the  Jordan.  He  bequeathed  to  his 
sister  Salome,  as  a  reward  for  her  faithfulness,  the 


I  20  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

revenues  of  the  towns  of  Jamnia,  Azotus,  and  Pha- 
saelis  (to  the  north  of  Jericho).  However,  these  last 
bequests  were  only  expressed  in  the  form  of  wishes, 
for  he  left  to  the  emperor  Augustus  the  right  of 
deciding  whether  they  should  be  put  into  execution, 
or  whether  the  land  should  be  otherwise  divided, 
and  another  successor  appointed  to  the  throne. 

The  sons,  who  had  received  but  scanty  proofs  of 
affection  from  their  father  during  his  lifetime,  were 
not  united  by  any  ties  of  brotherly  love,  and  each 
envied  the  share  which  had  fallen  to  his  brother. 
Antipas  grudged  the  large  territories  and  the  regal 
title  of  Archelaus,  because  in  an  earlier  will  he  had 
been  nominated  as  successor  to  the  throne.  Sa- 
lome, in  spite  of  her  large  possessions,  was  equally 
embittered  against  Archelaus,  and  did  all  in  her 
power  to  dispute  the  succession.  The  discord 
which  divided  the  house  of  Herod  was  handed 
down  to  their  children  and  children's  children.  As 
the  fulfilment  of  Herod's  bequests  depended  on  a 
higher  authority,  all  the  disputants  tried  to  ingra- 
tiate themselves  with  the  people,  who,  they  hoped, 
would  intercede  in  their  favor  with  Augustus.  Sa- 
lome and  her  husband  actually  countermanded  an 
order  given  by  Herod  for  the  execution  of  the  im- 
prisoned nobles,  and  persuaded  the  officers  of  the 
Herodian  body-guard  that  Herod  himself  had  dis- 
approved of  an  execution  on  so  large  a  scale. 

Archelaus,  who  had  still  more  causes  for  currying 
favor  with  the  people,  appeared  in  the  Court  of  the 
Temple  after  the  period  of  mourning  had  expired, 
and  addressing  the  multitude  from  a  throne  erected 
for  the  occasion,  promised  to  abolish  all  the  unjust 
laws  sanctioned  in  his  father's  reign,  and  to  resettle 
public  affairs,  so  as  to  promote  general  peace  and 
well-being.  Emboldened  by  so  much  condescen- 
sion, the  people  would  not  rest  contented  with  royal 
promises  ;  they  insisted  upon  stating  their  griev- 
ances in  a  definite  form,  and  demanded  speedy  and 


CH.  V.  ARCHELAUS.  121 

certain  redress.  There  were  five  points  on  which 
the  people  were  particularly  resolute.  They  de- 
sired that  the  oppressive  yearly  taxes  should  be 
reduced,  whilst  the  duties  upon  public  sales  and 
purchases  should  be  completely  taken  off;  that  the 
prisoners  who  had  languished  for  years  in  dungeons 
should  be  liberated ;  that  the  counselors  who  had 
voted  the  death-sentence  when  the  Roman  eagle 
had  been  destroyed  be  punished  ;  and  finally  that 
the  unpopular  High  Priest,  Joaser,  should  be  de- 
posed, and  one  more  worthy  of  his  important  office 
be  named  in  his  stead. 

All  this  was  really  nothing  short  of  demanding 
both  a  new  and  a  popular  form  of  government  and 
a  public  condemnation  of  the   Herodian   tyranny. 
However  little   Archelaus   cared  at   heart   for  the 
reputation  of  his  father,  he  could  not  possibly  agree 
to  all  these  requests.     Nevertheless,  he  assented  to 
everything,   but   he  could   not    promise  that  their 
wishes  should  be  accomplished   until   Herod's  will 
had  received  the  imperial  sanction.     But  the  crowds 
of  people,  consisting  of  several  thousands,  who  had 
congregated  from  every  part  of  Judaea  to  celebrate 
the  Feast  of  Passover,  incited  by  the  Pharisees,  who 
worked  upon  their  feelings  by  picturing  to  them  the 
martyrdom  of  Judas  and  Matthias,  the  destroyers 
of  the  eagle,  would  not  be  put  off,  and  came  forward 
full  of  anger  and  defiance.     What  their  intentions 
may   have   been    is    not   known.     Archelaus,    who 
feared  a  revolt,  sent  a  troop  of  soldiers  to  quell  any 
disturbance,  but  they  were  assailed  with  stones  and 
forced  to  take  to  flight.     In  the  meantime  midday 
approached,  and  the  people  allowed  their  anger  to 
cool.     They  were  occupied  with  the  rites  of  the  fes- 
tivals, and  made  no  preparations  either  for  defense 
or  for  commencing  hostilities.     Archelaus  took  ad- 
vantage of  their  inactivity  ;  he  commanded  all  the 
infantry  in  Jerusalem  to  fall  upon    the  sacrificing 
multitude,  and  to  hew  them  down  ;  the  cavalry  were 


122  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

to  remain  in  the  open  plains  to  arrest  the  fugitives. 
Three  thousand  were  killed  on  that  day  on  the 
Mount  of  the  Temple  and  in  the  surrounding  coun- 
try ;  those  that  escaped  the  sword  of  the  enemy 
destroyed  themselves.  Heralds  thereupon  pro- 
claimed to  the  whole  town  that  Archelaus  forbade 
the  celebration  of  the  Passover  for  that  year,  and  no 
one  was  allowed  to  approach  the  Temple.  This 
was  the  inauguration  of  the  reign  of  Archelaus. 

Although  his  relatives  would  probably  not  have 
acted  with  more  humanity  than  he  did,  they  cried 
out  against  his  cruelty,  and  made  use  of  it  as  a 
weapon  with  which  to  serve  their  own  purposes 
when  in  the  presence  of  Augustus.  The  whole 
house  of  Herod  traveled  to  Rome  to  lay  the  land 
of  Judaea  at  the  feet  of  the  emperor,  and  to  petition, 
according  to  their  respective  interests,  for  the  alter- 
ation or  the  confirmation  of  the  will. 

During  their  absence  unexpected  events  took 
place,  and  the  prize  for  which  they  were  all  contend- 
ing very  nearly  escaped  their  possession  altogether. 
Judsea  became  a  huge  battlefield,  the  arena  of  furi- 
ous encounters.  Men  threw  themselves  into  the 
affray,  assuming  the  titles  of  kings  or  leaders  of  the 
people.  The  blood  of  the  slain  warriors,  the  groans 
of  unarmed,  wounded  citizens,  the  smoke  issuing 
from  burning  cities,  filled  every  heart  with  dismay 
and  with  horrible  forebodings  of  the  downfall  of 
Judaea.  The  tragical  events  which  took  place  dur- 
ing the  first  year  after  the  death  of  Herod  are 
described  in  the  Chronicle  as  the  "  War  Period  of 
V^arus,"  the  Governor  of  Syria. 

At  the  desire  of  Archelaus,  Ouintilius  Varus  had 
remained  in  Jerusalem  after  the  departure  of  the 
Herodian  family,  so  as  to  crush  any  attempt  at  revolt 
which  might  occur  during  the  absence  of  the  princes. 
The  task  was  an  easy  one,  for  the  patriots  who  were 
hostile  to  the  Herodians  had  no  decided  plan  of 
action,  were  insufficiently  armed,  and  allowed  them- 


CH.  V.  QUINTILIUS    VARUS.  I23 

selves  to  be  led  away  by  their  fierce  hatred  into 
unwise  and  useless  demonstrations.  Varus,  seeing 
no  further  necessity  for  remaining  in  the  Judaean 
capital,  returned  to  Antioch,  but  he  left  a  consider- 
able number  of  troops  to  be  in  readiness  in  case  of 
any  signs  of  hostility. 

As  soon  as  the  governor  Varus  had  left  Jerusalem 
another  cause  of  annoyance  was  given  to  the  people 
by  the  arrival  of  Sabinus,  the  treasurer  of  Augustus. 
He  had  been  sent  to  claim  the  treasures  of  Herod, 
and  probably  also  all  those  belonging  to  the  Temple, 
as  if  the  emperor  had  been  the  acknowledged  heir 
to  Herod's  possessions.  Sabinus  must  have  had 
some  malevolent  intention,  for  he  hastened  his 
journey  to  Jerusalem,  notwithstanding  that  he  had 
promised  Varus  to  remain  at  Caesarea  until  the  Hero- 
dian  disputes  were  settled.  He  took  advantage  of 
the  reluctance  with  which  the  custodians  complied 
with  his  demands  to  create  a  disturbance  among 
the  people,  and  thus  obtain  a  pretext  for  entering 
the  city. 

The  Feast  of  Pentecost  was  drawing  near,  and, 
as  usual,  multitudes  of  people  congregated  from  all 
parts  of  the  country  at  Jerusalem.  This  time,  the 
greater  part  of  them  were  animated  by  hostile  feel- 
ings against  the  Romans  and  the  Herodians.  The 
strife  was  not  delayed.  The  people  soon  chose 
their  leaders,  and  succeeded  in  occupying  the 
Mount  of  the  Temple  and  the  Hippodrome,  whence 
they  defied  the  Romans,  who  had  taken  up  their 
quarters  in  the  palace  of  Herod.  Sabinus,  think- 
ing himself  lost,  encouraged  the  Romans  to  besiege 
the  Temple,  and  sent  messages  to  Varus  for  more 
reinforcements.  The  Judaeans,  well  protected  be- 
hind the  Temple  walls,  hurled  their  weapons  and 
their  huge  stones  down  upon  the  Romans.  Victory 
would  have  been  theirs  had  not  the  enemy,  with 
burning  materials,  set  fire  to  the  colonnade.  The 
flames  spread  so  rapidly  that  escape  was  impos- 


124  HISTORY    OV    THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

sible.  Of  the  unfortunate  combatants,  some  were 
victims  of  the  fire,  others  fell  before  the  swords  of 
the  Romans,  and  many  of  them  killed  themselves 
in  reckless  despair. 

As  soon  as  the  Temple  was  left  unprotected,  the 
Romans,  tempted  by  the  treasures  which  they  knew 
it  contained,  rushed  into  the  courts.  Sabinus  alone 
is  said  to  have  approi)riated  four  hundred  talents 
from  the  treasures  of  the  Temple.  The  plunder 
of  these  treasures,  the  desecration  of  the  Holy  of 
Holies,  and  the  destruction  of  the  halls  of  the 
Temple,  barely  ten  years  after  the  sacred  edifice  had 
been  completed,  roused  all  the  indignation  and,  and 
at  the  same  time,  all  the  valor  of  the  Judseans. 
Even  a  great  part  of  the  Herodian  troops  went  over 
to  the  malcontents,  and  assisted  them  against  the 
Romans.  Thus  strengthened,  they  besieged  the 
palace  of  Herod,  laid  mines  under  the  towers,  and 
threatened  the  Romans  with  destruction  if  they  did 
not  retire  immediately.  Sabinus,  anxiously  awaiting 
the  expected  reinforcements,  but  vacillating  between 
fear  of  the  besiegers  and  a  longing  to  obtain  the 
mastery  over  them,  remained  for  the  time  in  the 
citadel  of  the  palace. 

Thus  all  the  horrors  of  anarchy  were  let  loose  in 
Judaea.  Had  the  insurgents  found  skilful  and  trust- 
worthy leaders  their  united  efforts  might  have 
broug-ht  about  such  momentous  events  that  the 
Herodian  dispute  would  have  come  to  a  most  un- 
expected termination.  But  there  was  no  organiza- 
tion to  give  shape  and  purpose  to  all  this  patriotic 
fervor.  It  was  nurtured  by  selfish  adventurers,  and 
was  therefore  hurtful  to  the  country  itself  rather  than 
dangerous  to  the  enemy.  Two  thousand  soldiers, 
probably  Iduma^ans,  whom  Herod  had  dismissed 
shortly  before  his  death,  disturbed  the  regions  of  the 
south.  A  certain  Simon,  a  slave  of  Herod,  distin- 
guished by  great  beauty  and  an  imposing  presence, 
collected  a  troop  of  malcontents,  who  hailed  him  as 


CH.  V,         UNSETTLED    STATE    OF    THE    COUNTRY.  I  25 

their   king,  and,  at    his    command,  burned    to    the 
ground  many  royal  castles  in  the  country,  including 
the  royal  palace  at  Jericho.     The  palace  of  Bethar- 
amata  was  destroyed  by  a  band  of  men,  the  name 
of  whose  leader  is  unknown.     A  third   adventurer 
was  a  shepherd  named  Athronges,  a  giant  in  strength 
and  stature,  who  was  accompanied  into  the  field  of 
battle  by  four  brothers,  all  of  the   same   colossal 
build.     After  assuming  the  royal  title,  he  fell  upon 
the  Romans,  cut  off  their  retreat,  and  fought  valiantly 
till,  after  a  long  and  fierce  struggle,  he  was  forced 
to  yield.     There  was  but  one  leader  of  all  these  free 
troopers  who  had  a  decided  aim  in  view,  and  who 
might  have  proved  a  formidable  foe,  both  to  Romans 
and    Herodians,   had    fortune    favored   him,  or  his 
countrymen  given  him  their  cordial  help.     This  was 
Judas,  known  by  the  name  of  "  the  Galilean,"  a  native 
of  Gamala  in  Gaulanitis,  and  a  son  of  Ezekias,  fighting 
against  whom  Herod  had  won  his  first  laurels.    Judas 
had  been  imbued,  from  his  birth,  with  a  passionate 
love   for   his  countr}s  and   as  passionate  a  hatred 
towards  the  Romans.     He  became  the  leader  of  a 
faction  which  gradually  came  to  rule  the  country,  and 
eventually  gave  the  Romans  more  difficulties  to  con- 
tend with  than  even  the  Gauls   and  the  Germans. 
Judas  was  at  this  period  in   the  prime  of  life.      His 
intense  zeal  proved  contagious,  and  he  gained  a  con- 
siderable number  of  partisans  among  the  powerful 
Galileans.    With  their  assistance  he  took  possession 
of  the  arsenal  in   Sepphoris,  the  Galilean  capital. 
He  then  armed  his  followers,  gave  them  stipends 
from   the    money  found  in    the  arsenal,  and    soon 
became  the  terror  of  the  Romans  and  of  all  those 
who  were  favorably  disposed  towards  them. 

Events  in  the  region  bordering  on  Syria  were 
even  more  pressing  than  Sabinus  in  urging  the  gov- 
ernor to  suppress  the  revolt,  and  to  hasten  to  the 
rescue  of  the  Roman  troops.  The  terror  of  Varus 
himself  was  so  great  that  he  not  only  ordered  all  the 


126  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

Roman  troops  that  were  at  his  disposal  (over  twenty 
thousand  men)  to  march  against  the  insurgents,  but 
summoned  the  armies  under  the  command  of  the 
neighboring  princes.  Aretas,  the  king  of  the  Na- 
bathaeans,  placed  his  troops  at  the  command  of  the 
Roman  general,  and  as  they  formed  the  vanguard 
of  the  Roman  army,  they  burnt  and  plundered  all 
the  villages  through  which  they  passed.  Varus  sent 
one  division  of  his  troops  to  Galilee  to  commence 
operations  against  Judas.  There  seems  to  have 
been  a  severe  struggle  at  the  town  of  Sepphoris  ; 
ultimately  Varus  set  fire  to  it  and  sold  the  in- 
habitants as  slaves,  but  Judas  escaped.  The  town 
of  Emmaus,  where  Athronges  had  established  him- 
self, shared  the  same  fate,  though  the  inhabitants 
had  taken  to  flight.  On  his  arrival  at  Jerusalem, 
Varus  found  that  his  task  had  become  a  light  one, 
for  the  besiegers  were  alarmed  at  the  report  of  the 
approach  of  his  army,  and  had  abandoned  their 
struggle  against  Sabinus.  Notwithstanding  this, 
two  thousand  prisoners  were  crucified  at  the  com- 
mand of  Varus. 

Such  was  the  end  of  a  revolt  which  had  been 
fanned  into  existence  by  a  natural  feeling  of  anger 
and  indignation,  but  had  failed  through  the  absence 
of  wise  and  judicious  guidance.  It  had  only  been 
successful  in  bringing  the  nation  into  a  state  of  more 
humiliating  dependence  upon  Rome,  for  a  legion 
was  retained  to  keep  guard  over  the  rebellious  citi- 
zens of  Jerusalem. 

Durinof  all  this  time  the  Herodians  were  still  dis- 
cussing  their  claims  to  the  sovereignty  of  Judaea 
before  the  throne  of  Augustus,  and  their  servile  be- 
havior and  mutual  accusations  only  convinced  the 
Emperor  how  unworthy  one  and  all  were  of  holding 
the  reins  of  government.  Before  Augustus  could 
come  to  any  decision,  a  Judaean  embassy  arrived, 
consisting  of  fifty  men  of  position  and  importance, 
whose  mission  had  been  approved  by  Varus.    They 


CH.  V.  AUGUSTUS    AND    THE    JUD^ANS.  I27 

brought  accusations  against  the  Herodian  gov- 
ernment, and  implored  the  Emperor  to  proclaim 
Judsea  a  Roman  province  in  conjunction  with  Syria, 
but  to  grant  the  nation  full  liberty  to  conduct  her 
own  internal  affairs.  As  the  petition  had  the  sup- 
port of  eight  thousand  Roman-Judaeans,  the  Em- 
peror was  obliged  to  listen  to  it.  However,  after 
having  heard  both  the  demands  of  the  embassy  and 
the  arguments  of  the  pretenders  to  the  throne,  he 
decided  upon  confirming  Herod's  will,  with  this 
exception,  that  he  did  not  grant  the  sovereignty 
immediately  to  Archelaus,  but  only  recognized  him 
as  ruler  (Ethnarch),  promising  him,  however,  that  if 
he  proved  worthy  of  the  royal  title  it  should  be 
granted  to  him  eventually.  Augustus  could  not 
entirely  disregard  the  last  wishes  of  a  prince  who 
had  been  his  friend,  and  who  had  served  the  Ro- 
mans with  a  devotion  only  equaled  by  the  zeal  with 
which  he  furthered  his  own  egotistical  ends.  The 
imperial  treasury  suffered  no  diminution  whether 
Judaea  was  called  an  ethnarchy  or  a  province 
dependent  upon  Rome. 

The  reign  of  Archelaus  was  short  and  unevent- 
ful (4  B.C.— 6  c.  E,).  Herod's  children  had  inherited 
little  of  their  father's  disposition,  excepting  his  fancy 
for  building  and  his  cringing  policy  towards  Rome. 
In  other  respects  they  were  insignificant,  and  there 
was  something  small  and  contemptible  even  in  their 
tyranny.  At  first  Archelaus  (who  appears  also 
under  the  name  of  Herod)  attempted  to  conciliate 
the  discontented  members  of  the  community,  whose 
indignation  he  had  aroused  at  the  assembly  in  the 
courts  of  the  Temple.  He  gave  way  to  the  general 
desire  to  depose  the  unpopular  High  Priest  Joasar, 
and  appointed  in  his  stead  the  latter's  brother, 
Eleazer,  who  was  soon  succeeded  by  Joshua  of  the 
family  of  Sie  or  Seth.  But  he  in  turn  was  re- 
placed by  Joasar,  and  thus  three  High  Priests  fol- 
lowed one  another  in  the  short  space  of  nine  years. 


128  HISTORY    OF    TlIK    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

The  only  war  carried  on  by  Archelaus  was  fought 
against  Athrongcs,  who  had  been  able  to  hold  his 
own  for  some  time  after  the  death  of  his  four 
brothers  ;  and  such  was  the  incapacity  of  Archelaus 
that  he  was  long  unable  to  subdue  an  adventurer, 
whose  powers  were  almost  exhausted,  but  who  was 
still  able  to  dictate  the  conditions  of  his  own  sur- 
render. 

Archelaus  offended  the  feelings  of  the  pious 
Judseans  by  his  marriage  with  his  sister-in-law 
Glaphyra,  the  widow  of  Alexander,  who  had  been 
executed.  This  daughter  of  the  king  of  Cappa- 
docia  had  had  two  sons  ;  one  of  these,  Tigranes, 
and  his  nephew  of  the  same  name,  became,  in  later 
years,  kings  respectively  of  Greater  and  Lesser 
Armenia.  Indifferent  to  the  melancholy  fate  of  her 
husband,  she  married,  after  his  death,  Juba,  the  king 
of  Numidia  ;  but  was  soon  divorced  from  him,  and 
contracted  an  alliance  with  Archelaus,  the  brother 
of  her  first  husband,  an  alliance  forbidden  by 
Judsean  laws.  Little  is  known  of  the  life  of  Ar- 
chelaus ;  his  acts  of  tyranny  called  forth  the  oppro- 
brium of  the  Judaeans  and  the  Samaritans.  He 
was  taken  before  Augustus  to  answer  for  his 
misdeeds,  but  being  unable  to  defend  himself,  he 
was  dethroned  and  sent  into  exile  among  the  Allo- 
brogian  races  (6  c.  e.).  The  principalities  belong- 
ing to  Herod  Antipas  and  to  Philip  remained  in 
their  former  condition,  but  the  towns  which  had 
been  in  the  possession  of  Salome  came  also  under 
the  Imperial  sway,  for  Salome  had  bequeathed  them 
at  her  death  to  the  Empress  Livia. 

Thus  after  enjoying  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  real 
or  apparent  independence,  Judcea  became  entirely 
subjugated  to  Roman  authority,  and  was  united  with 
the  province  of  Syria.  Matters  remained  in  this  con- 
dition, with  the  exception  of  a  short  interval,  till  the 
final  revolt.  The  Imperial  representative  in  Judaea, 
who  henceforth  received  the  title  of  Procurator,  had 


CH.  V.  JUD.^A    A    ROMAN    PROVINCE.  I  29 

his  seat  of  government  in  the  seaport  Caesarea,  which 
from  that  time  became  the  hated  rival  of  Jerusalem. 
The  duties  of  the  Procurator  consisted  in  maintain- 
ing order  in  the  country,  and  in  enforcing  the  punc- 
tual payment  of  all  taxes.  He  had  even  the  power 
of  pronouncing  the  death  sentence,  and  also  of 
supervising  the  Synhedrion's  administration  of  the 
criminal  law. 

The  authority  of  the  Synhedrion  became  more 
and  more  limited,  and  the  political  importance  of 
that  assembly,  which  had  considerably  diminished 
during  the  reign  of  Herod,  dwindled  entirely  away. 
The  Romans  interfered  in  all  the  functions  of  the 
Synhedrion,  and  also  in  the  installations  of  the 
High  Priests.  The  Procurator  named  and  de- 
posed the  High  Priests  according  to  their  friendly 
or  unfavorable  inclinations  towards  Rome  ;  he  took 
charge  of  the  sacerdotal  ornaments,  and  only  gave 
them  up  on  the  chief  festivals.  The  vestments  of 
the  High  Priests  were  kept  under  lock  and  key  in 
the  fortress  of  Antonia ;  they  were  removed  in  time 
for  the  festival  by  the  officials  of  the  Temple,  and 
returned  to  their  place  of  preservation  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  Roman  overseer.  A  light  was  burning 
constantly  before  the  case  containing  the  priestly 
vestments. 

The  first  Procurator  whom  Augustus  sent  to 
Judaea  was  the  captain  of  the  horse,  Coponius.  The 
Syrian  Governor,  Oulrinlus,  came  at  the  same  time 
(6-7)  to  lay  claim  to  the  confiscated  property  of 
Archelaus.  He  was  also  instructed  to  take  a  census 
of  the  population,  and  to  estimate  the  property  of 
the  country  for  the  purpose  of  the  new  method  of 
taxation.  A  tax  was  to  be  levied  upon  every  indl- 
vidual,  inclusive  of  women  and  slaves;  however, 
female  children  under  twelve  and  male  children 
under  fourteen  years  of  age  and  very  old  people 
were  to  be  exempt.  Furthermore,  an  income  tax 
was  levied,  and  those  who  kept  cattle  were  called 


130  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

Upon  to  give  up  a  part  of  their  herds.  The  taxes 
on  the  land  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the  produce  of 
the  harvest. 

This  method  of  levying"  imposts  roused  the  indig- 
nation of  all  classes  alike.  Every  one  resented 
such  interference  in  private  as  well  as  political 
affairs,  and  felt  as  if  the  land  and  property,  and  the 
very  person  of  each  individual  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  emperor,  and  made  use  of  according  to  his 
pleasure.  It  is  not  surprising  that,  in  their  ignor- 
ance of  the  Roman  constitution,  the  people  should 
have  looked  upon  the  census  as  the  herald  of  slavery, 
and  anticipated  with  terror  a  repetition  of  the  Baby- 
lonian captivity.  Their  dread  of  the  census,  exag- 
gerated perhaps,  but  not  wholly  unjustifiable,  caused 
greater  agitation  than  any  previous  statute,  and 
aroused  new  disputes,  in  which  the  old  differences 
between  Pharisee  and  Sadducee  were  entirely  for- 
gotten. New  points  of  discussion  were  raised.  The 
question  of  the  supremacy  of  the  oral  law  disap- 
peared before  the  burning  question  of  the  day — 
whether  the  people  should  become  slaves  to  the 
Romans,  or  whether  they  should  offer  stubborn  and 
energetic  resistance.  This  question  brought  dis- 
sension into  the  camp  of  the  Pharisees.  The  new 
faction  to  which  this  discussion  on  the  census  had 
given  rise  sprang  from  the  very  center  of  the 
Synhedrion,  and  was  connected  with  the  names  of 
Hillel,  Shammai,  and  Judas  of  Galilee. 

Hillel  and  Shammai  did  not  live  to  see  the 
catastrophe  which  made  Judaea  a  province  of  Rome. 
Hillel's  death  caused  wide-spread  mourning,  and  the 
oration  at  his  grave  began  with  the  sad  cry :  "  O 
pious,  O  gentle,  O  worthy  follower  of  Ezra."  The 
people,  in  their  great  affection  for  him,  continued  to 
distinguish  his  descendants  with  their  favor,  and  the 
presidency  of  the  Synhedrion  became  hereditary  in 
his  family  for  more  than  four  centuries.  Of  Hillel's 
son  and  successor,  Simon  I,  nothing  but  his  name  has 


CH.  V.  THE    SCHOOL    OF    HH.LEL.  I3I 

been  preserved.  All  the  greatness  which  encircled 
Hillel's  name  was  bequeathed  to  the  school  which 
he  formed,  and  which  inherited  and  faithfully  pre- 
served the  spirit  of  its  founder.  The  disciples  of 
this  school  evinced  in  all  their  public  dealings  the 
peacefulness  and  gentleness,  the  conciliatory  spirit 
which  had  distinguished  their  great  master.  They 
were  guided  and  supported  by  these  characteristic 
qualities  during  the  political  storms  which  long 
convulsed  their  unhappy  country.  There  were 
about  eighty  members  of  this  school  who  were 
most  devotedly  attached  to  Hillel,  and  were  called 
the  elders  of  the  school.  The  names  of  only  two 
of  these  have  been  recorded :  Jonathan,  the  son 
of  Uziel,  and  Jochanan  ben  Zaccai.  The  former  is 
reputed,  but  without  actual  proof,  to  have  been  the 
author  of  a  Chaldaic  translation  of  the  Prophets. 
He  was  disinherited  by  his  father  in  favor  of 
Shammai,  probably  from  displeasure  at  his  having 
joined  the  school  of  Hillel. 

In  the  same  way  as  the  school  of  Hillel  endeav- 
ored to  preserve  the  characteristic  gentleness  of 
their  master,  the  followers  of  Shammai  emulated 
and  even  exceeded  the  stern  severity  of  the  founder 
of  their  school.  It  seemed  impossible  to  the  school 
of  Shammai  to  be  sufficiently  stringent  in  religious 
prohibitions  ;  the  decisions  which  they  arrived  at, 
in  their  interpretations  of  the  law,  were  so  gen- 
erally burdensome  that  those  which  were  milder  in 
character  were  treasured  up  as  rare  exceptions. 
Thus,  according  to  their  opinion,  no  work  should  be 
attempted  which,  if  commenced  before  the  Sab- 
bath, would,  even  without  the  aid  of  a  Jud£ean, 
be  completed  on  the  Sabbath.  It  was  prohibited 
on  the  Sabbath  day  to  give  sums  of  money  for 
charitable  purposes,  to  make  arrangements  for 
marriage  contracts,  to  instruct  children,  to  visit  the 
sick,  or  even  to  bring  comfort  to  the  sorrowing.  In 
their  regulations  concerning  the  purity  of  the  Levltes 


132  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

in  their  person  and  apparel,  their  exaggerations 
brought  them  very  near  the  excesses  of  the  Essenes. 
They  were  equally  severe  concerning  matrimonial 
laws,  and  only  allowed  divorce  to  be  granted  in  the 
case  of  the  unchastity  of  the  wife. 

In  the  school  of  Shammai,  the  Pharisaic  principles 
were  carried  to  the  very  extreme.  It  was  only  due 
to  the  yielding  disposition  of  the  followers  of  Hillel 
that  peace  was  not  disturbed,  and  that  a  friendly 
relationship  existed  between  two  schools  of  such 
opposite  views  and  characters.  The  school  of 
Shammai  were  not  only  severe  in  their  explanations 
of  the  laws,  but  entertained  very  stern  and  rigid 
opinions  on  nearly  all  subjects  ;  they  were  particu- 
larly harsh  and  repellant  towards  proselytes  to 
Judaism.  Any  heathen  who  came  to  the  school  of 
Shammai,  requesting  to  be  received  into  the  com- 
munity might  expect  but  a  ver)'  cold  and  repellant 
reception.  The  school  of  Shammai  cared  not  for 
proselytes.  How  dangerous  to  Judaism  lukewarm 
proselytes  may  be,  they  had  too  often  seen  in  the 
case  of  the  converted  Herodians.  But  in  spite 
of  their  own  rigid  obedience  to  the  Law,  they  did  not 
exact  the  same  obedience  from  the  Judsean  troops 
who  were  fighting  against  the  national  enemy. 
Originally  there  had  been  some  hesitation  about 
making  war  on  the  Sabbath,  but  now  the  school  of 
Shammai  were  unreservedly  in  favor  thereof;  the 
siege  of  a  hostile  city,  commenced  before  the  Sab- 
bath, was  not  to  be  raised,  in  spite  of  the  transgress- 
ing of  the  Sabbath  law,  until  the  fortress  surrendered. 
These  ordinances  were  instituted  by  Shammai  him- 
self, in  whom  hatred  of  the  heathen  was  even 
greater  than  religious  devotion.  The  school  of 
Shammai  had  a  large  number  of  adherents  in  the 
Synhedrion,  as  well  as  among  the  people.  Their 
religious  austerity,  and  their  hatred  of  the  heathens, 
found  more  sympathizers  than  the  moderation  and 
peacefulness  of  the  followers  of  Hillel.     They  con- 


CH.  V.  THE    SCHOOL    OF    SHAMMAI.  I33 

sequently  formed  the  majority,  and  were  able  to 
carr}^  all  their  resolutions.  Among  the  followers  of 
Shammai,  several  names  have  been  preserved — 
Baba  ben  Buta,  Dostai  from  Itome,  and  Zadok. 

It  is  possible  that  this  Zadok  may  be  the  same 
of  whom  it  is  related  that,  excited  by  a  fanatical 
hatred  of  the  Romans,  he  joined  with  Judas  the 
Galilean,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  relig-- 
ious  republican  faction  who  called  themselves  the 
Zealots  (Kannaim).  The  members  of  this  faction 
were  also  called  the  Galileans.  The  watchword 
which  Judas  gave  the  party  of  the  Zealots,  and 
which  was  eagerly  endorsed  by  Zadok,  was  that 
obedience  to  the  Roman  law  was  disregard  of  the 
Divine  law,  for  God  alone  was  ruler,  and  could 
alone  demand  obedience  ;  that  it  became,  therefore, 
a  clear  and  solemn  duty  to  strain  every  nerve,  and 
sacrifice  property,  and  life,  and  family  in  this  strug- 
gle against  the  usurper,  who  exacted  submission 
due  to  God  alone.  And  they  set  up  as  an  exem- 
plar Phineas,  the  slayer  of  the  chief  Zimri,  the  only 
one  who,  in  the  presence  of  a  neglectful  tribe  and 
a  slothful  nation,  had  served  his  God  with  zeal. 
Furthermore,  Judas  proclaimed  that  the  Judaean 
state  must  be  a  republic,  recognizing  God  alone 
as  sovereign  and  His  laws  as  supreme.  This 
teaching  found  favor  all  the  more  readily  as  the 
Roman  yoke  was  becoming  more  and  more  intol- 
erable. The  great  purpose  they  had  in  view — the 
recovery  of  their  freedom — electrified  young  and 
old,  and  the  Zealots,  a  faction  which  at  first  only 
comprised  followers  of  Shammai,  soon  included  a 
great  number  of  Judeeans,  who  chafed  indignantly 
under  the  weight  of  the  Roman  fetters. 

As  soon  as  the  law  was  passed  that  every  one 
should  give  an  accurate  description  of  his  family, 
his  lands  and  his  property,  Zadok  and  Judas  gave 
the  signal  for  energetic  resistance.  In  some 
places  a  conflict  seems  to  have  ensued.     The  more 


134  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  V. 

moderate,  however,  including-  the  High  Priest 
Joasar,  tried  to  pacify  the  malcontents  by  explain- 
ing that  the  census  would  not  be  the  precursor  of 
slavery  or  of  the  confiscation  of  property,  but  was 
simply  necessary  in  order  to  control  the  arrange- 
ments for  taxation.  It  was  useless,  and  the  cen- 
sus was  regarded  with  such  suspicion  and  dislike 
that  every  fine  w^as  now  called  census  (Kenas). 
Even  the  moderate  party,  although  they  endeav- 
ored to  stem  the  agitation,  were  indignant  at  the 
encroachments  made  upon  their  liberties.  The 
school  of  Hillel  considered  the  taxation  so  unjusti- 
fiable that,  conscientious  as  they  were,  they  acceded 
to  all  measures  by  which  it  might  be  escaped. 

Such  was  the  general  abhorrence  for  this  system 
of  taxation,  that  all  those  who  were  officially  occu- 
pied in  carrying  it  out,  whether  as  tax-collector 
(Moches)  or  as  treasurer  (Gabbai),  were  looked 
upon  as  dishonorable  men  ;  they  were  not  tolerated 
in  the  higher  ranks  of  the  community,  and  their  tes- 
timony as  witnesses  was  discredited.  Only  mer- 
cenary motives  and  utter  indifference  to  public 
opinion  could  induce  any  one  to  undertake  the  des- 
pised office.  The  designations  of  tax-gatherer  and 
overseer  became  henceforth  terms  of  opprobrium. 

Another  change  also  originated  with  the  Ro- 
man occupation  of  Judaea.  All  public  documents, 
deeds  of  divorce,  etc.,  were  now  to  be  dated 
according  to  the  year  of  the  reign  of  the  Roman 
Emperor,  and  not,  as  formerly,  that  of  the  Judaean 
rulers.  The  Zealots  were  much  annoyed  at  this 
innovation,  and  they  accused  the  more  moderate 
Pharisees,  who  had  yielded  to  it,  of  indifference  in 
matters  of  religion.  "  How  could  such  an  ignominy 
be  perpetrated  as  to  wTite  the  words,  '  according  to 
the  laws  of  Moses  and  Israel ' "  (the  usual  formula 
in  the  separation  deeds)  "  next  to  the  name  of  the 
heathen  ruler,  and  thus  permit  the  holy  name  of  the 
greatest  prophet  to  be  placed  by  the  side  of  the 


CH.  V. 


COPONIUS.  135 


name  of  the  heathen  ruler."  In  one  matter  Quir- 
inius  was  forced  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  the 
people.  He  deposed  the  unpopular  High  Priest 
Joasar,  and  named  in  his  stead  Anan  of  the  family 
of  Seth,  whose  four  sons  also  became  high  priests. 

Under  Coponius,  who  entered  upon  his  office 
of  Procurator  when  Quirinius  left,  the  old  enmity 
between  the  Judaeans  and  Samaritans  revived. 
Several  days  before  the  Feast  of  Passover,  the 
doors  of  the  Temple  were  thrown  open  at  mid- 
night, on  account  of  the  great  number  of  offerings 
which  took  place  during  that  time.  A  few  Samaritans 
stole  into  the  first  outer  court,  and  threw  some  human 
bones  in  among  the  pillars,  with  the  object  of  pollut- 
ing the  Temple.  Henceforth  the  hatred  between 
these  two  races  became  fiercer  than  ever,  and  the 
guards  of  the  Temple,  who  were  under  the  charge 
of  the  Levites,  were  strengthened,  so  as  to  prevent 
the  recurrence  of  such  a  desecration.  Not  long  after 
these  events  Coponius  was  recalled.  He  was  fol- 
lowed by  Marcus  Ambivius,  who  in  a  short  time  was 
also  recalled,  and  was  succeeded  by  Annius  Rufus. 
Thus  there  were  three  overseers  in  the  short  space 
of  seven  years  (7-14),  a  disastrous  circumstance,  as 
each  one  was  intent  upon  draining,  as  far  as  possible, 
all  the  wealth  from  the  nation. 

The  death  of  Augustus  brought  little  change  to 
Judaea  ;  the  latter  simply  became,  with  other  prov- 
inces, the  possession  of  Tiberius.  Outwardly,  these 
provinces  may  not  have  suffered  under  the  new  em- 
peror's reign,  for  he  was  just  to  the  people,  though 
antagonistic  to  the  aristocracy,  which  he  endeavored 
to  suppress.  He  listened  to  the  complaints  of  the 
Judaeans,  and  lightened  the  burdens  of  their  almost 
unendurable  taxation.  He  appointed  as  procurator 
Valerius  Gratus,  who  occupied  this  post  for  eleven 
years  (15-26)  In  reality,  however,  the  antipathy 
of  Tiberius  to  the  Judaeans  was  even  greater  than 
that  of  his  predecessor  and  adopted  father  ;  it  would 


136  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

seem  as  if  the  representative  of  imperialism  in 
Rome  had  a  foreboding  of  the  mortal  blow  which 
Rome  was  destined  to  receive  from  Judaism.  This 
antipathy  had  probably  been  stimulated  by  the  fact 
that  the  Romans,  and  particularly  the  Roman 
women,  had  a  leaning  towards  Judaism.  The  enthu- 
siasm of  the  Judaeans  for  their  religion  presented  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  indifference  with  which  the 
Romans,  both  the  priests  and  the  laity,  regarded  their 
national  worship.  The  loss  of  freedom  in  imperial 
Rome  had  carried  away  wdth  it  that  ideality  which 
inspires  highly-gifted  souls  ;  ardent  and  emotional 
minds  sought  in  vain  for  some  lofty  interest  to  satisfy 
their  longings.  Several  Roman  proselytes,  during 
the  reign  of  Tiberius,  gave  evidence  of  their  religi- 
ous enthusiasm  by  sending  offerings  to  the  Temple 
at  Jerusalem.  It  may  have  been  a  feeling  of  super- 
stition, rather  than  conviction,  which  gave  rise  to 
conversions ;  for  from  the  converts  gained  for  the 
cult  of  Isis  in  Rome,  it  was  evident  that  the  unknown, 
the  strange,  the  mystical  exercised  a  strong  fascina- 
tion over  those  from  whose  lives  all  idealism  was 
banished. 

The  displeasure  of  Tiberius  was  incurred  by  the 
Roman  proselytes  for  the  first  time  under  the  follow- 
ing circumstances  : — Fulvia,  the  wife  of  a  very  highly 
respected  senator,  had  been  converted  to  Judaism, 
and  had  sent  offerings  to  the  Temple  through  the 
agency  of  her  teachers,  who,  however,  had  retained 
these  offerings  for  themselves.  As  soon  as  these 
facts  came  to  the  ears  of  Tiberius,  he  presented  a 
law  against  Judaeans  to  the  Senate.  That  body 
consequently  resolved  that  Judaeans  must  leave  the 
city  of  Rome,  on  pain  of  becoming  slaves  for  life, 
unless  they  abjured  Judaism  within  a  given  time. 
This  measure  is  said  to  have  been  urgently  recom- 
mended by  the  minister  Sejanus,  who  exercised  a 
most  powerful  influence  over  Tiberius.  Thousands 
of  Judaean  youths  were,  then  and  there,  banished  tc 


CH.  V.  PERSECUTION    IN    ROME.  1 37 

Sardinia,  to  fight  against  the  hordes  of  brigands  that 
infested  that  island.  Banishment  to  so  unconofenial 
a  climate  was  almost  certain  to  be  fatal  to  the 
unfortunate  youths  ;  but  this  consideration  did  not 
lead  the  Emperor,  as  hard-hearted  as  his  senators. 
to  take  a  milder  course.  The  Judseans  throughout 
Italy  were  threatened  with  banishment  if  they  did 
not  forsake  their  religious  observances  ;  all  young 
men,  in  the  prime  of  life,  were  forced  to  come 
armed  into  the  camp  on  the  Sabbath-day ;  severe 
punishment  followed  if  religious  scruples  dictated 
a  refusal.  This  was  the  first  time  that  the  Judaeans 
had  suffered  religious  persecution  in  Rome — their 
first  martyrdom — destined  to  be  the  precursor  of 
countless  others. 

The  Procurator  Gratus,  whom  Tiberius  had  ap- 
pointed, took  as  active  a  part  as  his  predecessors  in 
the  internal  affairs  of  Judaea.  During  the  eleven 
years  that  he  occupied  his  post  he  installed  as  many 
as  five  high  priests,  of  whom  some  only  retained 
their  office  during  one  year.  These  changes  were 
sometimes  due  to  the  unpopularity  of  the  high 
priests,  but  were  far  more  often  the  result  of  bribery 
or  of  wanton  arbitrariness. 

Although  Judaea  and  the  neighboring  lands  of 
Idumaea  and  Samaria  were  ruled  by  Procurators, 
the  tetrarchy  of  Galilee  and  Peraea  enjoyed  a  sem- 
blance of  independence  under  the  reign  of  Herod 
Antipas,  and  the  lands  of  Batanaea  and  Trachonitis 
under  that  of  Philip.  These  two  princes  were  dis- 
tinguished only  for  their  passion  for  building  and 
their  submissiveness  to  Rome.  Herod  Antipas  had 
at  first  made  Sepphoris  the  capital  of  his  tetrarchy, 
but  as  soon  as  Tiberius  became  emperor  he  built 
a  new  city  in  the  lovely  neighborhood  of  the  lake  of 
Gennesareth,  which  he  named  Tiberias,  and  where 
he  established  his  court  (24-26).  But  the  pious 
Judaeans  objected  to  living  in  this  new  city ;  it  had 
probably  been  built  upon  a  site  which  had  once 


138  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  V. 

served  as  a  battle-field,  as  a  quantity  of  human  bones 
were  discovered  there.  The  inhabitants  were  con- 
sequently prevented  by  the  strict  Levitical  regula- 
tions from  visiting  the  Temple,  and  performing  vari- 
ous religious  observances.  Antipas  induced  the 
Judaeans  to  settle  there  only  by  holding  out  the 
most  tempting  offers  and  by  using  force  ;  and  a  cen- 
tury actually  elapsed  before  the  more  conscientious 
members  of  the  people  consented  to  take  up  their 
abode  in  the  city  of  Tiberias. 

The  town  of  Beth-Ramatha,  in  a  situation  similar 
to  that  of  Jericho,  and  also  rich  in  the  produce  of 
balsam  plants,  was  renamed  Livia,  in  honor  of  the 
wife  of  Augustus.  Philip,  whose  revenue  from  the 
country  only  amounted  to  one  hundred  talents, 
also  built  two  cities.  One  of  these  he  built  in  the 
beautiful  district  near  the  source  of  the  Jordan,  and 
named  it  Caesarea  Philippi,  to  distinguish  it  from  the 
seaport  town  of  Caesarea ;  the  other,  to  the  northeast 
of  the  Lake  of  Gennesareth,  he  named  Julias,  after 
the  daughter  of  Augustus.  Indeed,  Judsea  teemed 
with  monuments  erected  in  honor  of  the  Caesars. 
Philip's  disposition  was  gentle,  and  seemingly  un- 
marred  by  fierce  passions,  and  his  reign,  which 
lasted  seven-and-thirty  years  (4  b.  c -33  a.  c),  was 
quiet  and  uneventful.  Antipas,  on  the  contrary,  had 
inherited  some  of  his  father's  wild  and  bloodthirsty 
nature. 

The  successor  to  the  Governor  Valerius  Gratus 
was  Pontius  Pilate,  whose  tenure  of  office  (26-36) 
embraced  a  decade  memorable  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  As  soon  as  he  was  in  power,  he  showed  the 
determination  to  subject  the  Judaeans  to  further 
humiliation,  and  to  convince  them  that  they  must 
drink  the  cup  of  suffering  to  the  dregs.  The 
mere  facts  that  Pilate  was  the  creature  of  the  de- 
ceitful minister  Sejanus,  before  whom  emperor  and 
senate  trembled  alike,  and  that  he  was  sent  by  him 
to  Judaea,  would  suffice  to  describe  his  disposition. 


CH.  V.  PONTIUS    PILATE.  1 39 

Pilate  was  worthy  of  his  master  ;  he  certainly  went 
far  beyond  any  of  his  predecessors  in  wounding  the 
susceptibilities  of  the  Judaean  nation.  He  attacked 
their  religious  scruples  by  endeavoring  to  induce 
them  to  pay  homage  to  the  emblems  and  insignia 
of  imperialism.  Till  now  the  leaders  of  Roman 
troops  had  respected  the  aversion  with  which  the 
Judaeans  were  known  to  regard  all  images,  and  on 
entering  Jerusalem  the  obnoxious  emblems  had 
always  been  removed  from  the  Roman  standards. 
Herod  and  his  sons  had  never  failed  to  observe  this 
practice.  Although  Pilate  well  knew  that  the  feel- 
ings of  Judaeans  had  never  before  been  outraged  on 
this  subject,  he  paid  no  heed  to  them.  It  is  not 
known  whether  he  had  received  secret  injunctions 
on  this  point  from  Sejanus,  or  whether  he  acted  on 
his  own  authority,  with  the  anticipation  of  a  satisfac- 
tory bribe.  He  sent  privately  for  all  the  imperial 
emblems  in  order  to  replace  them  upon  the  stand- 
ards which  were  in  Jerusalem.  The  command  that 
these  representations  of  human  beings  were  to  be 
worshiped  as  deities  caused  the  deepest  indignation 
throughout  the  land.  Delegates  from  the  people, 
who  were  even  joined  by  members  of  the  Herodian 
family,  hastened  to  the  Procurator  at  Caesarea,  and 
implored  him  to  command  the  removal  of  the  hated 
images. 

During  five  days  the  petitioners  remained  before 
the  palace  of  the  Procurator,  sending  up  ceaseless 
supplications.  On  the  sixth  day  Pilate  attempted 
to  terrify  them,  and  threatened  that  they  should  be 
cut  down  by  his  legions  if  they  did  not  immediately 
disperse.  However,  when  he  found  that  the 
Judaeans  were  determined  to  sacrifice  their  lives,  if 
necessary,  rather  than  their  religious  convictions, 
and  perhaps  afraid  of  the  disapproval  of  Tiberius, 
he  at  last  gave  way,  and  issued  a  command  that  the 
cause  of  their  ang-er  should  be  removed.  But  he 
provoked  the  indignation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jeru- 


140  HISTORY   OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  V. 

salem  against  himself  a  short  time  after.  He 
purposed  making  an  aqueduct  from  a  spring  at  a 
distance  of  four  geographical  miles  from  the  town 
of  Jerusalem,  In  order  to  meet  the  necessary  ex- 
penses, he  possessed  himself  of  the  treasures  in  the 
Temple  (the  korban).  He  was  in  Jerusalem  at  the 
time,  and  was  surrounded  by  an  angry  populace, 
who  assailed  him  with  execrations.  He  did  not 
venture  to  call  out  his  legions,  but  ordered  a  number 
of  soldiers  to  disguise  themselves  in  the  Judaean 
dress,  and  to  mingle  with  the  crowd  and  attack 
them.  The  multitudes  rapidly  dispersed,  but  not 
before  pfreat  numbers  of  them  had  been  killed  and 
wounded. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

MESSIANIC  EXPECTATIONS  AND   ORIGIN   OF  CHRISTIANITY. 

The  Messianic  Hope — Various  Conceptions  of  the  Expected  Messiah 
— The  Essene  Idea  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven — John  the  Bap- 
tist, his  Work  and  Imprisonment— Jesus  of  Nazareth  continues 
John's  Labors — Story  of  his  Birth— His  Success — His  Relations 
to  Judaism  and  the  Sects — His  Miraculous  Healing  of  the  Sick 
and  Exorcism  of  Demons — His  Secret  Appearance  as  the  Mes- 
siah— His  Journey  to  Judasa — Accusations  against  him,  and  his 
Condemnation — The  First  Christian  Community  and  its  Chiefs 
— The  Ebionites — Removal  of  Pilate  from  Judasa — Vitellius,  Gov- 
ernor of  Syria,  favors  the  Judaeans. 

28—37  C.  E. 

While  Judsea  was  still  trembling  In  fear  of  some 
new  act  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  governor, 
Pontius  Pilate,  which  would  again  afflict  the  country 
with  disturbances  and  troubles,  a  strangle  event 
occurred.  At  first  but  little  heeded,  it  soon  ac- 
quired, through  the  singularity  of  its  origin  and 
many  favorable  attendant  circumstances,  a  consid- 
erable degree  of  notoriety.  So  great  were  the 
strides  this  movement  rapidly  made  to  influence 
and  power,  that  radical  changes  were  produced  by 
it  and  new  paths  opened  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
The  time  had  come  when  the  fundamental  truths  of 
Judaism,  till  then  thoroughly  known  and  rightly  ap- 
preciated only  by  profound  thinkers,  were  to  burst 
their  shackles  and  go  freely  forth  among  all  the  people 
of  the  earth.  Sublime  and  lofty  views  of  God  and 
of  holy  living  for  the  individual  as  well  as  for  the 
state,  which  form  the  kernel  of  Judaism,  were  now 
to  be  disseminated  among  other  nations  and  to  bring 
them  a  rich  and  beneficent  harvest.  Israel  was  now 
to  commence  in  earnest  his  sacred  mission  ;  he 
was  to  become  the  teacher  of  nations.     The  ancient 

*4» 


142  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

teaching  about  God  and  religious  morality  was  to 
be  introduced  by  him  unto  a  godless  and  immoral 
world.  Judaism,  however,  could  gain  admission 
into  the  hearts  of  the  heathens  only  by  taking 
another  name  and  assuming  new  forms,  for  with  its 
old  designation  and  distinctive  features  it  was  not 
generally  popular. 

It  was  due  to  the  strange  movement  which  arose 
under  the  governorship  of  Pilate  that  the  teachings 
of  Judaism  won  the  sympathy  of  the  heathen  world. 
But  this  new  form  of  Judaism,  altered  by  foreign 
elements,  became  estranged  from  and  placed  itself 
in  harsh  antagonism  to  the  parent  source.  Judaism, 
which  had  given  birth  to  this  new  manifestation, 
could  take  no  pleasure  in  her  offspring,  which  soon 
turned  coldly  from  her  and  struck  out  into  strange, 
divergent  paths.  This  new  power,  this  old  doctrine 
in  a  new  garb,  or  rather  this  Essenism  intermingled 
with  foreign  elements,  is  Christianity,  whose  advent 
and  earliest  course  belong  to  the  Judsean  history  of 
this  epoch. 

Christianity  owed  its  origin  to  an  overpowering, 
mysterious  feeling  which  reigned  among  the  better 
classes  of  the  Judsean  nation,  and  which  became 
daily  stronger  as  their  political  position  became 
more  and  more  intolerable.  The  ever-recurring 
evils  brought  on  them  by  the  rapacity  of  their 
Roman  rulers,  the  shamelessness  of  the  Herodian 
princes,  the  cowardice  and  servility  of  the  Judsean 
aristocracy,  the  debasement  of  the  high  priests 
and  their  families,  and  the  dissensions  of  rival  par- 
ties, had  raised  the  longing  for  the  deliverer  an- 
nounced in  the  prophetical  writings — the  Messiah — 
to  so  great  a  pitch  that  any  highly-gifted  individual, 
possessed  of  outward  charm  or  imbued  with  moral 
and  religious  grace,  would  readily  have  found  dis- 
ciples, and  believers  in  his  Messianic  mission.  The 
most  earnest  thinkers  of  that  time  had  long  regarded 
the  political  condition  of  the  Judseans  since  theii* 


CH.  VI.  THE    MESSIANIC    HOPE.  1 43 

return  from  the  Babylonian  exile  as  a  temporary 
or  preparatory  state,  which  would  only  continue 
until  the  true  prophet  arose,  and  Elijah  turned 
the  hearts  of  the  fathers  to  the  children,  and  restored 
the  tribes  of  Jacob.  When  the  people,  with  solemn 
rites,  elected  the  Hasmonsean  Simon  as  their  prince, 
they  decreed  that  he  and  his  descendants  should 
hold  that  position  only  until  the  True  Prophet  ap- 
peared to  assume  the  royal  dignity,  and  it  was  only 
to  a  scion  of  the  House  of  David,  the  Anointed, 
that,  according  to  prophecy,  this  dignity  by  right 
belonged. 

When,  consequent  upon  the  wars  undertaken  by 
the  three  powerful  leaders,  Octavius,  Antony,  and 
Lepidus,  ostensibly  to  punish  Caesar's  murderers, 
in  reality  to  introduce  a  new  form  of  government, 
the  great  political  convulsion  took  place  in  the 
Roman  Empire,  and  three  divisions  of  the  w^orld 
were  laid  waste,  a  Judaean  poet  in  Egypt  was  fore- 
telhng  a  far  different  outcome — the  destruction  of 
the  whole  heathen  world  and  the  dawn  of  the 
"  Kingdom  of  God."  In  that  kingdom  a  holy  king 
—  the  Messiah — would  hold  the  scepter.  "When 
Rome  shall  vanquish  Egypt,  and  govern  her,  then 
shall  the  greatest  in  the  kingdom,  the  immortal 
King,  arise  in  the  w^orld,  and  a  holy  King  will  come 
to  rule  over  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  during  all 
time."  The  Messiah,  so  confidently  expected,  was 
to  bring  forth  quite  a  new  state  of  things — a  new 
heaven  and  a  new  earth.  At  the  coming  of  Elijah, 
who  was  to  be  the  precursor  of  the  Messiah,  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead  would  take  place,  and  a 
future  world  be  revealed. 

This  ardent  longing  for  the  Messiah,  and  the 
belief  in  his  advent,  swayed  all  classes  of  the  Judaean 
nation,  excepting  the  aristocracy  and  those  who 
clung  to  Rome.  These  were  satisfied  with  the 
present,  and  anticipated  harm  rather  than  benefit 
from  any  change.      During  the  short  space  of  thirty 


144  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

years  a  great  number  of  enthusiastic  mystics  ap- 
peared, who,  without  any  intention  to  deceive,  and 
bent  upon  removing  the  load  of  care  and  sorrow 
that  weighed  so  heavily  upon  the  people,  assumed 
the  character  of  prophet  or  Messiah,  and  found  dis- 
ciples, who  followed  their  banner  faithfully  unto  death. 
Hut  though  it  appears  that  every  Messiah  attracted 
ready  believers,  no  one  was  acknowledged  as  such  by 
the  whole  nation.  The  incessant  friction  between 
the  various  communities,  and  the  deep  study  of  the 
holy  books,  had  awakened  a  critical  spirit  difficult  to 
satisfy.  The  nation  was  also  split  into  many  parties, 
each  entertaining  a  different  idea  of  the  future  savior, 
and  rendering  it,  therefore,  impossible  that  any  one 
aspirant  should  receive  general  recognition  as  the 
Messiah.  The  republican  zealots,  the  disciples  of 
Judas  of  Galilee,  pictured  the  Messiah  as  delivering 
Israel  from  his  enemies  by  the  breath  of  his  mouth, 
destroying  the  Roman  Empire,  and  restoring  the 
golden  era  of  David's  kingdom.  The  school  of 
Shammai  added  to  this  representation  of  the  Mes- 
siah the  attributes  of  ardent  religious  zeal  and  per- 
fect moral  purity.  The  followers  of  Hillel,  less 
swayed  by  fanaticism  or  political  views,  expected  a 
prince  of  peace,  who  would  bring  tranquillity  to  the 
country  itself,  and  introduce  harmony  into  its  rela- 
tions with  all  its  neighboring  states.  On  one  point, 
however,  all  agreed  :  the  Messiah  must  spring  from 
the  branch  of  David  ;  and  thus,  in  the  course  of  time, 
the  expression  "  Ben  David  " — the  son  of  David — 
became  identical  with  the  Messiah.  According  to  the 
prevailing  belief,  the  fulfillment  of  the  Messianic 
prophecies  required  the  return  of  the  scattered  tribes 
of  Israel,  richly  laden  with  presents,  expiatory  offer- 
ings from  the  nations  by  which  they  had  so  long  been 
oppressed.  Even  the  most  educated  classes,  who  had 
felt  the  influence  of  Grecian  culture,  and  were  repre- 
sented by  Philo,  the  Judaean  Plato,  fully  believed 
that  the  Messianic  age  was  to  be  ushered  in,  and 


CH.  VI.  THE    ESSENES    AND    THE    MESSIAH.  1 45 

pictured  it  as  an  epoch  of  miracles.  A  heavenly 
apparition,  only  visible  to  the  righteous,  would  lead 
back  from  Greece  and  barbarous  lands  the  exiled 
and  repentant  Israelites.  The  latter  would  be  found 
prepared  for  the  Messianic  time,  following  the  holy 
life  of  the  patriarchs,  and  imbued  with  a  sublime  and 
pious  spirit,  which  would  prevent  them  from  falling 
into  their  old  sins,  and  would  surely  call  down  upon 
them  the  full  grace  of  God.  Then  would  the  streams 
of  former  happiness  be  again  replenished  from  the 
eternal  spring  of  Divine  grace :  the  ruined  cities 
would  arise,  the  desert  become  a  blooming  land, 
and  the  prayers  of  the  living  would  have  the  power 
of  awakening  the  dead. 

It  was  the  sect  of  Essenes  that  pictured  the  Mes- 
siah and  the  Messianic  time  in  the  most  idealistic 
manner.  The  great  object  of  their  asceticism 
was  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  heaven  (Malchuth 
Shamayim)  and  the  coming  era  (Olam-ha-Ba).  Their 
adherence  would  be  granted  alone  to  him  who  led  a 
pure  and  spotless  life,  who  renounced  the  world 
and  its  vanities,  and  gave  proofs  that  the  Holy 
Spirit  (Ruach  ha-Kodesh)  dwelt  within  him.  He 
must  also  have  power  over  demons,  reject  Mammon, 
and  inaugurate  a  system  of  community  of  goods,  in 
which  poverty  and  self-renunciation  would  be  the 
ornaments  of  mankind. 

It  was  from  the  Essenes  that  for  the  first  time  the 
cry  went  forth,  "  The  Messiah  is  coming !  The 
kingdom  of  heaven  is  near  !"  He  who  first  raised 
his  voice  in  the  desert  little  thought  it  would  re-echo 
far  away  over  land  and  sea,  and  that  it  would  be 
answered  by  the  nations  of  the  earth  flocking 
together  round  the  banner  of  a  Messiah.  In  an- 
nouncing the  kingdom  of  heaven,  he  only  meant  to 
invite  the  sinners  among  the  Judaean  people  to  pen- 
itence and  reformation.  The  Essene  who  sent  forth 
this  call  to  the  Israelites  was  John  the  Baptist  (his 
name  doubtless  meaning  the  Essene,  he  who  daily 


146  HISTORY    OK    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

bathed  and  cleansed  both  body  and  soul  in  spring 
water).  Hut  few  accounts  have  reached  us  of  John 
the  Baptist.  He  led  the  same  life  as  the  Essenes, 
fed  upon  locusts  and  wild  honey,  and  wore  the  garb 
of  the  prophets  of  old,  a  cloak  of  camel-hair  fastened 
by  a  leather  girdle.  John  appears  to  have  fully 
entertained  the  belief,  that  if  only  the  whole  Judican 
nation  would  bathe  in  the  river  Jordan,  acknowledge 
their  sins,  and  adopt  the  strict  rules  of  the  Essenes, 
the  promised  Messianic  time  could  be  no  longer 
deferred.  He  therefore  called  upon  the  people  to 
come  and  receive  baptism  in  the  Jordan,  to  confess 
and  renounce  their  sins,  and  thus  prepare  for  the 
advent  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 

John  dwelt  with  other  Essenes  in  the  desert,  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Dead  Sea,  presumably  in  order  to  be 
ever  at  hand  to  teach  the  repentant  sinners  the 
deep  moral  signification  of  baptism.  Bound  up 
with  that  rite  was  doubtless  the  adoption  of  the 
rule  of  life  of  the  Essenes.  There  were  certainly 
many,  imbued  with  an  enthusiastic  spirit,  and  sad- 
dened by  the  evils  and  the  distress  they  witnessed,  who 
eagerly  responded  to  the  cry  of  the  Essene  Baptist, 
Who  would  not  gladly,  were  it  only  in  his  power  to 
do  so,  further  the  great  work  of  the  Redemption, 
and  help  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ?  Did 
the  baptized  persons  return  improved  by  their  im- 
mersion in  the  waters  of  the  Jordan  ?  Was  any 
great  moral  influence  the  result  of  this  symbolical 
act  ?  History  tells  us  not ;  but  our  knowledge  of 
the  state  of  Judaea  at  that  time  can  easily  supply 
us  with  an  answer  to  the  question.  The  Jud^ean 
people  did  not  as  a  whole,  especially  among  the 
middle-class  citizens,  require  this  violent  shock 
as  a  means  of  improvement ;  they  were  neither 
vicious  nor  depraved,  and  their  form  of  public  religi- 
ous worship  was  sufficient  to  keep  them  in  the  right 
paths.  By  two  sets  of  people,  however,  the  call  of 
John  to   repentance   might  have  been   heeded — it 


CH.  VI.  JOHN    THE    BAPTIST.  I47 

might  have  had  a  beneficial  influence  upon  the  higher 
and  lower  classes,  upon  the  aristocracy  and  wealthy, 
who  had  been  corrupted  by  Rome,  and  upon  the  miser- 
able peasantry,  brutalized  by  constant  warfare.  But 
the  rich  only  laughed  at  the  high-souled  enthusiast, 
who  taught  that  baptism  in  the  water  of  the  Jordan 
would  bring  about  the  miraculous  Messianic  era,  and 
the  sons  of  the  soil  were  too  obtuse  and  ignorant  to 
heed  the  Baptist's  earnest  cry. 

His  appeal,  on  the  other  hand,  had  nothing  in  its 
tenor  and  character  to  offend  the  Pharisees,  or 
arouse  any  opposition  among  the  ranks  of  that 
ruling  party.  John's  disciples,  those  who  were 
bound  closest  to  him,  and  who  carried  out  his  mode 
of  living,  kept  strictly  to  the  words  of  the  Law,  and 
observed  all  its  prescribed  fasts.  If  the  Pharisees, 
comprising  at  that  time  the  schools  of  Hillel  and  of 
Shammai,  did  not  greatly  favor  the  enthusiasm  and 
extravagance  of  the  Essenes,  they  placed  them- 
selves in  no  direct  antagonism  to  the  Baptists. 

From  their  side,  John  would  have  met  with  no 
hindrance  to  his  work,  but  the  Herodians  were  sus- 
picious of  a  man  who  drew  such  throngs  around 
him,  whose  burning  words  moved  the  hearts  of  his 
hearers  in  their  very  depths,  and  could  carry  away 
the  multitude  to  the  performance  of  any  enterprise 
he  chose  to  undertake.  Herod  Antipas,  governor 
of  the  province  in  which  the  Baptist  dwelt,  gave  his 
soldiers  orders  to  seize  and  imprison  him.  How 
long  a  time  he  was  kept  in  confinement,  and 
whether  he  was  still  alive  when  one  of  his  disciples 
was  being  proclaimed  as  the  Messiah,  must,  on 
account  of  the  untrustworthiness  of  the  sources 
from  which  our  information  is  derived,  remain 
doubtful.  It  is  authentic,  however,  that  he  was  be- 
headed by  the  order  of  Antipas,  whilst  the  story  of 
the  young  daughter  of  Herodias  bringing  to  her 
mother  the  bloody  head  of  the  Baptist  upon  a  plat- 
ter is  a  mere  legend. 


148  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CII.  VI. 

After  the  imprisonment  of  the  Baptist,  his  work 
was  carried  on  by  some  of  his  disciples,  among 
whom  no  one  exerted  so  powerful  an  influence  as 
Jesus  of  Galilee.  Jesus  (short  for  Joshua),  born  in 
Nazareth,  a  small  town  in  Lower  Galilee,  to  the 
south  of  Sepphoris,  was  the  eldest  son  of  an  other- 
wise unknown  carpenter,  Joseph,  and  of  his  wife 
Miriam  or  Mai-y,  who  bore  him  four  more  sons, 
Jacob,  Jose,  Judah,  and  Simon,  and  several  daugh- 
ters. Whether  Joseph  or  Mary,  the  father  and 
mother  of  Jesus,  belonged  to  the  family  of  David 
cannot  be  proved.  The  measure  of  his  mental 
culture  can  only  be  surmised  from  that  existing  in 
his  native  province.  Galilee,  at  a  distance  from  the 
capital  and  the  Temple,  was  far  behind  Judaea  in 
mental  attainments  and  knowledge  of  the  Law. 
The  lively  interchange  of  religious  thought,  and  the 
discussions  upon  the  Law,  which  made  its  writings 
and  teachings  the  common  property  of  all  who 
sought  the  Temple,  were  naturally  wanting  in 
Galilee.  The  country,  which,  at  a  later  period,  after 
the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  contained  the  great 
schools  of  Uscha,  Sepphoris,  and  Tiberias,  was  at 
that  time  very  poor  in  seats  of  learning.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  morality  was  stricter  in  Galilee,  and 
the  observance  of  laws  and  customs  more  rigidly 
enforced.  The  sliofhtest  infrins:ement  was  not 
allowed,  and  what  the  Judaeans  permitted  them- 
selves, the  Galilaeans  would  by  no  means  consent 
to.  They  were  also  looked  upon  as  fanatical  dog- 
matists. 

Through  their  vicinity  to  the  heathen  Syrians,  the 
Galilaeans  had  adopted  many  superstitions,  and, 
owing  to  their  ignorance  of  the  nature  of  disease, 
the  sick  were  often  thought  to  be  possessed  by  de- 
mons, and  various  forms  of  illness  were  ascribed  to 
the  influence  of  evil  spirits.  The  language  of  the 
Galilaeans  had  also  become  corrupted  by  their 
Syrian  neighbors,  and  was  marred  by  the  introduc- 


CH.  VI.  CONDITION    OF    GALILEE.  1 49 

tion  of  Aramaic  forms  and  words.  The  Galilaeans 
could  not  pronounce  Hebrew  with  purity.  They 
exchanged,  and  sometimes  omitted,  the  guttural 
sounds,  and  thus  often  incurred  the  ridicule  of  the 
Judaeans,  who  thought  a  great  deal  of  correct  articu- 
lation. The  first  word  he  spoke  revealed  the  Gali- 
Isean,  and,  as  his  language  provoked  laughter,  he 
was  not  often  allowed  to  lead  in  the  recital  of  the 
prayers.  The  birthplace  of  Jesus,  Nazareth,  offered 
no  particular  attraction  ;  it  was  a  small  mountain- 
town,  not  more  fertile  than  the  other  parts  of 
Galilee,  and  bearing  no  comparison  to  the  richly- 
watered  Shechem. 

On  account  of  his  Galilaean  origin,  Jesus  could 
not  have  stood  high  in  that  knowledge  of  the  Law 
which,  through  the  schools  of  Shammai  and  Hillel, 
had  become  prevalent  in  Judaea.  His  small  stock 
of  learning  and  his  corrupt  half-Aramaic  language 
pointed  unmistakably  to  his  birthplace  in  Galilee. 
His  deficiency  in  knowledge,  however,  was  fully 
compensated  for  by  his  intensely  sympathetic  char- 
acter. High-minded  earnestness  and  spotless  moral 
purity  were  his  undeniable  attributes  ;  they  stand 
out  in  all  the  authentic  accounts  of  his  life  that  have 
reached  us,  and  appear  even  in  those  garbled  teach- 
ings which  his  followers  placed  in  his  mouth.  The 
gentle  disposition  and  the  humility  of  Jesus  remind 
one  of  Hillel,  whom  he  seems,  indeed,  to  have  taken  as 
his  particular  model,  and  whose  golden  rule,  "What 
you  wish  not  to  be  done  to  yourself,  do  not  unto 
others,"  he  adopted  as  the  starting-point  of  his 
moral  code.  Like  Hillel,  Jesus  looked  upon  the 
promotion  of  peace  and  the  forgiveness  of  injuries  as 
the  highest  forms  of  virtue.  His  whole  being  was 
permeated  by  that  deeper  religiousness  which  con- 
secrates to  God  not  only  the  hour  of  prayer,  a  day 
of  penitence,  and  longer  or  shorter  periods  of  devo- 
tional exercise,  but  every  step  in  the  journey  of  life, 
which  turns  every  aspiration  of  the  soul  towards 


150  HISTURV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

Him,  subjects  everything  to  His  will,  and,  with 
child-like  trust,  commits  everything  to  His  keeping. 
He  was  filled  with  tender  brotherly  love,  which 
Judaism  also  teaches  towards  an  enemy,  and  had 
reached  the  ideal  of  the  passive  virtues  which  the 
Pharisees  inculcated  :  "  Count  yourself  among  the 
oppressed  and  not  among  the  oppressors,  receive 
abuse  and  return  it  not  ;  do  all  from  love  to  God, 
and  rejoice  in  suffering,"  Jesus  doubtless  pos- 
sessed warm  sympathies  and  a  winning  manner, 
which  caused  his  words  to  produce  a  deep  and 
lasting  effect. 

Jesus  must,  from  the  idiosyncrasies  of  his  nature, 
have  been  powerfully  attracted  by  the  Essenes,  who 
led  a  contemplative  life  apart  from  the  world  and 
its  vanities.  When  John  the  Baptist — or  more  cor- 
rectly the  Essene — invited  all  to  come  and  receive 
baptism  in  the  Jordan,  to  repent  and  prepare  for 
the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  Jesus  hastened  to  obey 
the  call,  and  was  baptized  by  him.  Although  it 
cannot  be  proved  that  Jesus  was  formally  admitted 
into  the  order  of  the  Essenes,  much  in  his  life  and 
work  can  only  be  explained  by  the  supposition  that 
he  had  adopted  their  fundamental  principles.  Like 
the  Essenes,  Jesus  highly  esteemed  self-inflicted 
poverty,  and  despised  the  mammon  of  riches.  The 
following  proverbs,  ascribed  to  him,  appear  to  bear 
his  stamp :  "  Blessed  are  ye  poor,  for  yours  is  the 
kingdom  of  heaven"  (Luke  vi.  20).  "It  is  easier 
for  a  camel  to  go  through  the  eye  of  a  needle,  than 
for  a  rich  man  to  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  God  " 
(Matthew  xix.  24).  "  No  man  can  serve  two  mas- 
ters, ye  cannot  serve  God  and  mammon  "  (Matthew 
vi.  24),  Jesus  shared  the  aversion  of  the  Essenes  to 
marriage  :  "It  is  not  good  to  marry"(Matthew  xix.  1 1 ). 
Community  of  goods,  a  peculiar  doctrine  of  the 
Essenes,  was  not  only  approved  of,  but  positively  en- 
joined by  Jesus  ;  like  them,  he  also  reprobated  every 
form  of  oath.  "  Swear  not  at  all "  (so  Jesus  taught), 
"  neither  by  heaven  nor  by  the  earth,  nor  by  your 


CH.  VI.  JESUS    OF    NAZARETH.  I  5  I 

head — but  let  your  yea  be  yea,  and  your  nay  be  nay  " 
(James  v.  12).  Miraculous  cures,  said  to  have  been 
performed  by  him — such  as  the  exorcism  of  demons 
from  those  who  believed  themselves  to  be  possessed 
— were  often  made  by  the  Essenes,  so  to  say,  in  a 
professional  capacity. 

After  John  had  been  taken  and  imprisoned  by 
Herod  Antipas,  Jesus  thought  simj^ly  of  continuing 
his  master's  work  ;  like  him,  he  preached  "  Repent, 
for  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand,"  without 
perhaps  having  then  a  suspicion  of  the  part  he 
was  afterwards  to  play  in  that  kingdom  of  heaven 
looked  forward  to  in  the  approaching  Messianic 
time.  Jesus  apparently  felt  that  if  his  appeal 
was  not  to  be  lost  in  the  desert  like  that  of  the 
Baptist,  but,  on  the  contrary,  bring  forth  lasting 
results,  it  must  not  be  addressed  to  the  whole 
nation,  but  to  a  particular  class  of  the  Judaeans. 
The  middle  classes,  the  inhabitants  of  towns  of 
greater  or  lesser  importance,  were  not  wanting  in 
godliness,  piety  and  morality,  and  consequently  a 
call  to  them  to  repent  and  forsake  their  sins  would 
have  been  meaningless.  The  declaration  made  to 
Jesus  by  the  young  man  who  was  seeking  the  way 
of  eternal  life,  "  From  my  youth  upwards,  I  have 
kept  the  laws  of  God  ;  I  have  not  committed  murder, 
nor  adultery,  nor  have  I  stolen,  nor  borne  false 
witness  ;  I  have  honored  my  father  and  mother, 
and  loved  my  neighbor  like  myself," — this  declara- 
tion might  have  been  made  by  the  greater  number 
of  the  middle-class  Judaeans  of  that  time.  The 
disciples  of  Shammai  and  Hillel,  the  followers  of  the 
zealot  Judas,  the  bitter  foes  of  the  Herodians  and  of 
Rome,  were  not  morally  sick,  and  were  not  in  need 
of  the  physician's  art.  They  were  ever  ready  for 
self-sacrifice,  and  Jesus  wisely  refrained  from  turning 
to  them.  Still  less  was  he  inclined  to  attempt  to 
reform  the  rich,  and  he  was  repelled  by  the  higher 
classes    of    Judaeans.      From    these,    the   warning 


152  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

of  the  simple,  unlearned  moralist  and  preacher,  his 
reproof  of  their  pride,  their  venality  and  incon- 
stancy, would  only  have  elicited  mockery  and  de- 
rision. With  right  judgment,  therefore,  Jesus 
determined  upon  seeking  out  those  who  did  not 
belong  to,  or  had  been  expelled  from  the  community 
for  their  religious  offenses,  and  who  had  either  not 
been  allowed  or  had  not  desired  to  return  to  it. 
They  were  publicans  and  tax-gatherers,  shunned  by 
the  patriots,  as  promoters  of  Roman  interests,  who 
turned  their  backs  upon  the  Law,  and  led  a  wild, 
unshackled  life,  heedless  alike  of  the  past  and  of  the 
future.  There  existed  in  Judaea  many  who  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  great  healing  truths  of  Judaism, 
who  were  'gnorant  of  its  laws,  and  indifferent  as  to 
the  glorious  history  of  its  past  or  its  possible  future. 
These  were  known  as  transgressors  of  the  Law 
(Abrianim),  or  sinners  as  they  were  called,  the 
friends  of  Herod  and  of  Rome.  There  were  also 
ignorant,  poor  handicraftsmen  and  menials  (Am 
ha-Arez),  who  were  seldom  able  to  visit  the  Judaean 
capital,  or  listen  to  Judsean  teachings,  which,  indeed, 
they  would  probably  not  have  understood.  It  was 
not  for  them  that  Sinai  had  flamed,  or  the  prophets 
had  uttered  their  cry  of  warning  ;  for  the  teachers  of 
the  Law,  more  intent  upon  expounding  doctrine  than 
upon  reforming  their  hearers,  failed  to  make  the  Law 
and  the  prophets  intelligible  to  those  classes,  and  con- 
sequently did  not  draw  them  within  their  fold.  It  was 
to  these  outcasts  that  Jesus  turned,  to  snatch  them 
out  of  their  torpor,  their  ignorance  and  ungodli- 
ness. He  felt  within  himself  the  call  to  save  "  the 
lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel."  "  They  that  be 
whole  need  not  a  physician,  but  they  that  are  sick  " 
(Matthew  ix.  12). 

Intent  upon  the  lofty  mission  which  he  had  un- 
dertaken— to  turn  the  ignorant  and  the  godless, 
the  sinner  and  the  publican  to  repentance,  and  by 
virtue  of  the  Essene   mode   of  living   to   prepare 


CH.  VI.  THE    WORK    OF    JESUS.  I  53 

them  for  the  approaching-  Messianic  time — Jesus 
first  sought  his  native  town  of  Nazareth.  But 
there,  where  he  had  been  known  from  his  infancy, 
and  where  the  carpenter's  son  was  not  considered 
to  possess  superior  sanctity  but  only  inferior  know- 
ledge, he  was  met  with  derision  and  contempt. 
When,  on  the  Sabbath,  he  spoke  in  the  synagogue 
about  repentance,  the  listeners  said  to  each 
other,  "  Is  that  not  the  son  of  Joseph  the  carpenter, 
and  his  mother  and  sisters,  are  they  not  all  with 
us  ? "  and  they  said  to  him,  "  Physician,  heal  thy- 
self," and  listened  not  to  him.  The  ignominious 
treatment  he  received  in  his  own  birthplace  caused 
him  to  utter  the  proverb,  "  The  preacher  is  least 
regarded  in  his  own  country."  He  left  Nazareth, 
never  to  return. 

A  better  result  followed  the  teaching  of  Jesus 
in  the  town  of  Capernaum  (Kefar  Nahum),  which 
was  situated  on  the  western  coast  of  the  Sea  of 
Tiberias.  The  inhabitants  of  that  delightfully 
situated  town  differed  as  much  from  the  Nazarenes 
as  their  mild,  fertile  land  from  a  rough  and  wild 
mountain  gorge.  In  Capernaum  there  were  doubt- 
less a  greater  number  of  men  steeped  in  effeminacy 
and  vice,  and  there  existed,  probably,  a  wider  gap 
between  the  rich  and  the  poor.  But  just  on  that 
account  Jesus  had  more  scope  to  work  there,  and 
an  easier  access  was  found  for  the  earnest,  penetrat- 
ing words  which  he  poured  forth  from  the  depths  of 
his  soul.  Many  belonging  to  the  lowest  classes  at- 
tached themselves  to  Jesus  and  followed  him.  Among 
his  first  disciples  in  Capernaum  were  Simon,  called 
Kephas  or  Petrus  (rock),  and  his  brother  Andrew, 
the  sons  of  Jonah,  both  fishermen,  the  first,  in  some 
degree,  a  law-breaker,  and  also  the  two  sons  of  a 
certain  Zebedee,  Jacob  and  John.  He  was  also  fol- 
lowed by  a  rich  publican,  called  sometimes  Matthew, 
sometimes  Levi,  in  whose  house  Jesus  often  tarried, 
bringing  with  him  companions  from  the  classes  then 


154  HISTORY    OF    THE   JEWS.  CH,  VI. 

looked  down  upon  with  the  greatest  contempt. 
Women  likewise  of  doubtful  repute  were  among 
his  followers,  the  most  conspicuous  of  the  number 
being  a  native  of  the  town  of  Magdala,  near 
Tiberias,  Mary  Magdalene,  from  whom  seven  devils 
(according  to  the  language  of  the  time)  had  to  be 
driven  out.  Jesus  converted  these  abandoned  sin- 
ners into  remorseful  penitents.  It  was,  doubtless, 
an  unheard-of  thing  at  that  time  for  a  teacher  of 
Judaism  to  hold  intercourse  with  women  at  all, 
more  especially  with  any  of  that  description. 

He,  however,  by  word  and  example  raised  the 
sinner  and  the  publican,  and  filled  the  hearts  of 
those  poor,  neglected,  thoughtless  beings  with  the 
love  of  God,  transforming  them  into  dutiful  children 
of  their  heavenly  Father.  He  animated  them  with 
his  own  piety  and  fervor,  and  improved  their  con- 
duct by  the  hope  he  gave  them  of  being  able  to  enter 
the  kingdom  of  heaven.  That  was  the  greatest 
miracle  that  Jesus  performed.  Above  all  things, 
he  taught  his  male  and  female  disciples  the  Es- 
sene  virtues  of  self-abnegation  and  humility,  of 
the  contempt  of  riches,  of  charity  and  the  love  of 
peace.  He  said  to  his  followers,  "  Provide  neither 
gold  nor  silver  nor  brass  for  your  purses,  neither 
two  coats,  neither  shoes "  (Matthew  x.  9).  He 
bade  them  become  sinless  as  little  children,  and 
declared  they  must  be  as  if  born  again  if  they  would 
become  members  of  the  approaching  kingdom  of 
heaven.  The  law  of  brotherly  love  and  forbearance 
he  carried  to  the  extent  of  self-immolation.  "  If 
you  receive  a  blow  on  one  cheek,  turn  the  other 
one  likewise,  and  if  one  takes  your  cloak,  give  him 
likewise  your  shirt."  He  taught  the  poor  that  they 
should  not  take  heed  for  meat  or  drink  or  raiment, 
but  pointed  to  the  birds  in  the  air  and  the  lilies  in 
the  fields  that  were  fed  and  clothed  yet  "  they  toil 
not,  neither  do  they  spin."  He  taught  the  rich  how 
to  distribute   alms — "  Let  not  thy  left  hand  know 


CH.  VI.  JESUS    AND    JUDAISM.  I  55 

what  thy  right  hand  doeth."  He  admonished  the 
hypocrite,  and  bade  him  pray  in  the  secrecy  of  his 
closet,  placing  before  him  a  short  form  of  prayer — 
"  Our  Father  which  art  in  heaven,"  which  may 
possibly  have  been  in  use  among  the  Essenes. 

Jesus  made  no  attack  upon  Judaism  itself,  he 
had  no  idea  of  becoming  the  reformer  of  Jewish 
doctrine  or  the  propounder  of  a  new  law  ;  he  sought 
merely  to  redeem  the  sinner,  to  call  him  to  a  good 
and  holy  life,  to  teach  him  that  he  is  a  child  of 
God,  and  to  prepare  him  for  the  approaching 
Messianic  time.  He  insisted  upon  the  unity  of 
God,  and  was  far  from  attempting  to  change  in  the 
slightest  degree  the  Jewish  conception  of  the 
Deity.  To  the  question  once  put  to  him  by  an 
expounder  of  the  Law,  "What  is  the  essence  of 
Judaism  ?  "  he  replied,  "  '  Hear,  O  Israel,  our  God 
is  one '  and  '  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as 
thyself.'  These  are  the  chief  commandments " 
(Mark  xii.  28).  His  disciples,  who  had  remained  true 
to  Judaism,  promulgated  the  declaration  of  their 
Master — "  I  am  not  come  to  destroy,  but  to  fulfill  ; 
till  heaven  and  earth  pass,  one  jot  or  one  tittle 
shall  in  nowise  pass  from  the  Law  till  all  be  fulfilled  " 
(Matthew  v.  17).  He  must  have  kept  the  Sabbath 
holy,  for  those  of  his  followers  who  were  attached 
to  Judaism  strictly  observed  the  Sabbath,  which 
they  would  not  have  done  had  their  master  disre- 
garded it.  It  was  only  the  Shammaitic  strictness  in 
the  observance  of  the  Sabbath,  which  forbade  even 
the  healing  of  the  sick  on  that  day,  that  Jesus  pro- 
tested against,  declaring  that  it  was  lawful  to  do 
good  on  the  Sabbath.  Jesus  made  no  objection  to 
the  existing  custom  of  sacrifice,  he  merely  demanded 
— and  in  this  the  Pharisees  agreed  with  him — that 
reconciliation  with  one's  fellow-man  should  precede 
any  act  of  religious  atonement.  Even  fasting 
found  no  opponent  in  him,  so  far  as  it  was  practised 
without  ostentation  or  hypocrisy.     He  wore  on  his 


156  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

garments  the  fringes  ordered  by  the  Law,  and  he 
belonged  so  thoroughly  to  Judaism  that  he  shared 
the  narrow  views  held  by  the  Judaeans  at  that 
period,  and  thoroughly  despised  the  heathen  world. 
He  was  animated  by  that  feeling  when  he  said, 
"  Give  not  that  which  is  holy  unto  the  dogs, 
neither  cast  ye  your  pearls  before  swine,  lest  they 
trample  them  under  their  feet  and  turn  again  and 
rend  you." 

The  merit  of  Jesus  consists  especially  in  his 
efforts  to  impart  greater  inner  force  to  the  precepts 
of  Judaism,  in  the  enthusiasm  with  which  he  obeyed 
them  himself,  in  his  ardor  to  make  the  Judaeans 
turn  to  God  with  filial  love  as  children  to  their 
father,  in  his  fervent  upholding  of  the  brotherhood 
of  men,  in  his  insistence  that  moral  laws  be  placed 
in  the  foreground,  and  in  his  endeavors  to  have 
them  accepted  by  those  who  had  been  hitherto 
regarded  as  the  lowest  and  most  degraded  of 
human  beings. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected,  however,  that  through 
his  teaching  alone  Jesus  could  attract  devoted 
followers,  or  achieve  great  results  ;  something 
more  was  required — something  strange  and  won- 
derful to  startle  and  inflame.  His  appearance,  his 
mystical  character,  his  earnest  zeal  produced, 
doubtless,  a  powerful  effect,  but  to  awaken  in 
the  dull  and  cold  a  lasting  enthusiasm,  to  gain 
the  confidence  of  the  masses  and  to  kindle  their 
faith,  it  was  necessary  to  appeal  to  their  imagina- 
tion by  strange  circumstances  and  marvelous  sur- 
roundings. The  Christian  chronicles  abound  in 
extraordinary  events  and  descriptions  of  miraculous 
cures  performed  by  Jesus.  Though  these  stories 
may  in  part  be  due  to  an  inclination  to  exaggerate 
and  idealize,  they  must  doubdess  have  had  some 
foundation  in  fact.  Miraculous  cures — such,  for 
example,  as  the  exorcism  of  those  possessed  by 
demons — belonged  so  completely  to  the  personality 


CH.  VI.  JESUS    IN    GALILEE.  15/ 

of  Jesus  that  his  followers  boasted  more  of  the 
exercise  of  that  power  than  of  the  purity  and  holi- 
ness of  their  conduct.  If  we  are  to  credit  the  his- 
torical accounts  of  that  period,  the  people  also 
admired  Jesus  more  for  the  command  he  displayed 
over  demons  and  Satan  than  for  his  moral  great- 
ness. It  was  indeed  on  account  of  the  possession 
of  such  power  that  he  was  first  considered  a  super- 
natural being  by  the  uncultured  masses. 

Encouraged  by  the  great  effect  he  produced  in 
Capernaum,  where  he  found  his  first  circle  of  dis- 
ciples, Jesus  wandered  about  in  the  towns  of  Gali- 
lee, remaining  some  time  in  its  second  capital, 
Bethsaida,  in  Magdala,  and  in  Chorazin,  where  he 
gained  many  followers.  His  presence,  however,  in 
Bethsaida  and  Chorazin  could  not  have  produced 
any  lasting  result,  as  he  bewailed — according  to  the 
words  placed  in  his  mouth,  "  Woe  unto  thee,  Cho- 
razin, woe  unto  thee,  Bethsaida " — the  spirit  of 
opposition  and  indocility  of  their  inhabitants.  Like 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  they  were  accursed.  Still 
he  had  many  faithful  disciples,  both  men  and 
women,  who  followed  him  everywhere,  and  obeyed 
him  in  all  things.  They  renounced  not  only  their 
former  immoral  and  irreligious  life,  but  also  gave 
up  all  their  possessions,  carrying  out  the  doctrine 
of  the  community  of  goods.  The  repasts  they 
took  in  common  formed,  as  it  were,  the  connect- 
ing link  which  attached  the  followers  of  Jesus  to 
one  another,  and  the  alms  distributed  by  the  rich 
publicans  relieved  the  poor  disciples  of  the  fear 
of  hunger,  and  thus  bound  them  still  more  closely 
to  Jesus. 

Among  his  followers  Jesus  selected  as  his  pecu- 
liar confidants  those  who,  distinguished  by  their 
superior  intelligence  or  greater  steadfastness  of 
character,  seemed  best  calculated  to  forward  the 
aims  he  had  in  view.  The  number  of  these  trusted 
disciples  was   not  known,  but    tradition    mentions 


158  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

twelve,  and  calls  them  the  twelve  apostles — repre- 
sentatives, as  it  were,  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel. 
His  great  design,  the  secret  desire  of  his  heart, 
Jesus  disclosed  on  one  occasion  to  the  most  inti- 
mate circle  of  his  disciples.  He  led  them  to  a 
retired  spot  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Hermon,  not  far 
from  Caesarea  Philippi,  the  capital  of  the  Tetrarch 
Philip,  w^here  the  Jordan  rushes  forth  from  mighty 
rocks,  and  in  that  remote  solitude  he  revealed  to 
them  the  hidden  object  of  his  thoughts.  But  he 
contrived  his  discourse  in  such  a  manner  that  it  ap- 
peared to  be  his  disciples  who  at  last  elicited  from 
him  the  revelation  that  he  considered  himself  the 
expected  Messiah.  He  asked  his  followers,  "  Who 
do  men  say  that  I,  the  son  of  man,  am  ?  "  Some  re- 
plied that  he  was  thought  to  be  Elijah,  the  expected 
forerunner  of  the  Messiah ;  others,  again,  that  he 
was  the  prophet  whose  advent  Moses  had  predicted; 
upon  which  Jesus  asked  them,  "  But  whom  say  ye 
that  I  am  ? "  Simon  Peter  answered  and  said, 
"  Thou  art  the  Christ."  Jesus  praised  Peter's  dis- 
cernment and  admitted  that  he  was  the  Messiah, 
but  forbade  his  disciples  from  divulging  the  truth, 
or,  for  the  present,  from  speaking  about  it  at  all. 
Such  was  the  mysteriously-veiled  birth  of  Chris- 
tianity. When,  a  few  days  later,  the  most  trusted 
of  his  disciples,  Simon  Peter  and  the  two  sons  of 
Zebedee,  James  and  John,  timidly  suggested  that 
Elijah  must  precede  the  Messiah,  Jesus  declared 
that  Elijah  had  already  appeared,  though  unrecog- 
nized, in  the  person  of  the  Baptist.  Had  Jesus 
from  the  very  commencement  of  his  career  nour- 
ished these  thoughts  in  the  depths  of  his  soul,  or 
had  they  first  taken  shape  when  the  many  followers 
he  had  gained  seemed  to  make  their  realization 
possible  ?  Jesus  never  publicly  called  himself  the 
Messiah,  but  made  use  of  other  expressions  which 
were  doubtless  current  among  the  Essenes.  He 
spoke  of  himself  as  "  the  son  of  man,"  alluding 


CH.  VI.  THE    CLAIMS   OF    JESUS.  1 59 

probably  to  Daniel  vii.  13,  "One  like  the  son  of 
man  came  with  the  clouds  of  heaven,  and  came  to 
the  Ancient  of  Days,"  a  verse  which  referred  prob- 
ably to  the  whole  people  and  its  Messianic  future, 
but  which  at  that  time  was  made  to  point  to  the 
Messiah  himself.  There  was  yet  one  other  name 
which  Jesus  applied  to  himself  in  his  Messianic 
character — the  mysterious  words  "  Son  of  God," 
probably  taken  from  the  seventh  verse  of  the  sec- 
ond Psalm,  "  The  Lord  hath  said  unto  me,  Thou 
art  my  son  ;  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee."  Was 
this  expression  used  by  Jesus  figuratively,  or  did 
he  wish  it  to  be  taken  in  a  literal  sense  ?  As  far  as 
we  know,  he  never  explained  himself  clearly  on 
that  subject,  not  even  at  a  later  date,  when  it  was 
on  account  of  the  meaning  attached  to  those  words 
that  he  was  undergoing  his  trial.  His  followers 
afterwards  disagreed  among  themselves  upon  that 
matter,  and  the  various  ways  in  which  they  Inter- 
preted that  ambiguous  expression  divided  them  into 
different  sects,  among  which  a  new  form  of  idolatry 
unfolded  itself. 

When  Jesus  made  himself  known  as  the  Messiah 
to  his  disciples,  enjoining  secrecy,  he  consoled  them 
for  the  present  silence  imposed  on  them  by  the 
assurance  that  a  time  would  come,  when  "  What  I 
tell  you  In  darkness,  that  speak  ye  in  light,  and  what 
ye  hear  in  the  ear,  that  preach  ye  upon  the  house- 
tops." What  occurred  was  doubtless  contrary  to 
what  Jesus  and  his  disciples  expected,  for  as  soon 
as  it  was  known  (the  disciples  having  probably  not 
kept  the  secret)  that  Jesus  of  Nazareth  not  only 
came  to  preach  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  but  was 
proclaimed  as  the  expected  Messiah,  the  public 
sentiment  rose  against  him.  Proofs  and  signs  of 
his  being  the  Messiah  were  asked,  which  he  was 
not  able  to  give,  and  he  thus  was  forced  to  evade 
the  questions  addressed  to  him.  Many  of  his  fol- 
lowers seem  to  have  been  repelled  by  his  assump- 


l60  HISTORY   OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

tlon  of  the  Messianic  character,  and  so  left  him  at 
once.  "  From  that  time  many  of  his  disciples  went 
back,  and  walked  no  more  with  him"  (John  vi.  66)., 
In  order  not  to  be  discredited  in  the  eyes  of  his  dis- 
ciples, it  was  essential  that  he  should  perform  some 
miracle  that  would  crown  his  work  or  seal  it  with  his 
death.  It  was  expected  that  he  would  now  appear 
in  Jerusalem  before  the  whole  nation  in  the  character 
of  the  Messiah,  and  it  is  stated  that  his  own  brothers 
entreated  of  him  to  go  there,  so  that  his  achieve- 
ments might  at  last  become  visible  to  his  disciples. 
"  For  there  is  no  man  that  doeth  anything  in  secret 
and  he  himself  seeketh  to  be  known  openly.  If  thou 
do  these  things,  show  thyself  to  the  world"  (John 
vii.  4).  Jesus  thus  found  himself  almost  obliged  to 
enter  upon  the  path  of  danger.  He  was,  moreover, 
no  longer  safe  in  Galilee,  and  appears  to  have  been 
tracked  and  pursued  from  place  to  place  by  the 
servants  of  the  Tetrarch  Herod  Antipas.  It  was  at 
that  time  that  Jesus  said  to  one  of  his  followers  who 
clung  to  him  in  his  distress,  "The  foxes  have  holes 
and  the  birds  of  the  air  have  nests,  but  the  Son  of 
Man  hath  not  where  to  lay  his  head"  (Matthew 
viii.  20).  He  wished  to  prevent  any  misconception 
as  to  his  desire  to  alter  the  Law,  and  his  reply  to 
the  Pharisee  who  asked  what  would  be  required  of 
him  if  he  became  his  disciple  was,  "  If  thou  wilt  enter 
into  life,  keep  the  commandments,  sell  what  thou 
hast  and  give  to  the  poor."  When  he  had  passed 
Jericho  and  was  approaching  Jerusalem,  Jesus  took  up 
his  abode  near  the  walls  of  the  capital,  in  the  village 
of  Bethany,  at  the  Mount  of  Olives,  where  the  lepers 
who  were  obliged  to  avoid  the  city  had  their  settle- 
ment. It  was  in  the  house  of  one  of  these  that 
shelter  was  given  him.  The  other  disciples  whom 
he  found  at  Bethany  belonged  also  to  the  lower 
orders.  They  were  Lazarus  and  his  sisters,  Mary 
and  Martha.  Only  one  resident  of  wealth  and  posi- 
tion in  Jerusalem,  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  is  said  to 
have  become  a  disciple  of  Jesus. 


CH.  VI.  JESUS    AT   JERUSALEM.  l6l 

The  entrance  of  Jesus  into  Jerusalem  and  his 
appearance  in  the  Temple  have  been  glorified  by  a 
halo  of  legends  which  contain  but  little  historical 
truth.  They  show  us  Jesus  accompanied  in  triumph 
by  the  people  singing  hosannas,  the  same  people 
who  a  few  days  later  were  to  demand  his  death. 
Both  reports  were  inventions  :  the  first  was  designed 
to  prove  that  he  was  recognized  as  the  Messiah  by 
the  people ;  the  second,  to  throw  the  guilt  of  his 
execution  upon  a^ .  Israel.  Equally  unhistorical  is 
the  account  of  Jesus  entering  the  Temple  by  force, 
throwing  down  the  tables  of  the  money-changers, 
and  chasing  away  those  who  were  selling  doves. 
An  act  that  must  have  given  rise  to  intense  excite- 
ment would  not  have  been  omitted  from  other 
chronicles  of  that  period.  It  is  not  mentioned  in 
any  other  writings  of  that  time  that  the  stalls  of 
money-changers  and  dealers  in  doves  had  a  place 
in  the  Temple. 

It  Is  just  the  most  Important  facts  of  the  life  of 
Jesus — the  account  of  the  attitude  he  assumed  at 
Jerusalem  before  the  people,  the  Synhedrion  and  the 
different  sects,  the  announcement  of  himself  as  the 
Messiah,  and  the  manner  in  which  that  announce- 
ment was  received — that  are  represented  in  such 
various  ways  in  the  chronicles  that  It  Is  Impossible 
to  separate  the  historical  kernel  from  Its  legendary 
exaggerations  and  embellishments.  Prejudice  cer- 
tainly existed  against  him  In  the  capital.  The 
educated  classes  could  not  Imagine  the  Messiah's 
saving  work  to  be  performed  by  an  unlearned 
Galilaean ;  indeed,  the  idea  that  the  Messiah,  who 
was  expected  to  come  from  Bethlehem,  out  of  the 
branch  of  David,  should  belong  to  Galilee,  overthrew 
the  long-cherished  conviction  of  centuries.  It  is 
probably  from  this  time  that  the  proverb  arose : 
"  Can  there  any  good  thing  come  out  of  Nazareth  ?  " 
(John  I.  46).  The  devout  took  offense  at  his  going 
about  eating  and  drinking  with  sinners,  publicans, 


1 62  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

and  women  of  a  degraded  class.  Even  the  Essenes, 
John's  disciples,  were  displeased  at  his  infringement 
of  rules  and  customs.  The  Shammaites  were  scan- 
dalized at  his  healing  the  sick  on  the  Sabbath  day, 
and  could  not  recognize  the  Messiah  in  one  who 
desecrated  the  Sabbath.  He  also  roused  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  Pharisees  by  the  disapproval  he 
expressed  here  and  there  of  their  interpretations  of 
the  laws,  and  of  the  conclusions  they  drew  from 
them.  From  Jesus  the  zealots  could  not  look  for 
deeds  of  heroism,  for,  instead  of  inspiring  his  followers 
with  hatred  of  Rome,  he  advocated  peace,  and  in 
his  contempt  for  mammon  admonished  them  to  sub- 
mit willingly  to  the  Roman  tax-gatherers.  "  Render 
therefore  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's, 
and  unto  God  the  things  which  are  God's  "  (Matt. 
xxii.  2 1).  These  startling  peculiarities,  which  seemed 
to  contradict  the  preconceived  idea  of  the  Messianic 
character,  caused  the  higher  and  the  learned  classes 
to  be  coldly  indifferent  to  him,  and  it  is  certain  that  he 
met  with  no  friendly  reception  in  Jerusalem.  These 
various  objections,  however,  to  the  mode  of  life  and 
the  tenets  of  Jesus  afforded  no  ground  for  any  legal 
accusation  against  him.  Freedom  of  speech  had, 
owing  to  the  frequent  debates  in  the  schools  of 
Shammai  and  Hillel,  become  so  firmly  established  a 
right  that  no  one  could  be  attacked  for  expressing 
religious  opinions,  unless  indeed  he  controverted 
any  received  dogma  or  rejected  the  conception  of 
the  Divinity  peculiar  to  Judaism.  It  was  just  in  this 
particular  that  Jesus  laid  himself  open  to  accusation. 
The  report  had  spread  that  he  had  called  himself 
the  Son  of  God — words  which,  if  taken  literally, 
wounded  the  religious  feelings  of  the  Judaean  nation 
too  deeply  to  allow  him  who  had  uttered  them  to 
pass  unscathed.  But  how  was  it  possible  to  ascer- 
tain the  truth,  to  learn  whether  Jesus  had  really 
called  himself  the  Son  of  God,  and  to  know  what 
meaning  he  attached  to  these  words  ?     How  was  it 


CH.  VI.  JUDAS    ISCARIOT.  1 63 

possible  to  discover  what  was  the  secret  of  his  sect  ? 
To  bring  that  to  light  it  was  necessary  to  seek  a 
traitor  among  his  immediate  followers,  and  that 
traitor  was  found  in  Judas  Iscariot,  who,  as  it  is 
related,  incited  by  avarice,  delivered  up  to  the  judges 
the  man  whom  he  had  before  honored  as  the  ]\Ies- 
siah.  One  Judaean  account,  derived  from  what 
appears  a  trustworthy  source,  seems  to  place  in  the 
true  lio-ht  the  use  made  of  this  traitor.  In  order  to 
be  able  to  arraign  Jesus  either  as  a  false  prophet  or 
a  seducer  of  the  people,  the  Law  demanded  that 
two  witnesses  had  heard  him  utter  the  dangerous 
language  of  which  he  was  accused,  and  Judas 
was  consequently  required  to  induce  him  to  speak 
whilst  two  hidden  witnesses  might  hear  and  report 
his  words.  According  to  the  Christian  writings,  the 
treachery  of  Judas  manifested  itself  in  pointing  out 
Jesus  through  the  kiss  of  homage  that  he  gave  his 
master  as  he  was  standing  among  his  disciples,  sur- 
rounded by  the  people  and  the  soldiers.  No  sooner 
had  Jesus  been  seized  by  the  latter  than  his  disciples 
left  him  and  sought  safety  in  flight,  Simon  Peter 
alone  followinof  him  at  some  distance.  At  dawn  of 
day  on  the  14th  of  Nissan,  the  Feast  of  the  Passover, 
that  is  to  say,  on  the  eve  of  the  Feast  of  Unleavened 
Bread,  Jesus  was  led,  not  before  the  great  Synhe- 
drion,  but  before  the  smaller  court  of  justice,  com- 
posed of  twenty-three  members,  over  which  the 
High  Priest,  Joseph  Caiaphas,  presided.  The  trial 
was  to  determine  whether  Jesus  had  really  claimed 
to  be,  as  the  two  witnesses  testified,  the  Son  of  God  ; 
for  one  cannot  believe  that  he  was  arraigned  before 
that  tribunal  because  he  had  boasted  that  it  was  in 
his  power  to  destroy  the  Temple  and  rebuild  it  in 
three  days.  Such  a  declaration,  if  really  uttered  by 
him,  could  not  have  been  made  a  cause  of  complaint. 
The  accusation  doubtless  pointed  to  the  sin  of  blas- 
phemy, and  to  the  supposed  affirmation  of  Jesus 
that  he  was  the  Son  of  God.     Upon  the  question 


164  HISTORY    OF    THE   JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

being  put  to  him  on  that  score,  Jesus  was  silent  and 
gave  no  answer.  When  the  presiding  judge,  how- 
ever, asked  him  again  if  he  were  the  Son  of  God,  he 
is  said  to  have  repHed,  "  Thou  hast  said  it,"  and  to 
have  added,  "  hereafter  shall  ye  see  the  Son  of  Man 
sitting  on  the  right  hand  of  power  and  coming 
in  the  clouds  of  Heaven."  If  these  words  were 
really  spoken  by  Jesus,  the  judges  could  infer  that 
he  looked  upon  himself  as  the  Son  of  God.  The 
High  Priest  rent  his  garments  at  the  impious  asser- 
tion, and  the  court  declared  him  guilty  of  blasphemy. 
From  the  account  of  the  proceedings  given  by  Chris- 
tian authorities,  there  is  no  proof  that,  according  to 
the  existing  penal  laws,  the  judges  had  pronounced 
an  unjust  verdict.  All  appearances  were  against 
Jesus.  The  Synhedrion  received  the  sanction  of  the 
death-warrant,  or  rather  the  permission  to  execute 
it,  from  the  governor,  Pontius  Pilate,  who  was  just 
then  present  for  the  festival  at  Jerusalem. 

Pilate,  before  whom  Jesus  was  brought,  entering 
into  the  political  side  of  the  question,  asked  him  if 
he  declared  himself  to  be  not  only  the  Messiah  but 
the  King  of  the  Judseans,  and  as  Jesus  answered 
evasively,  "Thou  hast  said  it,"  he  likewise  decreed 
his  execution,  which  he  indeed  alone  had  the  power 
to  enforce.  That  Pilate  on  the  contrary  found 
Jesus  innocent  and  wished  to  save  him,  while 
the  Judaeans  had  determined  upon  putting  him 
to  death,  is  unhistorical  and  merely  legendary. 
When  Jesus  was  scoffed  at  and  obliged  to  wear  the 
crown  of  thorns  in  ironical  allusion  to  the  Messianic 
and  royal  dignity  he  had  assumed,  it  was  not  the 
Judaeans  who  inflicted  those  indignities  upon  him, 
but  the  Roman  soldiers,  who  sought  through  him  to 
deride  the  Judsean  nation.  Among  the  Judaeans 
who  had  condemned  him  there  was,  on  the  contrary, 
so  little  of  personal  hatred  that  he  was  treated 
exactly  like  any  other  criminal,  and  was  given  the 
cup  of  wine  and  frankincense  to  render  him  insen- 


CH.  VI.  DEATH    OF   JESUS.  l6$ 

sible  to  the  pains  of  death.  That  Jesus  was  scourged 
before  his  execution  proves  that  he  was  treated 
according  to  the  Roman  penal  laws  ;  for  by  the 
Judaean  code  no  one  sentenced  to  death  could 
suffer  flagellation.  It  was  consequently  the  Roman 
lictors  who  maliciously  scourged  with  fagots  or  ropes 
the  self-styled  King  of  the  Judaeans.  They  also 
caused  Jesus  (by  the  order  of  Pilate)  to  be  nailed  to 
the  cross,  and  to  sufler  the  shameful  death  awarded 
by  the  law  of  Rome.  For  after  the  verdict  of  death 
was  pronounced  by  the  Roman  authorities,  the  con- 
demned prisoner  belonged  no  more  to  his  own 
nation,  but  to  the  Roman  state.  It  was  not  the 
Synhedrion  but  Pilate  that  gave  the  order  for  the 
execution  of  one  who  was  regarded  as  a  State  crimi- 
nal and  a  cause  of  disturbance  and  agitation.  The 
Christian  authorities  state  that  Jesus  was  nailed  on 
the  cross  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  that  he 
expired  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  His  last 
words  were  taken  from  a  psalm,  and  spoken  in  the 
Aramaic  tongue — "God,  my  God,  why  hast  Thou 
forsaken  me  ?  "  (Eli,  eli,  lama  shebaktani.)  The 
Roman  soldiers  placed  in  mockery  the  following 
inscription  upon  the  cross:  "Jesus  of  Nazareth, 
King  of  the  Judaeans."  The  cross  had  been  erected 
and  the  body  was  probably  buried  outside  the  town, 
on  a  spot  which  was  the  graveyard  of  condemned 
criminals.  It  was  called  Golgotha,  the  place  of  skulls. 
Such  was  the  end  of  the  man  who  had  devoted  him- 
self to  the  improvement  of  the  most  neglected,  mis- 
erable, and  abandoned  members  of  his  people,  and 
who,  perhaps,  fell  a  victim  to  a  misunderstanding. 
How  great  was  the  woe  caused  by  that  one  execu- 
tion !  How  many  deaths  and  sufferings  of  every 
description  has  it  not  caused  among  the  children  of 
Israel !  Millions  of  broken  hearts  and  tragic  fates 
have  not  yet  atoned  for  his  death.  He  is  the  only 
mortal  of  whom  one  can  say  without  exaggeration 
that  his  death  was  more  effective  than  his  life.    Gol- 


1 66  HISTORY    OF    THE   JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

gotha,  the  place  of  skulls,  became  to  the  civilized 
world  a  new  Sinai.  Strange,  that  events  fraught 
with  so  vast  an  import  should  have  created  so  little 
stir  at  the  time  of  their  occurrence  at  Jerusalem, 
that  the  Judiean  historians,  Justus  of  Tiberias  and 
Josephus,  who  relate,  to  the  very  smallest  minutiae, 
everything  which  took  place  under  Pilate,  do  not 
mention  the  life  and  death  of  Jesus. 

When  the  disciples  of  Jesus  had  somewhat  recov- 
ered from  the  panic  Avhich  came  upon  them  at  the 
time  he  was  seized  and  executed,  they  re-assembled 
to  mourn  together  over  the  death  of  their  beloved 
Master.     The  followers  of  Jesus  then  in  Jerusalem 
did   not  amount    to   more  than   one    hundred    and 
twenty,  and  if  all  who  believed  in  him  in  Galilee  had 
been  numbered,  they  would  not  have  exceeded  five 
hundred.     Still,  the  effect  that  Jesus  produced  upon 
the  unenlightened    masses    must   have   been    very 
powerful ;   for  their  faith  in  him,  far  from  fading  away 
like  a  dream,  became  more  and  more  intense,  their 
adoration  of  Jesus   rising   to   the   highest  pitch  of 
enthusiasm.    The  only  stumbling-block  to  their  belief 
lay  in  the  fact  that  the  Messiah  who  came  to  deliver 
Israel  and  bring  to  light  the  glory  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,  endured  a  shameful  death.     How  could  the 
Messiah  be  subject  to  pain?     A  suffering  Messiah 
staggered  them  considerably,  and  this  stumbling- 
block  had  to  be  overcome  before  a  perfect  and  joyful 
belief  could   be    reposed   in  him.     It  was   at   that 
moment  probably  that  some  writer  relieved  his  own 
perplexities  and  quelled  their  doubts  by  referring  to 
a  prophecy  in  Isaiah,  that  "  He  will  be  taken  from  the 
land  of  the  living,  and  will  be  wounded  for  the  sins 
of  his  people."     The  humble,  wavering  disciples  of 
Jesus  were  helped  over  their  greatest  difficulty  by 
the  Pharisees,  who  were  in  the  habit  of  explaining 
the  new  or  the  marvelous  by  interpretations  of  Scrip- 
ture.   By  this  means  they  afforded  indirectly  a  solu- 
tion and  support  to  Christianity,  and  thus  belief  was 


CH.  VI.  IDEA    OF    A    SUFFERING    MESSIAH.  167 

given  to  the  most  senseless  and  absurd  doctrines, 
and  the  incredible  was  made  to  appear  certain  and 
necessary.  Without  some  support,  however  feeble, 
from  Holy  Writ,  nothing  new  would  have  been 
received  or  could  have  kept  its  ground.  By  its 
help  ever}'thing  that  happened  was  shown  to  have 
been  inevitable.  Even  that  Jesus  should  have  been 
executed  as  a  malefactor  appeared  pregnant  with 
meaning,  as  it  fulfilled  the  literal  prophecy  concern- 
ingf  the  Messiah.  Was  it  not  written  that  he  should 
be  judged  among  the  evil-doers  ?  His  disciples 
declared  they  had  heard  Jesus  say  that  he  would  be 
persecuted  even  unto  death.  Thus  his  sufferings 
and  death  were  evident  proofs  that  he  was  the  Mes- 
siah. His  followers  examined  his  life,  and  found  in 
every  trivial  circumstance  a  deeper  Messianic  signifi- 
cance ;  even  the  fact  that  he  was  not  born  in  Beth- 
lehem, but  in  Nazareth,  appeared  to  be  the  fulfillment 
of  a  prophecy.  Thus  he  might  therefore  be  called  a 
Nazarene  (Nazarite  ?),  and  thus  were  his  followers 
persuaded  that  Jesus,  the  Nazarene,  was  Christ  (the 
Messiah).  When  the  faithful  were  satisfied  on  that 
point,  it  was  not  difficult  to  answer  the  other  ques- 
tion which  naturally  offered  itself — When  would  the 
promised  kingdom  of  heaven  appear,  since  he  who 
was  to  have  brought  it  had  died  on  the  cross  ?  Hope 
replied  that  the  Messiah  would  return  in  all  his 
glory,  with  the  angels  of  heaven,  and  then  every  one 
would  be  rewarded  according  to  his  deeds.  They 
believed  that  some  then  alive  would  not  taste  death 
until  they  had  seen  the  Son  of  Man  enter  his  king- 
dom. His  disciples  were  hourly  expecting  the 
return  of  Jesus,  and  only  differed  from  the  Judaeans 
in  so  far  as  they  thought  that  the  Messiah  had  already 
appeared  in  human  form  and  character. 

This  kingdom  was  to  last  a  thousand  years :  the 
Sabbath  year  of  jubilee,  after  the  six  thousand  years 
of  the  world,  would  be  founded  by  Jesus  when  he 
returned  to  the  earth,  bringing  the  blessing  of  peace 


l68  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI 

and  perfect  happiness  to  the  faithful.  This  belief 
required  the  further  conviction  that  Jesus  had  not 
fallen  a  prey  to  death,  but  that  he  would  rise  again. 
It  may  have  been  the  biblical  story  of  Jonah's 
entombment  for  three  days  in  the  bowels  of  a  fish 
which  gave  rise  to  the  legend  that  Jesus  after  the 
same  interval  came  forth  from  his  sepulcher,  which 
was  found  to  be  empty.  Many  of  his  disciples 
declared  they  had  seen  him  after  his  death,  now  in 
one  place,  now  in  another ;  that  they  had  spoken  to 
him,  had  marked  his  wounds,  and  had  even  partaken 
of  fish  and  honey  with  him.  Nothing  seemed  to 
stagger  their  faith  in  the  Messianic  character  of 
Jesus ;  but  greatly  as  they  venerated  and  glorified 
him,  they  had  not  yet  raised  him  above  humanity  ;  in 
spite  of  the  enthusiasm  wath  which  he  inspired  them, 
they  could  not  look  upon  him  as  God.  They  regarded 
him  only  as  a  highly  gifted  man  who,  having  obeyed 
the  Law  more  completely  than  any  other  human 
being,  had  been  found  worthy  to  be  the  Messiah  of 
the  Lord. 

They  deviated  in  no  degree  from  the  precepts  of 
Judaism,  observing  the  Sabbath,  the  rite  of  circum- 
cision, and  the  dietary  laws,  whilst  they  also  rever- 
enced Jerusalem  and  the  Temple  as  holy  places. 
They  were,  however,  distinguished  from  the  other 
Judaeans  in  some  peculiarities  besides  the  belief  they 
cherished  that  the  Messiah  had  already  appeared. 
The  poverty  which  they  willingly  embraced  in 
accordance  with  the  teaching  of  Jesus  was  a  remark- 
able trait  in  them.  From  this  self-imposed  poverty 
they  were  called  Ebionites  (poor),  a  name  they 
either  gave  themselves  or  received  from  those  who 
had  not  joined  them.  They  lived  together,  and  each 
new  disciple  was  required  to  sell  his  goods  and 
chattels  and  to  pour  the  produce  into  the  common 
purse. 

To  this  class  belonged  the  early  Christians, 
or  Judsean  Christians,  who  were  called  Nazarenes, 


CH.  VI.  THE    EBIONITES.  169 

and  not,  according  to  their  origin,  Essenes.     Seven 
administrators  were  appointed,  as  was  usual  among 
the  Judaeans,  to  manage  the  expenditure  of  the  com- 
munity, and  to   provide  for  their  common   repasts. 
They  abstained  from  meat,  and  followed  the  way  of 
the   Essenes,  whom   they  also  resembled    in   their 
practice  of  celibacy,  in  their  disuse  of  oil  and  super- 
fluous garments,  a  single  one  of  white  linen  being 
all    each   possessed.     It   is    related    of  James,  the 
brother  of  Jesus,  who,  on  account  of  his  near  rela- 
tionship to  the  founder,  was  chosen  leader  of  the 
early  Christian  community,  and  was  revered  as  an 
example,   that   he   drank   no  wine   or   intoxicating 
beverages,  that  he  never  ate  meat,  allowed  no  scis- 
sors to  touch  his  hair,  wore  no  woolen  material,  and 
had   only  one   linen   garment.      He    lived    strictly 
according  to  the  Law,  and  was  indignant  when  the 
Christians  allowed  themselves  to  transgress  it.  Next 
to  him  at  the   head  of  the  community  of  Ebionites 
stood  Simon  Kephas  or  Petrus,  the  son  of  Jonas,  and 
John  the  son  of  Zebedee,  who  became  the  pillars  of 
Christianity.     Simon  Peter  was  the  most  energetic 
of  all  the  disciples  of  Jesus,  and  was  zealous  in  his 
endeavors  to  enroll  new  followers  under  the  banner 
of  Christianity.     In  spite  of  the  energy  he  thus  dis- 
played, he   is  described  as  being  of  a  vacillating 
character.    The  Christian  chronicles  state  that  when 
Jesus  was  seized  and  imprisoned  he  denied  him  three 
times,  and  was  called  by  his  master  "  him  of  little 
faith."     He  averred,  with  the  other  disciples,  that 
they  had  received  from  Jesus  the  mission  of  preach- 
ing to  the  lost  children  of  the  house  of  Israel  the 
doctrine  of  the  brotherhood  of  man  and  the  commu- 
nity of  goods  ;  like  Jesus  and  John  the  Baptist,  they 
were  also  to  announce  the  approaching  kingdom  of 
heaven.    Christianity,  only  just  born,  went  instantly 
forth  upon  her  career  of  conquest  and  proselytism. 
The  disciples  asserted  that  Jesus  had  imparted  to 
them  the  power  of  healing  the  sick,  of  awakening 


170  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI 

the  dead,  and  of  casting  out  evil  spirits.  With  them 
the  practice  of  exorcism  became  common,  and  thus 
the  beHef  in  the  power  of  Satan  and  demons,  brought 
from  GaHlee,  first  took  form  and  root.  In  Judaism 
itself  the  belief  in  demons  was  of  a  harmless  nature, 
without  any  religious  significance.  Christianity  first 
raised  it  to  be  an  article  of  faith,  to  which  hecatombs 
of  human  beings  were  sacrificed.  The  early  Chris- 
tians used,  or  rather  misused,  the  name  of  Jesus  for 
purposes  of  incantation.  All  those  who  believed  in 
Jesus  boasted  that  it  was  given  to  them  to  drive 
away  evil  spirits,  to  charm  snakes,  to  cure  the  sick 
by  the  laying  on  of  their  hands,  and  to  partake  of 
deadly  poisons  without  injury  to  themselves.  Exor- 
cism became  by  degrees  a  constant  practice  among 
Christians  ;  the  reception  of  a  new  member  was 
preceded  by  exorcism,  as  though  the  novice  had  till 
then  been  possessed  by  the  devil.  It  was,  there- 
fore, not  surprising  that  the  Christians  should  have 
been  looked  upon  by  Judaeans  and  heathens  as  con- 
jurors and  magicians.  In  the  first  century,  however, 
Christians  attracted  but  little  attention  in  Judaean 
circles,  escaping  observation  on  account  of  the 
humble  class  to  which  they  belonged.  They  formed 
a  sect  of  their  own,  and  were  classed  with  the 
Essenes,  to  whom,  in  many  points,  they  bore  so 
great  a  resemblance.  They  might  probably  have 
dwindled  away  altogether  had  it  not  been  for  one 
who  appeared  later  in  their  midst,  who  gave  pub- 
licity to  the  sect,  and  raised  it  to  such  a  pinnacle  of 
fame  that  it  became  a  ruling  power  in  the  world. 

An  evil  star  seems  to  have  shone  over  the 
Judcean  people  during  the  hundred  years  which 
had  elapsed  since  the  civil  wars  under  the  last 
Hasmonaeans,  which  had  subjected  Judaea  to  Rome. 
Every  new  event  appeared  to  bring  with  it  some 
new  misfortune.  The  comforting  proverb  of  Eccle- 
siastes,  that  there  is  nothing  new  under  the  sun, 
in  this  instance  proved  false.     The  Messianic  vision 


CH.  VI.  CHRISTIANITY.  I7I 

which  had  indistinctly  floated  in  the  minds  of  the 
people,  but  which  had  now  taken  a  tangible  form, 
was  certainly  something-  new ;  and  this  novel  appa- 
rition, with  its  mask  of  death,  was  to  inflict  new 
and  painful  wounds  upon  the  nation. 

Christianity,  which  came  from  Nazareth,  was 
really  an  offshoot  of  the  sect  of  the  Essenes,  and 
inherited  the  aversion  of  that  sect  for  the  Phari- 
saic laws  by  which  the  life  of  the  people  was 
regulated.  This  aversion  rose  to  hatred  in  the 
followers,  stimulated  by  grief  at  the  death  of  their 
founder.  Pontius  Pilate  had  greatly  contributed  to 
increasing  of  the  enmity  of  the  Christians  against 
their  own  flesh  and  blood.  He  it  was  who  added 
mockery  and  scorn  to  the  punishment  of  death  ;  he 
had  bound  their  Messiah  to  the  cross  like  the  most 
abject  slave,  and  in  derision  of  his  assumed  royalty 
had  placed  the  crown  of  thorns  on  his  head.  The 
picture  of  Jesus  nailed  to  the  cross,  crowned  with 
thorns,  the  blood  streaming  from  his  wounds,  was 
ever  present  to  his  followers,  filling  their  hearts 
with  bitter  thoughts  of  revenge.  Instead  of  turn- 
ing their  wrath  against  cruel  Rome,  they  made  the 
representatives  of  the  Judaean  people,  and  by  de- 
grees the  whole  nation,  responsible  for  inhuman 
deeds.  They  either  intentionally  deceived  them- 
selves, or  in  time  really  forgot  that  Pilate  was  the 
murderer  of  their  master,  and  placed  the  crime 
upon  the  heads  of  all  the  children  of  Israel. 

At  about  this  period  the  anger  of  Pilate  was 
kindled  against  a  Samaritan  self-styled  Messiah 
or  prophet,  who  called  his  believers  together  in  a 
village,  promising  to  show  them  on  Mount  Gerizim 
the  holy  vessels  used  in  the  time  of  Moses.  The 
Governor,  who  looked  with  suspicion  upon  every 
gathering  of  the  people,  and  regarded  every  exciting 
incident  as  fraught  with  possible  rebellion  against 
the  Roman  Empire,  led  his  troops  against  the 
Samaritans,  and  ordered  the  ringleaders,  who  had 


172  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VI. 

been  caught  in  their  flight,  to  be  cruelly  executed. 
Judaeans  and  Samaritans  jointly  denounced  his 
barbarity  to  Vitellius,  the  Governor  of  Syria,  and 
Pilate  was  summoned  to  Rome  to  justify  himself. 
The  degree  of  favor  shown  to  the  Judaeans  by 
Tiberius  after  the  fall  of  Sejanus,  explains  the  other- 
wise surprising  leniency  evinced  towards  the  Judaan 
nation  at  that  time.  The  Judaeans  had  found  an 
advocate  at  court  in  Antonia,  the  sister-in-law  of 
Tiberius.  The  latter,  who  was  the  friend  of  a 
patriotic  prince  of  the  house  of  Herod,  had  revealed 
to  Tiberius  the  plot  framed  against  him  by  Sejanus, 
and  in  grateful  recognition  Tiberius  repealed  the  act 
of  outlawry  against  the  Judaeans.  Vitellius,  the 
Governor  of  Syria,  was  graciously  inclined  towards 
the  Judaeans,  and  not  only  inquired  into  their  com- 
plaints, but  befriended  them  in  every  way,  showing 
a  degree  of  indulgence  and  forbearance  most 
unusual  in  a  Roman,  in  those  subjects  on  which  they 
were  peculiarly  sensitive.  When,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  Feast  of  Passover,  Vitellius  repaired  to  Jeru- 
salem in  order  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  all 
that  was  going  on  there,  he  sought  to  lighten  as 
much  as  possible  the  Roman  yoke.  He  remitted 
the  tax  on  the  fruits  of  the  market,  and  as  the  capital 
was  mainly  dependent  upon  that  market  for  its 
requirements,  a  heavy  burden  was  thus  removed 
from  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem.  He  further  with- 
drew the  pontifical  robes  from  behind  the  lock  and 
bolts  of  the  fort  of  Antonia,  and  gave  them  o\^er  to 
the  care  of  the  College  of  Priests,  who  kept  them  for 
some  time.  The  right  of  appointing  the  High  Priest 
was  considered  too  important  to  the  interests  of 
Rome  to  be  relinquished,  and  Vitellius  himself  made 
use  of  it  to  install  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Anan,  in  the 
place  of  Joseph  Caiaphas.  Caiaphas  had  acted  in  con- 
cert with  Pilate  during  all  the  time  he  had  governed, 
and  from  his  good  understanding  with  the  latter  had 
doubtless  become  distasteful  to  the  Judaean  nation. 


CH.  VI.  VITELLIUS.  1 73 

The  favor  granted  to  the  Jud^ans  by  Vitellius  was 
in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Emperor,  who 
commanded  him  to  aid  the  nation  with  all  the  avail- 
able Roman  forces  in  an  unjust  cause — that  of  Herod 
Antipas  against  King  Aretas.  Antipas,  who  was 
married  to  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  king  of  the 
Nabathaeans,  had  nevertheless  fallen  in  love  with 
Herodias,  the  wife  of  his  half-brother  Herod,  who, 
disinherited  by  his  father  Herod  I.,  led  a  private  life, 
probably  in  Csesarea.  During  a  journey  to  Rome, 
Antipas  became  acquainted  with  Herodias,  who, 
doubtless  repining  at  her  obscure  position,  aban- 
doned her  husband,  and  after  the  birth  of  a  daughter 
contracted  an  illegal  marriage  with  his  brother. 
Antipas'  first  wife,  justly  exasperated  at  his  shame- 
less infidelity,  had  fled  to  her  father  Aretas,  and 
urged  him  to  make  war  upon  her  faithless  husband. 
Antipas  suffered  a  great  defeat,  which  was  no  sooner 
made  known  to  the  Emperor  than  he  gave  Vitellius 
orders  instantly  to  undertake  his  defense  against  the 
kinof  of  the  Nabathaeans.  As  Vitellius  was  about  to 
conduct  two  legions  from  Ptolemais  through  Judaea, 
the  people  took  offense  at  the  pictures  of  the 
Emperor  which  the  soldiers  bore  on  their  standards, 
and  which  were  to  have  been  carried  to  Jerusalem, 
but  out  of  regard  to  the  scruples  of  the  Judaeans, 
Vitellius,  instead  of  leading  his  army  through  Judaea, 
conveyed  it  along  the  farther  side  of  the  Jordan. 
Vitellius  himself  was  received  with  the  greatest 
favor  in  Jerusalem,  and  offered  sacrifices  in  the 
Temple.  Of  all  the  Roman  governors  he  was 
the  one  who  had  shown  most  kindness  to  the 
Judaeans. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

AGRIPPA  I.      HEROD  II. 

Character  of  Agrippa — Envy  of  the  Alexandrian  Greeks  towards  the 
Judseans  —  Anli-Judaean  Literature  —  Apion  —  Measures  against 
the  Judaeans  in  Alexandria — Flaccus — Judaean  Embassy  to  Rome 
— Philo  —  Caligula's  Decision  against  the  Judaean  Embassy  — 
Caligula  orders  his  Statue  to  be  placed  in  the  Temple— The 
Death  of  Caligula  relieves  the  Judaeans — Agrippa's  Advance 
under  Claudius  —  His  Reign  —  Gamaliel  the  Elder  and  his  Ad- 
ministration— Death  of  Agrippa — Herod  II — The  False  Messiah, 
Theudas — Death  of  Herod  II. 

37—49  C.  E. 

After  the  murder  of  the  Roman  Emperor  Tiberius, 
when  the  Senate  indulged  for  the  moment  in  the 
sweet  dream  of  regaining  its  Hberty,  Rome  could 
have  had  no  forebodings  that  an  enemy  was  born  to 
her  in  Jerusalem,  in  the  half-fledged  Christian  com- 
munity, which  would  in  time  to  come  displace  her 
authority,  trample  upon  her  gods,  shatter  her  power, 
and  bring  about  a  gradual  decadence,  ending  in 
complete  decay.  An  idea,  conceived  and  brought 
forth  by  one  of  Judaean  birth  and  developed  by  a 
despised  class  of  society,  was  to  tread  the  power 
and  glory  of  Rome  in  the  dust.  The  third  Roman 
Emperor,  Caius  Caligula  Germanicus,  was  himself 
instrumental  in  delivering  up  to  national  contempt 
the  Roman  deities,  in  a  sense  the  corner-stone  of 
the  Roman  Empire.  The  throne  of  the  Caesars 
had  been  alternately  in  the  power  of  men  actuated 
by  cruel  cowardice  and  strange  frenzy.  None  of  the 
nations  tributary  to  Rome  suffered  more  deeply 
from  this  continual  change  in  her  masters  than  did 
the  Judaeans.  Every  change  in  the  great  offices 
of  state  affected  Judaea,  at  times  favorably,  but  more 
often  unfavorably.  The  first  years  of  Caligula's 
reign  appeared  to  be  auspicious  for  Judaea.    Caligula 

«74 


CH.  VII.  AGRIPPA    I.  175 

Specially  distinguished  one  of  the  Judrean  princes, 
Agrippa,  with  marks  of  his  favor,  thus  holding  out 
the  prospect  of  a  milder  rule.  But  it  was  soon  evi- 
dent that  this  kindness,  this  good-will  and  favor, 
were  but  momentary  caprices,  to  be  followed  by 
others  of  a  far  different  end  of  a  terrible  character, 
which  threw  the  Judseans  of  the  Roman  Empire  into 
a  state  of  fear  and  terror. 

Agrippa  (born  10  b.  c.  e.,  died  44  c.e.)  was  the  son 
of  the  prince  Aristobulus  who  had  been  assassin- 
ated by  Herod,  and  grandson  of  the  Hasmonxan 
princess  Mariamne  ;  thu3  in  his  veins  ran  the  blood 
of  the  Hasmonaeans  md  Idumseans,  and  these  two 
hostile  elements  appeared  to  fight  for  the  mastery 
over  his  actions,  until  at  last  the  nobler  was  victor- 
ious. Educated  in  Rome,  in  the  companionship  of 
Drusus,  the  son  of  Tiberius,  the  Herodian  element 
in  Agrippa  was  the  first  to  develop.  As  a  Roman 
courtier,  intent  upon  purchasing  Roman  favor,  he 
dissipated  his  fortune  and  fell  into  debt.  Forced 
to  quit  Rome  for  Jiidaea,  after  the  death  of  his  friend 
Drusus,  he  was  reduced  to  such  distress  that  he,  who 
was  accustomed  to  live  with  the  Caesars,  had  to  hide 
in  a  remote  part  of  Idumsea.  It  was  then  that  he 
contemplated  suicide.  But  his  high-spirited  wife, 
Cypros,  who  was  resolved  to  save  him  from  despair, 
appealed  to  his  sister  Herodias,  Princess  of  Galilee, 
for  instant  help.  And  it  was  through  the  influence 
of  Antipas,  the  husband  of  this  princess,  that 
Agrippa  was  appointed  overseer  of  the  markets 
of  Tiberias.  Impatient  of  this  dependent  condi- 
tion, he  suddenly  resigned  this  office  and  became 
courtier  to  Flaccus,  governor  of  Syria.  From  this 
very  doubtful  position  he  was  driven  by  the  jealousy 
of  his  own  brother  Aristobulus.  Seemingly  aban- 
doned by  all  his  friends,  Agrippa  determined 
upon  once  more  trying  his  fortune  in  Rome.  The 
richest  and  most  distinguished  Judaeans  of  the  Alex- 
andrian community,  the  Alabarch,  Alexander  Lysi- 


176  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

machus,  with  whom  he  had  taken  refuge,  provided 
him  with  the  necessary  means  for  his  journey.  This 
noisiest  Judcean  of  his  age,  guardian  of  the  property 
of  the  young  Antonia,  the  daughter  of  the  triumvir, 
had  evidently  rendered  such  services  to  the  imperial 
family  that  he  had  been  adopted  into  it,  and  was 
allowed  to  add  their  names  to  his  own — Tiberius 
Julius  Alexander,  son  of  Lysimachus.  He  possessed, 
without  doubt,  the  fine  Greek  culture  of  his  age,  for  his 
brother  Philo  was  a  man  of  the  most  exquisite  taste  in 
Greek  letters.  But  none  the  less  did  the  Alabarch 
Alexander  cling  warmly  to  his  people  and  to  his 
Temple.  Resolved  to  save  Agrippa  from  ruin,  but 
distrustful  of  his  extravagant  character,  he  insisted 
that  his  wife  Cypros  should  become  hostage  for 
him. 

A  new  life  of  adventure  now  commenced  in  Rome 
for  Agrippa.  He  was  met  on  the  Isle  of  Capri  by 
the  Emperor  Tiberius,  who,  in  remembrance  of 
Agrippa's  close  connection  with  the  son  he  had  lost, 
received  him  most  kindly.  But  upon  hearing  of  the 
enormous  sum  of  money  that  Agrippa  still  owed  to 
the  Roman  treasury,  Tiberius  allowed  him  to  fall 
into  disgrace.  He  was  saved,  however,  by  his 
patroness  Antonia,  the  sister-in-law  of  the  emperor, 
who  maintained  a  friendly  remembrance  of  Agrippa's 
mother  Berenice.  By  her  mediation  he  was  raised 
to  new  honors,  and  became  the  trusted  friend  of  the 
heir  to  the  throne,  Caius  Caligula.  But,  as  though 
Agrippa  were  destined  to  be  the  toy  of  every 
caprice  of  fortune,  he  was  soon  torn  from  his  inter- 
course with  the  future  emperor  and  thrown  into 
prison.  In  order  to  flatter  Caligula,  Agrippa  once 
expressed  the  wish,  "Would  that  Tiberius  would 
soon  expire  and  leave  his  throne  to  one  worthier  of 
it."  This  was  repeated  by  a  slave  to  the  emperor, 
and  Agrippa  expiated  his  heedlessnessby  an  impris- 
onment of  six  months,  from  which  the  death  of 
Tiberius  at  last  set  him  free  (37). 


CH.  VII.  AGRIPPA    IN    ROME.  177 

With  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  his  friend  and 
patron,  Caligula,  his  star  rose  upon  the  horizon. 
When  the  young  emperor  opened  the  prison-door 
to  Agrippa  he  presented  him  with  a  golden  chain, 
in  exchange  for  the  iron  one  that  he  had  been  forced 
to  wear  on  his  account,  and  placed  the  royal  diadem 
upon  his  head,  giving  him  the  principality  of  Philip, 
that  had  fallen  to  the  Empire  of  Rome.  By  decree 
of  the  Roman  Senate  he  also  received  the  title  of 
Praetor.  So  devoted  was  Caligula  to  Agrippa  that, 
during  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  the  Roman 
emperor  would  not  hear  of  his  quitting  Rome,  and 
when  at  length  Agrippa  was  permitted  to  take  pos- 
session of  his  own  kingdom,  he  had  to  give  his  sol- 
emn promise  that  he  would  soon  return  to  his 
imperial  friend. 

When  Agrippa  made  his  entry  into  Judaea  as  mon- 
arch and  favorite  of  the  Roman  emperor,  poor  and 
deeply  in  debt  though  he  had  been  when  he  left  it,  his 
wonderful  change  of  fortune  excited  the  envy  of  his 
sister  Herodias.  Stung  by  ambition,  she  implored 
of  her  husband  also  to  repair  to  Rome  and  to  obtain 
from  the  generous  young  emperor  at  least  another 
kingdom.  Once  more  the  painful  want  of  family 
affection,  common  to  all  the  Herodians,  was  brought 
to  light  in  all  its  baseness.  Alarmed  that  Antipas 
might  succeed  in  winning  Caligula's  favor,  or  indig- 
nant at  the  envious  feelings  betrayed  by  his  sister, 
Agrippa  accused  Antipas  before  the  emperor 
of  treachery  to  the  Roman  Empire.  The  unfort- 
unate Antipas  was  instantly  deprived  of  his  princi- 
pality and  banished  to  Lyons,  whither  he  was 
followed  by  his  faithful  and  true-hearted  wife. 
Herod's  last  son,  Herod  Antipas,  and  his  grand- 
daughter, Herodias,  died  in  exile.  Agrippa,  by 
imperial  favor,  became  the  heir  of  his  brother-in-law, 
and  the  provinces  of  Galilee  and  Peraea  were  added 
to  his  other  possessions. 

The  favor  evinced  by  Caligula  towards  Agrippa, 


178  IIISTURV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

which  might  naturally  be  extended  to  the  Juda^an 
people,  awakened  the  envy  of  the  heathens,  and 
brought  the  hatred  of  the  Alexandian  (Greeks  to  a 
crisis.  Indeed,  the  whole  of  the  Roman  Empire 
harbored  secret  and  public  enemies  of  the  Judicans. 
Hatred  of  their  race  and  of  their  creed  was  intensi- 
fied by  a  lurking  fear  that  this  despised  yet  proud 
nation  might  one  day  attain  to  supreme  power.  But 
the  hostile  feeling  against  the  Judceans  reached  its 
climax  amongst  the  restless,  sarcastic  and  pleasure- 
loving  Greek  inhabitants  of  Alexandria.  They 
looked  unfavorably  upon  the  industry  and  prosperity 
of  their  Juda^an  neighbors,  by  whom  they  were  sur- 
passed in  both  these  respects,  and  whom  they  did 
not  excel  even  in  artistic  and  philosophical  attain- 
ments. These  feelings  of  hatred  dated  from  the 
time  when  the  Egyptian  queen  entrusted  Juda^an 
generals  with  the  management  of  the  foreign  affairs 
of  her  country,  and  they  increased  in  intensity  when 
the  Roman  emperors  placed  more  confidence  in  the 
reliable  Judaeans  than  in  the  frivolous  Greeks. 
Slanderous  writers  nourished  this  hatred,  and  in 
their  endeavors  to  throw  contempt  upon  the  Judaeans 
they  falsified  the  history  of  which  the  Judaeans  were 
justly  proud. 

The  Stoic  philosopher  Posidonius  circulated  false 
legends  about  the  origin  and  the  nature  of  the 
divine  worship  of  the  Judaeans,  which  legends  had 
been  originally  invented  by  the  courtiers  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes.  The  disgraceful  story  of  the 
worship  of  an  ass  in  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  be- 
sides other  tales  as  untrue  and  absurd,  added  to  the 
assertion  that  the  Judaeans  hated  all  Gentiles,  found 
ready  belief  in  a  younger,  contemporary  writer, 
Apollonius  Malo,  with  whom  Posidonius  had  be- 
come acquainted  in  the  island  of  Rhodes,  and  by 
whom  they  were  widely  circulated.  Malo  gave  a 
new  account  of  the  history  of  the  Judaean  exodus, 
which  he  declared  was  occasioned  by  some  enormity 


CH.  VII.  STRABO.  179 

on  the  part  of  the  Judaeans  ;  he  described  Moses  as 
a  criminal,  and  the  Mosaic  Law  as  containing  the 
most  abominable  precepts.  He  declared  that  the 
Judaeans  were  atheists,  that  they  hated  mankind  in 
general ;  he  accused  them  of  alternate  acts  of 
cowardice  and  temerity,  and  maintained  that  they 
were  the  most  uncultured  people  amongst  the  bar- 
barians, and  could  not  lay  claim  to  the  invention  of 
any  one  thing  which  had  benefited  humanity.  It 
was  from  these  two  Rhodian  authors  that  the  spite- 
ful and  venom-tongued  Cicero  culled  his  unworthy 
attack  upon  the  Judaean  race  and  the  Judaean  Law. 
In  this  respect  he  differed  from  Julius  C^esar,  who, 
in  spite  of  his  associations  with  Posidonius  and  Malo, 
was  entirely  free  from  all  prejudice  against  the 
Judaeans. 

The  Alexandrian  Greeks  devoured  these  calum- 
nies with  avidity,  exaggerated  them,  and  gave  them 
still  wider  circulation.  Only  three  Greek  authors 
mentioned  the  Judaeans  favorably — Alexander  Poly- 
histor,  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  the  confidant  of 
Herod,  and,  lastly,  Strabo,  the  most  remarkable 
geographer  of  ancient  times,  who  devoted  a  fine 
passage  in  his  geographical  and  historical  work 
to  Judaism,  Although  he  mentions  the  Judaeans 
as  having  originated  from  Egypt,  he  does  not 
repeat  the  legend  that  their  expulsion  was  occa- 
sioned by  some  fault  of  their  own.  Far  otherwise 
he  explains  the  Exodus,  affirming  that  the  Egyptian 
mode  of  life,  with  its  unworthy  idolatry,  had  driven 
Moses  and  his  followers  from  the  shores  of  the  Nile. 
He  writes  in  praise  of  the  Mosaic  teaching  relative 
to  the  unity  of  God,  as  opposed  to  the  Egyptian 
plurality  of  deities,  and  of  the  spiritual,  imageless 
worship  of  the  Judaeans  in  contrast  to  the  animal 
worship  of  the  Egyptians,  and  to  the  investing  of 
the  divinity  with  a  human  form  among  the  Greeks. 
"How  can  any  sensible  man,"  he  exclaims,  "dare 
make  an  image  of  the  Heavenly  King?"     Widely 


I  So  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

opposed  to  the  calumniators  of  Judaism,  Strabo 
teaches  that  the  Mosaic  Law  was  the  great  mainstay 
of  righteousness,  for  it  holds  out  the  divine  blessing 
to  all  those  whose  lives  are  pure.  For  some  time 
after  the  death  of  their  great  lawgiver,  Strabo  main- 
tains that  the  Judseans  acted  in  conformity  with  the 
Law,  doing  right  and  fearing  God.  Of  the  sanctuary 
in  Jerusalem  he  speaks  with  veneration,  for,  although 
the  Judaean  kings  were  often  faithless  to  the  Law  of 
Moses  and  to  their  subjects,  yet  the  capital  of  the 
Judaeans  was  invested  with  its  own  dignity,  and  the 
people,  far  from  looking  upon  it  as  the  seat  of 
despotism,  revered  and  honored  it  as  the  Temple  of 
God. 

One  author  exceeded  all  the  other  hostile  writers 
in  the  outrageous  nature  of  his  calumnies  ;  this  was 
the  Egyptian  Apion,  who  was  filled  with  burning 
envy  at  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  Juda^ans. 
He  gave  a  new  and  exaggerated  account  of  all  the 
old  stories  of  his  predecessors,  and  gained  the  ear 
of  the  credulous  multitude  by  the  readiness  and 
fluency  of  his  pen.  Apion  was  one  of  those 
charlatans  whose  conduct  is  based  on  the  as- 
sumption that  the  world  wishes  to  be  deceived, 
and  therefore  it  shall  be  deceived.  As  expounder 
of  the  Homeric  songs,  he  traveled  through  Greece 
and  Asia  Minor,  and  invented  legends  so  flattering 
to  the  early  Greeks  that  he  became  the  hero  of  their 
descendants.  He  declared  that  he  had  witnessed 
most  things  of  which  he  wrote,  or  that  he  had  been 
instructed  in  them  by  the  most  reliable  people  ;  and 
even  affirmed  that  Homer's  shade  had  appeared  to 
him,  and  had  divulged  which  Grecian  town  had  given 
birth  to  the  oldest  of  Greek  bards,  but  that  he  dared 
not  publish  that  secret.  On  account  of  his  intense 
vanity  he  was  called  the  trumpet  of  his  own  fame, 
for  he  assured  the  Alexandrians  that  they  were  for- 
tunate in  being  able  to  claim  him  as  a  citizen.  It  is 
not  astonishing  that  so  unscrupulous  a  man  should 


CH.  VII.  ANTI-JUD.^AN    MOVEMENT.  l8l 

have  made  use  of  the  hatred  they  bore  to  the 
Judaeans  to  do  the  latter  all  the  injury  in  his  power. 

But  the  hostility  of  the  Alexandrians,  based  on 
envy  and  religious  and  racial  antipathy,  was  sup- 
pressed under  the  reign  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius, 
when  the  imperial  governors  of  Egypt  sternly  repri- 
manded all  those  who  might  have  become  disturbers 
of  the  peace.  Affairs  changed,  however,  when  Calig- 
ula came  to  the  throne,  for  the  Alexandrians  were 
then  aware  that  the  governor  Flaccus,  who  had  been 
a  friend  of  Tiberius,  was  unfavorably  looked  upon  by 
his  successor,  who  was  ready  to  lend  a  willing  ear 
to  any  accusation  against  him.  Flaccus,  afraid  of 
drawing  the  attention  of  the  revengeful  emperor 
upon  himself,  was  cowed  into  submission  by  the 
Alexandrians,  and  became  a  mere  tool  in  their 
hands.  At  the  news  of  Agrippa's  accession  to  the 
throne,  they  were  filled  with  burning  envy,  and  the 
delight  of  the  Alexandrian  Judaeans,  with  whom 
Agrippa  came  into  contact  through  the  Alabarch 
Alexander,  only  incensed  them  still  more  and 
roused  them  to  action. 

Two  most  abject  beings  were  the  originators  and 
leaders  of  this  anti-Judaean  demonstration  ;  a  venal 
clerk  of  the  court  of  justice,  Isidorus,  who  was  called 
by  the  popular  wits,  the  Pen  of  Blood,  because  his 
pettifoggery  had  robbed  many  of  their  life,  and 
Lampo,  one  of  those  unprincipled  profligates  that 
are  brought  forth  by  a  burning  climate  and  an  im- 
moral city.  These  two  agitators  ruled,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  weak  and  helpless  governor,  and,  on  .the 
other,  they  led  the  dregs  of  the  people,  who  were 
prepared  to  give  vent  to  their  feelings  of  hatred  to- 
wards the  Judaeans  upon  a  sign  from  their  leaders. 

Unfortunately,  Agrippa,  whose  change  of  fortune 
had  been  an  offense  in  the  eyes  of  the  Alexandrians, 
touched  at  their  capital  upon  his  return  from  Rome 
to  Judaea  (July,  38),  and  his  presence  roused  the 
enemies    of    the    Judaeans   to    fresh    conspiracies. 


1 82  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

These  began  with  a  farce,  but  ended  for  the  Judaeans 
in  terrible  earnest.  At  first  Agrippa  and  his  race 
were  insultingly  jeered  at.  A  harmless  fool,  Cara- 
bas,  was  tricked  out  in  a  crown  of  papyrus  and  a 
cloak  of  plaited  rushes  ;  a  whip  was  given  him  for 
a  scepter,  and  he  was  placed  on  an  eminence  for  a 
throne,  where  he  was  saluted  by  all  passers-by  as 
Marin  (which,  in  the  Chaldaic  tongue,  denotes  "our 
master").  This  was  followed  by  the  excitable  mob's 
rushing  at  the  dawn  of  the  next  day  into  the  syna- 
gogues, carrying  with  them  busts  of  the  emperor, 
with  the  pretext  of  dedicating  these  places  of  wor- 
ship to  Caligula.  In  addition  to  this,  at  the  impor- 
tunate instance  of  the  conspirators,  the  governor, 
Flaccus,  was  induced  to  withdraw  from  the  Judaean 
inhabitants  of  Alexandria  what  they  had  held  so 
gratefully  from  the  first  emperors — the  right  of 
citizenship.  This  was  a  terrible  blow  to  the  Ju- 
daeans of  Alexandria,  proud  as  they  were  of  their 
privileges,  and  justly  entitled  to  the  credit  of 
having  enriched  this  metropolis  by  their  learning, 
their  wealth,  their  love  of  art  and  their  spirit  of 
commerce  equally  with  the  Greeks.  They  were 
cruelly  driven  out  of  the  principal  parts  of  the  city 
of  Alexandria,  and  were  forced  to  congregate  in 
the  Delta,  or  harbor  of  the  town.  The  mob,  greedy 
for  spoil,  dashed  into  the  deserted  houses  and  work- 
shops, and  plundered,  destroyed  and  annihilated 
what  had  been  gathered  together  by  the  industry 
of  centuries. 

After  committing  these  acts  of  depredation,  the 
infuriated  Alexandrians  surrounded  the  Delta,  under 
the  idea  that  the  unfortunate  Judaeans  would  be 
driven  to  open  resistance  by  the  pangs  of  hunger 
or  by  the  suffocating  heat  they  were  enduring  in 
their  close  confinement.  When  at  last  the  scarcity 
of  provisions  impelled  some  of  the  besieged  to 
venture  out  of  their  miserable  quarters,  they  were 
cruelly  ill-treated  by  the  enemy,  tortured,  and  either 


CH.  VII.  THE   JUD^ANS    IN    ALEXANDRIA,  1 83 

burnt  alive  or  crucified.  This  state  of  things  lasted 
for  a  month.  The  governor  went  so  far  as  to 
arrest  thirty-eight  members  of  the  Great  Council, 
to  throw  them  into  prison  and  publicly  to  scourge 
them.  Even  the  female  sex  was  not  spared.  If 
any  maidens  or  women  crossed  the  enemy's  path 
they  were  offered  pig's  flesh  as  food,  and  upon  their 
refusing  to  eat  it  they  were  cruelly  tortured.  Not 
satisfied  with  all  these  barbarities,  Flaccus  ordered 
his  soldiers  to  search  the  houses  of  the  Judaeans  for 
any  weapons  that  might  be  concealed  there,  and 
they  were  told  to  leave  not  even  the  chambers  of 
modest  maidens  unsearched.  This  reign  of  terror 
continued  until  the  middle  of  September.  At  that 
time  an  imperial  envoy  appeared  to  depose  Flaccus 
and  to  summon  him  to  Rome,  not  on  account  of 
his  abominable  conduct  towards  the  Judaeans,  but 
because  he  was  hated  by  the  emperor.  His  sen- 
tence was  exile  and  he  was  eventually  killed. 

The  emperor  alone  could  have  settled  the  vexed 
question  as  to  whether  the  Judaeans  had  the  right 
of  equal  citizenship  with  the  Greeks  in  Alexandria ; 
but  he  was  then  in  Germany  or  in  Gaul  celebrating 
childish  triumphs,  or  in  Britain  gathering  shells  on 
the  seashore.  When  he  returned  to  Rome  (August, 
40)  with  the  absurd  idea  of  allowing  himself  to  be 
worshiped  as  a  god,  and  of  raising  temples  and 
statues  to  his  own  honor,  the  heathen  Greeks  justly 
imagined  that  their  cause  against  the  Judaeans  was 
won.  They  restored  the  imperial  statues  in  the 
Alexandrian  synagogues,  convinced  that  in  the  face 
of  so  great  a  sacrilege  the  Judaeans  would  rebel  and 
thereby  arouse  the  emperor's  wrath.  This  was 
actually  the  cause  of  a  fresh  disturbance,  for  the 
new  governor  of  Alexandria  took  part  against  the 
Judaeans,  courting  in  this  way  the  imperial  favor. 
He  insisted  that  the  unhappy  people  should  show 
divine  honors  to  the  images  of  the  emperor,  and 
when  they  refused  on  the  ground  that  such  an  act 


184  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

was  contrary  to  their  Law,  he  forbade  their  observ- 
ance of  the  Sabbath  day.  In  the  following  words 
he  addressed  the  most  distinguished  of  their  race : 
"  How  would  it  be  if  you  were  suddenly  over- 
whelmed by  a  host  of  enemies,  or  by  a  tremendous 
inundation,  or  by  a  raging  fire  ;  if  famine,  pestilence 
or  an  earthquake  were  to  overtake  you  upon  the 
Sabbath  day?  Would  you  sit  idly  in  your  syna- 
gogues, reading  the  Law  and  expounding  difficult 
passages  ?  Would  you  not  rather  think  of  the 
safety  of  parents  and  children,  of  your  property 
and  possessions,  would  you  not  fight  for  your  lives  ? 
Now  behold,  if  you  do  not  obey  my  commands,  I 
will  be  all  that  to  you,  the  invasion  of  the  enemy, 
the  terrible  inundation,  the  raging  fire,  famine,  pes- 
tilence, earthquake,  the  visible  embodiment  of 
relentless  fate."  But  neither  the  rich  nor  the  poor 
allowed  themselves  to  be  coerced  by  these  w^ords  ; 
they  remained  true  to  their  faith,  and  prepared  to 
undergo  any  penalties  that  might  be  inflicted  upon 
them.  Some  few  appear  to  have  embraced  pagan- 
ism out  of  fear  or  from  worldly  motives.  The 
Judaean  philosopher,  Philo,  gives  some  account  of 
the  renegades  of  his  time  and  his  community,  whom 
he  designates  as  frivolous,  immoral,  and  utterly 
unworthy.  Amongst  them  may  be  mentioned  the 
son  of  the  Alabarch  Alexander,  Tiberius  Julius 
Alexander,  who  forsook  Judaism,  and  w^as  conse- 
quently raised  to  high  honors  in  the  Roman  State. 

Meanwhile,  the  Judseans  determined  upon  plead- 
ing their  cause  before  the  emperor.  Three  men 
(who  were  specially  adapted  for  their  mission)  were 
selected  to  be  sent  as  envoys  to  Rome.  One  of 
these,  the  Judcean  philosopher,  Philo,  was  so  far 
distinguished  through  birth,  social  standing,  pro- 
found culture,  and  brilliant  eloquence,  that  no  better 
pleader  for  the  cause  of  justice  could  have  been, 
found.  Through  the  medium  of  his  powerful  writ- 
ings  Philo  has   so  largely  influenced  not  only  his 


CH.  VII.  riiiLo.  185 

contemporaries  but  also  those  who  came  after  him, 
both  within   and  without   the  Juda^an   community, 
that   the  scanty  accounts  of  his  hfe  must  not  be 
passed  over.    As   brother   of  the  Alabarch  Alex- 
ander, Philo   belonged  to   the  most    distinguished 
and  wealthy  family  of  the  Alexandrian  community. 
He    received    in    his    youth    the    usual    education 
which  all  well-born  parents  held  as   necessary  for 
their  sons.     Possessed   of  unquenchable    love   for 
learning,  he   obtained    complete    mastery  over  his 
studies.     His  taste  for  metaphysical  research  was 
developed  at  a  very  early  age,  and  he  devoted  him- 
self to  it  untiringly  for  a  time,  taking  delight  in  that 
alone.     He  affirms  enthusiastically  that  he  had  no 
desire  for  honors,  wealth,  or  material  pleasures,  so 
long  as  he  could  revel  in  ethereal  realms,  in  company 
with  the  heavenly  bodies.     He  belonged  to  the  few 
elect  who  do  not  creep  on  the  earth's  surface,  but 
who  free  themselves  from  all  earthly  bondage   in 
the  sublime  flight  of  thought.     He  rejoiced  in  being 
exempt  from  cares  and  occupations.     But   though 
he     gloried    in     philosophy,     Judaism,     which    he 
termed  the  **  true  wisdom,"  was  still  dearer  to  his 
heart.     When  he  gathered  the  beautiful  blossoms 
of  Grecian  learning,  it  was  to  twine  them  into  a 
garland  with  which  to  adorn  Judaism.     Philo  had 
been  leading  the  retired  life  of  a  student  for  some 
time,  when,  as  he  bitterly  remarked,  an  event  drew 
him    unmercifully   into    the    whirlpool    of    political 
troubles :    the    miserable    condition   of  his    people 
had  probably  disturbed  his  contemplative  life.     In 
later  years  he  looked  back  with  longing  upon  his 
former    occupation,    and    lamented    that    practical 
life  had  obscured  his  vision  for  intellectual  things, 
and   had  materially  interfered   with   his    range  of 
thought ;  but  he  consoled  himself  with  the  know- 
ledge that  in  undisturbed  hours  he  was  still  able  to 
lift  his  mind  to  noble  objects.     Philo's  philosophical 
researches  not  only  furnished  food  for  his  intellect, 


l86  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

but  helped  to  inspire  him  with  true  nobility  of 
character,  developing-  in  him  a  nature  that  regarded 
all  acts  of  human  folly,  vulgarity,  and  vice  as  so 
many  enigmas  which  he  could  not  solve. 

His  wife,  who  was  justly  proud  of  him,  emulated 
him  in  the  simplicity  of  her  life.  When  asked  by 
some  of  her  brilliantly  attired  friends  why  she,  who 
was  so  rich,  should  disdain  to  wear  gold  ornaments, 
she  is  said  to  have  answered,  "The  virtue  of  the 
husband  is  adornment  enough  for  the  wife."  Philo's 
contemporaries  were  never  weary  of  praising  his 
style ;  so  forcibly  indeed  did  it  remind  them  of 
Plato's  beautiful  diction  that  they  would  observe, 
"  Plato  writes  like  Philo,  or  Philo  like  Plato." 
Philo's  principal  aim  was  to  harmonize  the  spirit 
of  Judaism  with  that  of  the  philosophy  of  the  age, 
or,  more  rightly  speaking,  to  show  that  Judaism  is 
the  truest  philosophy.  And  this  was  not  merely 
to  be  an  intellectual  exercise,  but  to  him  it  was  a 
sacred  mission.  He  was  so  completely  absorbed  in 
these  ideas  that,  as  he  relates  of  himself,  he  often 
fell  into  trances,  when  he  fancied  that  revelations 
were  vouchsafed  to  him  which  he  could  not  have 
grasped  at  ordinary  times. 

This  was  the  man  who  was  to  present  himself 
before  the  emperor,  as  the  representative  of  the 
Alexandrian  Judsean  community.  The  heathen 
Alexandrians  also  sent  a  deputation,  headed  by 
Apion,  to  which  also  belonged  the  venom-tongued 
Isidorus.  Not  only  were  the  envoys  concerned 
with  the  privileges  of  the  community  they  repre- 
sented, but  they  were  pledged  to  raise  their  voices 
against  the  cruel  persecution  of  their  race.  P"or 
the  first  time  in  history  were  Judaism  and  Paganism 
confronted  in  the  lists,  each  of  them  being  repre- 
sented by  men  of  Greek  culture  and  learning.  Had 
the  two  forms  of  faith  and  civilization  been  judged  by 
their  exponents,  the  decision  for  Judaism  would  not 
have  been  doubtful.     Philo,  dignified  and  earnest, 


CH.  VII.  EMBASSY    TO    ROME.  187 

seemed  in  himself  to  embody  faithful  search  after 
truth,  and  the  purest  moral  idealism  ;  whilst  Apion, 
frivolous  and  sarcastic,  was  the  very  incarnation 
of  smooth-tongued  vainglory,  and  bore  the  stamp 
of  the  vanity  and  self-conceit  of  fallen  Greece. 
But  the  outcome  of  this  contest  remains  doubt- 
ful. Caligula  was  too  passionate  a  partisan  to 
be  a  just  umpire.  He  hated  the  Judaeans  because 
they  would  not  recognize  and  worship  him  as  their 
deity,  and  his  hatred  was  fanned  by  two  contemp- 
tible creatures,  whom  he  had  dragged  from  the 
mire  and  had  attached  to  himself — the  Egyptian 
Helicon  and  Apelles  of  Ascalon. 

The  Judaean  envoys  were  hardly  permitted  to 
speak  when  they  were  admitted  to  the  imperial 
presence,  and  Caligula's  first  word  was  one  of 
jarring  reproof:  "So  you  are  the  despisers  of  God, 
who  will  not  recognize  me  as  the  deity,  but  who 
prefer  worshiping  a  nameless  one,  whilst  all  my 
other  subjects  have  accepted  me  as  their  god." 
The  Judaean  envoys  declared  that  they  had  offered 
up  three  successive  offerings  in  honor  of  Caligula : 
the  first  upon  his  accession  to  the  throne ;  the 
second  upon  his  recovery  from  a  severe  illness  ; 
and  the  third  after  his  so-called  victory  over  the 
Teutons.  "That  may  be,"  answered  Caligula,  "but 
the  offerings  were  made /or  me  and  not  to  me;  for 
such  I  do  not  care.  And  how  is  it,"  he  continued, 
awakening  the  ribald  merriment  of  his  pagan  audi- 
ence, "  how  is  it  that  you  do  not  eat  pig's  flesh,  and 
upon  what  grounds  do  you  hold  your  right  of 
equality  with  the  Alexandrians  ?  "  Without  waiting 
for  a  reply,  he  turned  his  attention  to  something- 
else.  Later  on  when  he  dismissed  the  Juda  an 
envoys,  he  remarked  that  they  seemed  less  wicked 
than  stupid  in  not  being  willing  to  acknowledge  his 
divinity. 

Whilst  the  unfortunate  ambassadors  were  vainly 
seeking  to  gain  ground  with  the  emperor,  they  were 


l88  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

suddenly  overwhelmed  with  tidings  that  struck  terror 
into  their  hearts.  One  of  their  own  race  burst  into 
their  presence,  exclaiming,  amidst  uncontrollable 
sobs,  that  the  Temple  in  the  holy  city  had  been 
profaned  by  Caligula.  F'or  not  only  were  the  im- 
perial statues  to  be  erected  in  the  synagogues,  but 
also  in  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem.  The  governor 
of  Syria,  Petronius,  had  received  orders  to  enter 
Judaea  with  his  legions  and  to  turn  the  Sanctuary 
into  a  pagan  temple.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  the 
mortal  anguish  of  the  Judaean  nation  when  these 
orders  became  known  to  them.  On  the  eve  of  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles  a  messenger  appeared  in 
Jerusalem,  who  converted  this  feast  of  rejoicing 
into  mourning.  Petronius  and  his  legions  were 
at  Accho,  on  the  outskirts  of  Jerusalem,  but,  as 
the  rainy  season  was  at  hand,  and  as  obstinate 
resistance  was  expected,  the  Roman  commander 
resolved  to  await  the  spring  before  commencing 
active  operations.  Thousands  of  Judaeans  hastened 
to  appear  before  Petronius,  declaring  that  they 
would  rather  suffer  the  penalty  of  death  than  allow 
their  Temple  to  be  desecrated.  Petronius,  per- 
plexed as  to  how  he  should  carry  out  this  mad 
scheme  of  Caligula's,  consulted  the  members  of  the 
Royal  Council,  entreating  of  them  to  influence  the 
people  in  his  favor.  But  the  Judaean  aristocracy, 
and  even  Agrippa's  own  brother  Aristobulus,  held 
with  the  people.  Petronius  then  sent  a  true  state- 
ment of  the  case  to  the  emperor,  hoping  that  he 
might  be  induced  to  abandon  his  scheme.  Mean- 
while he  pacified  the  people  by  telling  them  that 
nothing  could  be  effected  until  fresh  edicts  arrived 
from  Rome,  and  begged  of  them  to  return  to  their 
agricultural  duties,  and  thus  to  avert  the  possibility 
of  a  year  of  famine. 

But  before  Petronius'  letter  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  emperor,  Caligula's  intentions  had  been  frus- 
trated by  Agrippa.     The  Judaean  king  had  acquired 


CH.  VII.  AGRIPPA    AND    CALIGULA.  1 89 

SO  extraordinary  an  influence  over  Caligula  that  the 
Romans  called  him  and  Antiochus  of  Commagcne, 
his  teachers  in  tyranny.  Agrippa,  who  was  living 
at  that  time  near  the  person  of  the  emperor,  could 
not  have  been  indifferent  to  the  desecration  of  the 
Temple,  but  he  was  too  accomplished  a  courtier 
openly  to  oppose  this  imperial  caprice.  On  the 
contrary,  he  seemed  dead  to  the  cry  of  anguish 
that  arose  from  his  people,  and  only  occupied  in 
preparing,  with  the  most  lavish  expenditure,  a  mag- 
nificent feast  for  the  emperor  and  his  favorites. 
But  under  this  garb  of  indifference  he  was  really 
working  for  his  people's  cause.  Caligula,  flattered 
by  the  attentions  that  were  lavished  upon  him,  bade 
Agrippa  demand  a  boon,  which  should  be  instantly 
granted.  His  astonishment  was  indeed  boundless 
when  the  Judcean  monarch  begged  for  the  repeal 
of  the  imperial  edict  concerning  images.  He 
had  little  thought  that  his  refined  courtier  would 
prove  so  unselfish  a  man,  so  pious,  and  so  thor- 
oughly independent  of  the  will  of  the  emperor. 
Cunning  as  he  was,  Caligula  was  helplessly  en- 
trapped, for  he  could  not  retract  his  pledged 
word.  Thus  he  was  forced  to  write  to  Petronius 
annulling  his  former  decree.  Meanwhile  he  received 
Petronius'  letter,  in  which  the  governor  detailed 
what  difficulties  he  would  encounter,  were  he  to 
attempt  to  execute  the  orders  of  his  master.  More 
than  this  was  not  required  to  lash  Caligula's  pas- 
sionate and  excitable  nature  into  a  fury.  A  new 
and  stringent  order  was  given  to  proceed  with  the 
introduction  of  the  statues  into  the  Temple  of  Jeru- 
salem. But  before  this  order,  terrible  to  the 
Judaeans  and  full  of  danger  to  Petronius  himself, 
had  arrived  in  Jerusalem,  it  was  announced  that 
the  insane  Caligula  had  met  with  his  death  at  the 
hands  of  the  Prsetorian  Tribune  Chereas  (24  Jan., 
41).  These  tidings  came  to  Jerusalem  on  the  2 2d 
of  Shebat  (March,  41),  and  the  day  was  afterwards 
celebrated  as  one  of  great  rejoicing. 


190  HISTORY    OK    THE    JP:WS.  CH.  VII. 

Caligula's  successor  upon  the  throne  of  the 
Csesars  was  Claudius,  a  learned  pedant  and  a  fool. 
He  owed  his  crown  to  chance,  and  to  the  diplo- 
macy of  King"  Agrippa,  who  had  induced  the  re- 
luctant Senate  to  accept  the  choice  of  the  Prae- 
torians. Rome  must  indeed  have  fallen  low  when 
a  somewhat  insignificant  Judsean  prince  was  allowed 
to  speak  in  the  Senate  House,  and,  in  some 
measure,  to  have  influence  in  the  choice  of  her 
ruler.  Claudius  was  not  ungrateful  to  his  ally  ;  he 
lauded  him  before  the  assembled  Senate,  raised  him 
to  the  dignity  of  consul,  and  made  him  king  of  all 
Palestine,  for  Judaea  and  Samaria  were  incorporated 
with  the  monarchy. 

As  a  remembrance  of  these  events,  the  emperor 
ordered  an  inscription  to  be  engraved  on  tablets  of 
bronze,  in  pedantic  imitation  of  the  classical  age, 
and  coins  to  be  struck,  bearing  on  one  side  two 
clasped  hands,  with  these  words,  "  Friendship  and 
comradeship  of  King  Agrippa  with  the  Senate  and 
the  Roman  people."  On  the  other  side  was  the 
emperor  between  two  figures,  and  the  inscription  : 
"  King  Agrippa,  friend  of  the  emperor."  The  king- 
dom of  Judaea  had  thus  recovered  its  full  extent ; 
indeed,  it  had  acquired  even  a  greater  area  than  it 
possessed  formerly  under  the  Hasmonaeans  and 
Herod  I. 

Herod  II.,  brother  and  son-in-law  of  King  Agrippa, 
received  from  Claudius  the  rank  of  Praetor,  and  was 
made  prince  of  Chalcis,  in  Lebanon.  The  Alex- 
andrian Judaeans  greatly  benefited  by  the  new  order 
of  things  which  was  brought  about  in  the  vast 
Roman  Empire  by  the  death  of  Caligula.  The 
emperor  Claudius  freed  the  Alabarch  Alexander, 
with  whom  he  was  on  friendly  terms,  from  the 
imprisonment  into  which  his  predecessor  had  thrown 
him,  and  settled  the  disputes  of  the  Alexandrians 
in  favor  of  the  Judaeans.  Caligula's  prejudice 
against  that  unfortunate  community  had  developed 


CH.  VII.  AGRIPPA    BECOMES    KING.  I9I 

their  Independence,  and  their  strength  was  far  from 
being  broken.  Their  rights  and  privileges  were 
fully  re-established  by  an  edict  of  the  new  emperor, 
and  they  were  placed  on  an  equal  footing  with 
the  Greek  inhabitants  of  Egypt.  The  dignity  of 
the  Alabarch  was  restored  by  the  emperor,  and 
this  was  most  important  to  the  Judaeans,  for  it 
assured  them  of  the  leadership  of  one  of  their  own 
race,  and  made  them  independent  of  the  Roman 
officials.  It  was  during  this  reign  that  Philo  gave 
the  wealth  of  his  learning  to  a  wide  circle  of  readers, 
and  was  instrumental  in  bringing  Judaean-Greek 
culture  to  its  zenith.  Claudius  extended  his  good- 
will to  the  Judaeans  of  the  entire  Roman  Empire, 
granting  them  complete  religious  freedom,  and  pro- 
tecting them  from  the  interference  of  the  pagans. 

When  Agrippa,  laden  with  honors,  left  Rome 
for  Judaea  to  take  possession  of  his  kingdom, 
his  subjects  remarked  that  some  great  change 
was  manifest  In  him,  and  that  the  stirring  revolu- 
tion In  Rome,  by  which  a  headstrong  emperor 
had  been  dethroned  In  favor  of  a  weak  one,  had 
deeply  impressed  their  own  monarch.  The  friv- 
olous Agrippa  returned  an  earnest-minded  man  ; 
the  courtier  had  given  place  to  the  patriot ;  the 
pleasure-loving  prince  to  the  conscientious  mon- 
arch, who  was  fully  aware  of  what  he  owed  his 
nation.  The  Herodlan  nature  had,  In  fact,  been 
entirely  subdued  by  the  Hasmonaean.  For  the  last 
time,  Judaea  enjoyed  under  his  reign  a  short  span  of 
undisturbed  happiness  ;  and  his  subjects,  won  by  his 
generous  affection,  which  even  risked  forfeiting  the 
good-will  of  Rome  In  their  cause,  repaid  him  with 
untiring  devotion,  the  bitterest  enemies  of  his 
scepter  becoming  his  ardent  supporters.  Historians 
do  not  weary  of  praising  Agrlppa's  loving  adher- 
ence to  Judaism  ;  It  seemed  as  if  he  were  endeav- 
oring to  rebuild  what  had  been  cast  down  by  Herod. 
He  mixed  freely  with  the  people  when  they  carried 


192  HISTORY    OF    THE    JKWS.  CH.  VII. 

the  first  fruits  into  the  Temple,  and  bore  his  own 
offering  of  fruit  or  grain  to  the  Sanctuary.  He 
re-established  the  old  law  that  obliged  the  king  to 
read  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  in  the  Court  of  the 
Temple  at  the  close  of  each  year  of  release.  Facing 
the  congregation,  Agrippa  performed  this  act  for  the 
first  time  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  42,  and  when 
he  came  to  the  verse,  "  From  amongst  your  brethren 
shall  you  choose  a  king,"  he  burst  into  a  passion 
of  tears,  for  he  was  painfully  aware  of  his  Idumaean 
descent,  and  knew  that  he  was  unworthy  of  being 
a  king  of  Judaea.  But  the  assembled  multitude, 
and  even  the  Pharisees,  exclaimed  with  enthusiasm  : 
"  Thou  art  our  brother  ;  thou  art  our  brother  !  " 

Agrippa's  careful  government  made  itself  felt 
throughout  the  entire  community.  Without  doubt 
the  Synhedrion,  under  the  presidency  of  Gamaliel  I. 
(ha-Zaken,  the  elder),  the  worthy  grandson  of 
Hillel,  was  permitted  to  take  the  management  of 
home  affairs  into  its  own  hands.  The  presidency 
acquired  greater  importance  under  Gamaliel  than 
it  had  enjoyed  before  ;  for  the  Synhedrion,  modeled 
upon  the  political  constitution  of  the  country,  par- 
took somewhat  of  a  monarchical  character.  The 
consent  of  the  president  was  required  for  the  inter- 
polation of  a  leap  year,  and  all  letters  or  mandates 
addressed  to  near  or  distant  communities  were 
sent  in  his  name.  The  formulae  of  these  letters, 
which  have  in  some  instances  been  handed  down 
to  us,  are  extremely  interesting,  both  in  contents 
and  form,  for  they  prove  that  all  Judsean  com- 
munities, as  well  as  their  representatives,  acknowl- 
edged the  supreme  authority  of  the  Synhedrion. 
Gamaliel  would  address  a  foreign  community  through 
the  pen  of  his  accomplished  secretary,  Jochanan,  in 
these  terms  :  "  To  our  brethren  in  Upper  and  Lower 
Galilee,  greeting  :  We  make  known  to  you  that  the 
time  has  arrived  for  the  ingathering  of  the  tithes  of 
your   olive   yards."     "  To  our  brethren,  the  exiles 


CH.  VII.  LIBERAL    LAWS.  1 93 

in  Babylon,  Media,  Greece  (Ionia),  and  to  all  other 
exiles,  greeting  :  We  make  known  to  you  that  as  in 
this  season  the  lambs  are  still  very  small,  and  the 
doves  have  not  yet  their  full-grown  wings,  the 
spring  being  very  backward  this  season,  it  pleases 
me  and  my  colleagues  to  prolong  the  year  by  thirty 
days." 

Many  excellent  laws  emanated  from  Gamaliel ; 
they  were  principally  directed  against  the  abuses 
that  had  crept  in,  or  were  aimed  at  promoting 
the  welfare  of  the  whole  community.  It  was  the 
true  spirit  of  Hillel  that  pervaded  the  laws  framed 
by  Gamaliel  for  the  intercourse  between  the  Judaeans 
and  the  heathens.  The  heathen  poor  were  permitted 
to  glean  the  fields  in  the  wake  of  the  reapers,  and 
were  treated  exactly  like  the  Judaean  poor,  and  the 
pagans  were  given  the  peace  greetings  upon  their 
own  festivals  when  they  were  following  their  own 
rites.  The  poor  in  all  towns  of  mixed  population 
received  equal  treatment ;  they  were  helped  in  time 
of  distress,  their  sick  were  nursed,  their  dead  were 
honorably  treated,  their  sorrowing  ones  were  com- 
forted, whether  they  were  pagans  or  Judaeans.  In 
these  ordinances,  so  full  of  kindly  feeling  towards 
the  heathen,  the  influence  of  Agnppa  is  plainly 
visible.  Rome  and  Judaea  had  for  the  moment  laid 
aside  their  mutual  antipathy,  and  their  intercourse 
was  characterized  by  love  and  forbearance.  The 
generosity  of  the  emperor  towards  the  Judaeans 
went  so  far  that  he  severely  punished  some  thought- 
less Greek  youths  in  the  town  of  Dora  for  attempting 
to  introduce  his  statues  into  the  synagogues.  The 
governor  Petronius  was  ordered  to  be  strict  in  the 
prevention  of  such  desecration. 

Agrippa  had  inherited  from  his  grandfather 
Herod  the  wish  to  be  popular  among  the  Greeks. 
As  Herod  had  sent  presents  to  Athens  and  other 
Greek  and  Ionian  towns,  so  his  grandson  conferred 
a  great   benefit   upon    the   degenerate   city,    once 


194  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

motner  of  the  arts,  a  benefit  which  her  citizens  did 
not  easily  forget.  He  also  showered  favors  upon 
the  inhabitants  of  Caesarea,  the  city  that  Herod  had 
raised  as  a  rival  of  Jerusalem,  and  upon  the  Greeks 
of  the  seaboard  Sebaste,  who  lived  in  their  own 
special  quarter.  These  recipients  of  his  benefits 
exerted  themselves  to  give  proofs  of  their  gratitude. 
The  people  of  Sebaste  raised  statues  to  his  three 
daughters,  and  struck  coins  in  his  honor,  bearing 
the  inscription — "  To  the  great  king  Agrippa,  friend 
of  the  emperor."  The  last  years  of  this  monarch's 
reign  were  happy  for  his  nation,  both  within  and 
without  the  kingdom  of  Judaea.  They  were  like  the 
rosy  flush  in  the  evening  sky  that  precedes,  not  the 
dawn  of  day,  but  the  blackness  of  night.  In  some 
respects  they  call  to  mind  the  reign  of  King  Josiah 
in  the  earlier  history  of  the  nation,  when  the  king- 
dom enjoyed  tranquillity  at  home  and  independence 
abroad,  with  no  dearth  of  intellectual  activity. 

Philo  visited  Jerusalem  during  Agrippa's  reign, 
and  was  able  to  take  part  in  the  people's  joy  at 
the  revocation  of  Caligula's  edicts.  Never  before 
had  the  first  fruits  been  carried  into  the  Temple 
with  greater  solemnity  or  with  more  heartfelt 
rejoicing.  To  the  bright  strains  of  musical  instru- 
ments the  people  streamed  into  the  Sanctuary  with 
their  offerings,  where  they  were  received  by  the 
most  distinguished  of  their  race.  A  psalm  was 
then  chanted,  which  described  how  the  worshipers 
had  passed  from  sorrow  into  gladness. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  a  great  queen,  followed 
by  her  numerous  retinue,  arrived  in  Jerusalem,  she 
having  renounced  paganism  for  Judaism,  thus  filling 
to  the  brim  the  cup  of  gladness  of  the  once  per- 
secuted but  now  honored  race. 

The  happy  era  of  Agrippa's  reign  was,  how- 
ever, not  to  be  of  long  duration.  Although  he  had 
gained  the  complete  confidence  of  the  emperor, 
the  Roman  dignitaries  looked  upon  him  with  sus- 


CH.  VII.  AGRIPPA    FORTIFIES    JERUSALEM.  1 95 

picion,  and  beheld  in  each  step  made  by  the  Judcean 
king  some  traces  of  disaffection  ;  and  they  were  not 
far  wrong.  For,  however  much  Agrippa  might 
coquet  with  Rome,  he  w^as  yet  determined  to  make 
Judsea  capable  of  resisting  that  great  power,  should 
an  encounter,  which  he  deemed  inevitable,  occur 
between  the  two.  His  people  should  not  be 
dependent  upon  the  caprice  of  one  individual. 
Thus  he  resolved  to  strengthen  Jerusalem.  He 
chose  for  this  purpose  the  suburb  of  Bezetha,  to 
the  northeast  of  the  city,  and  there  he  ordered 
powerful  fortifications  to  be  built.  They  were  to 
constitute  a  defense  for  the  fortress  of  Antonia, 
which  lay  between  Bezetha  and  Jerusalem.  He 
applied  to  Rome  for  the  necessary  permission, 
which  was  readily  granted  by  Claudius,  who  could 
deny  him  nothing,  and  the  Roman  favorites  who 
would  have  opposed  him  were  silenced  by  gifts. 
The  fortifications  were  commenced,  but  their  com- 
pletion was  interrupted  by  the  governor  of  Syria, 
Vibius  Marsus.  He  saw  through  Agrippa's  scheme, 
plainly  told  the  emperor  of  the  dangers  that  would 
surely  menace  Rome  if  Jerusalem  could  safely  set 
her  at  defiance,  and  succeeded  in  wringing  from 
Claudius  the  revocation  of  his  permission.  Agrippa 
was  forced  to  obey,  not  being  in  the  position  to 
openly  offer  resistance.  But  at  heart  he  determined 
upon  weakening  the  Roman  sway  in  Judsea.  To 
attain  these  ends,  he  allied  himself  secretly  with 
those  princes  with  whom  he  was  connected  by 
marriage  or  on  terms  of  friendly  relationship,  and 
invited  them  to  a  conference  at  Tiberias,  under  the 
pretext  of  meeting  for  general  amusement  and 
relaxation.  There  came  at  his  call  to  the  Galilean 
capital  Antiochus,  king  of  Commagene,  whose  son 
Epiphanes  was  affianced  to  Agrippa's  youngest 
daughter ;  Samsigeranus,  king  of  Emesa,  whose 
daughter  Jatape  was  married  to  Agrippa's  brother 
Aristobulus  ;  then  Cotys,  king  of  Armenia  Minor, 


196  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

Polemon,  prince  of  Cilicla,  and  lastly,  Herod, 
Agrippa's  brother,  prince  of  Chalcis.  All  these 
princes  owed  their  positions  to  Agrippa,  and  were 
therefore  liable  to  lose  them  at  the  accession  of 
the  next  emperor  or  at  the  instigation  of  some 
influential  person  at  the  court  of  Claudius.  But 
Marsus,  suspicious  of  this  understanding  between 
so  many  rulers,  and  distrustful  of  the  cause  that 
brought  them  together,  suddenly  presented  himself 
in  their  midst,  and,  with  the  ancient  Roman  blunt- 
ness,  bade  them  return  each  man  to  his  own  city. 
So  tremendous  was  the  power  of  Rome,  that  at  one 
word  from  an  underling  of  the  emperor  the  meeting 
was  annulled.  But  the  energy  and  perseverance 
of  Agrippa  would  probably  have  spared  Judsea  from 
any  possible  humiliation,  and  assured  her  future 
safety,  had  his  life  been  prolonged  ;  he  met,  how- 
ever, with  an  unexpected  death  at  the  age  of 
fifty-four.  Judaea's  star  sank  with  that  monarch, 
who  died,  like  Josiah,  the  last  great  king  of  the  pre- 
exilian  age,  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  the  de- 
struction of  his  State. 

It  soon  became  evident  that  the  Greek  inhabit- 
ants of  Palestine  had  but  dissembled  their  true 
feelings  in  regard  to  King  Agrippa.  Forgetful  of 
that  monarch's  benefits,  the  Syrians  and  Greeks  of 
the  city  of  Csesarea,  and  of  the  seaboard  of  Sebaste, 
solaced  themselves  by  heaping  abuse  upon  his 
memory,  and  by  offering  up  thank-offerings  to 
Charon  for  his  death.  The  Roman  soldiery  quar- 
tered in  those  towns  made  common  cause  with  the 
Greeks,  and  carried  the  statues  of  Agrippa's  daugh- 
ters into  brothels. 

Claudius  was  not  indifferent  to  the  insults  offered 
to  his  dead  friend's  memory.  He  was,  on  the  con- 
trary, anxious  to  raise  Agrippa's  son,  Agrippa  II., 
to  the  throne  of  Judaea.  But  in  this  he  was  opposed 
by  his  two  all-powerful  favorites,  Pallas  and  Nar- 
cissus, on  the  plea  of  the  prince's  youth  (he  was 


CH.  VII.  EMBASSY   TO    ROME.  I97 

seventeen  years  of  age),  and  Judaea  was  thus  allowed 
to  sink  once  more  into  a  Roman  province. 

However,  out  of  affection  and  respect  to  the  dead 
king,  the  emperor  gave  the  Judaian  governor  Cus- 
pius  Fadus  a  somewhat  independent  position  in 
regard  to  the  Syrian  governor  Vibius  Marsus,  who 
had  always  been  hostile  to  Agrippa  and  the  Ju- 
daeans.  It  was  his  soldiery  who  had  insulted  the 
memory  of  the  Judsean  monarch,  and  for  this 
cowardly  action  they  were  to  be  punished  and 
exiled  to  Pontus.  They  managed,  however,  to 
extort  a  pardon  from  the  emperor,  and  remained 
in  Judaea,  a  circumstance  which  contributed  not  a 
little  to  excite  the  bitterest  feelings  of  the  national 
party,  which  they  fully  returned.  They  could  ill 
control  their  hatred  of  the  Judaeans,  stinging  the 
latter  into  retaliation.  Companies  of  freebooters 
under  daring  leaders  prepared,  as  after  the  death 
of  Herod,  to  free  their  country  from  the  yoke  of 
Rome.  But  Fadus  was  prepared  for  this  rising. 
It  was  his  desire  to  strengthen  the  Roman  rule  in 
Judaea,  and  to  give  it  the  same  importance  that  it 
had  had  before  the  reign  of  Agrippa ;  and  to  this 
end  he  attempted  to  keep  the  selection  of  the  high 
priest  and  the  sacred  robes  in  his  own  hands.  But 
in  this  he  met  resistance  both  in  the  person  of  the 
high  priest  and  at  the  hands  of  Agrippa's  brother, 
Herod  II. 

Jerusalem  was  so  greatly  excited  by  these  pro- 
ceedings that  not  only  did  the  governor  Fadus 
appear  within  the  city,  but  he  was  accompanied  by 
Caius  Cassius  Longinus  at  the  head  of  his  troops. 
Herod  and  his  brother  Aristobulus  begged  for  a 
truce  of  hostilities,  as  they  were  anxious  to  send 
envoys  to  Rome.  This  they  were  allowed  to  do, 
only  on  the  condition  that  they  surrendered  them- 
selves as  hostages  for  the  preservation  of  peace. 
Having  willingly  complied,  an  embassy,  consisting 
of  four  men — Cornelius,  Tryphon,  Dorotheus,  and 


igS  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VII. 

John — started  for  Rome.  When  they  arrived  in 
that  city  they  were  introduced  to  the  emperor  by 
the  young  Agrippa.  Claudius,  still  faithful  to  his 
old  affection  for  the  Herodians,  granted  the  Ju- 
daeans  full  right  to  follow  their  own  laws,  and 
gave  Herod  permission  to  choose  the  high  priest 
of  the  Sanctuary.  Taking  instant  advantage  of  this 
permission,  Herod  raised  Joseph,  of  the  house  of 
Camith,  to  the  high  priesthood  in  the  place  of 
Elionai,  his  brother's  choice.  To  a  certain  extent 
Herod  II.  may  be  regarded  as  king  of  Judsea,  but 
he  exerted  no  influence  upon  the  course  of  political 
events.  All  legal  power  was  vested  in  the  hands 
of  the  governor ;  the  Synhedrion  lost,  under  the 
sway  of  his  successor,  the  power  which  it  had  re- 
gained under  Agrippa. 

Fadus  was  confronted  with  a  rising  of  another 
nature  during  his  governorship.  A  certain  Theudas 
appeared  as  prophet  or  messiah,  and  was  followed 
by  four  hundred  disciples,  for  the  messianic  redemp- 
tion was  quickly  growing  into  a  necessity  for  the 
nation.  To  give  proof  of  his  power  he  declared 
that  he  would  divide  the  waters  of  the  Jordan,  and 
would  lead  his  followers  safe  across  the  bed  of  the 
river.  But  when  his  band  of  disciples  approached 
the  riverside,  carrying  with  them  much  of  their 
worldly  possessions,  they  were  confronted  by  a 
troop  of  Fadus's  cavalry  soldiers,  who  slew  some, 
made  others  prisoners,  and  decapitated  their  leader. 

Shortly  after  these  events  Fadus  was  recalled 
from  Jerusalem,  and  his  place  was  taken  by  Tiberius 
Julius  Alexander,  son  of  the  Alabarch  Alexander, 
nephew  of  the  Judasan  philosopher  Philo.  Tiberius, 
who  had  espoused  paganism,  bore  already  the 
dignity  of  a  Roman  knight.  The  Emperor  believed 
doubtless  that  in  naming  a  Judsean  of  a  distinguished 
house  as  governor  over  the  land,  he  was  giving 
proof  of  his  friendliness  to  the  nation.  He  did  not 
imagine  that  their  sensitive  natures  would  be  vio- 


CH.  VII.     INSURRECTION  OF  THE  ZEALOTS.        1 99 

lently  opposed  to  the  fact  of  being  governed  by  a 
renegade.  The  people  seem  indeed  to  have  been 
most  uncomfortable  under  the  rule  of  Tiberius  ;  the 
zealots  lifted  up  their  heads  and  excited  an  insur- 
rection. They  were  led  by  Jacob  and  Simon  and 
the  sons  of  the  zealot  Judah,  but  no  details  of  this 
revolt  are  extant.  To  judge  by  the  severity  of  the 
sentence  passed  upon  the  ringleaders  by  the  gov- 
ernor, it  must  have  been  of  a  grave  character,  for 
the  two  brothers  suffered  crucifixion,  the  most  de- 
grading form  of  capital  punishment  amongst  the 
Romans.  Tiberius  Alexander  remained  only  two 
years  at  his  post.  He  was  afterwards  named  gov- 
ernor of  Egypt,  and  exercised  considerable  influence 
in  the  choice  of  the  emperor. 

Herod  II.,  king  of  Chalcis,  titular  king  of  Judsea, 
died  at  this  time  (48),  and  with  him  the  third  gene- 
ration of  Herodians  sank  into  the  grave. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SPREAD  OF  THE  JUD^AN   RACE,  AND  OF  JUDAISM. 

Distribution  of  the  Judaeans  in  the  Roman  Empire  and  in  Parthia  — 
Relations  of  the  various  Judaean  Colonies  to  the  Synhedrion  — 
Judasan  Bandits  in  Naarda — Heathen  Attacks  upon  Judaism  — 
Counter  Attacks  upon  Heathenism  by  Judaean  Writers  —  The 
Judaean  Sibyls  —  The  Anti-heathen  Literature  —  The  Book  of 
Wisdom  —  The  Allegorists  —  Philo's  Aims  and  Philosophical 
System  —  Proselytes  —  The  Royal  House  of  Adiabene  —  The 
Proselyte  Queen  Helen  —  The  Apostle  Paul— His  Character  — 
Change  in  his  Attitude  towards  the  Pharisees  —  His  Activity  as 
a  Conversionist  —  His  Treatment  of  the  Law  of  Moses  —  The 
Doctrines  of  Peter  —  Judaic-Christians  and  Heathen-Christians, 

40—49  C.  E. 

Round  the  very  cradle  of  the  Judaean  race  there  had 
rung  prophetic  strains,  telHng  of  endless  wanderings 
and  dispersions.  No  other  people  had  ever  heard 
such  alarming  predictions,  and  they  were  being  ful- 
filled in  all  their  literal  horror.  There  was  hardly 
a  corner  in  the  two  great  predominant  kingdoms  of 
that  time,  the  Roman  and  the  Parthian,  in  which 
Judaeans  were  not  living,  and  where  they  had  not 
formed  themselves  into  a  religious  community.  The 
shores  of  the  great  midland  sea,  and  the  outlets  of 
all  the  principal  rivers  of  the  old  world,  of  the  Nile, 
the  Euphrates,  the  Tigris,  and  the  Danube,  were 
peopled  with  Judaeans.  A  cruel  destiny  seemed  to 
be  ever  thrusting  them  away  from  their  central  home. 
Yet  this  dispersion  was  the  work  of  Providence  and 
was  to  prove  a  blessing.  The  continuance  of  the 
Judaean  race  was  thus  assured.  Down-trodden  and 
persecuted  in  one  country,  they  fled  to  another, 
where  the  old  faith,  which  became  ever  dearer  to 
them,  found  a  new  home.  Seeds  were  scattered 
here  and  there,  destined  to  carry  far  and  wide  the 
knowledge   of  God    and    the    teachings    of    pure 


CH.  VIII.  THE    DISPERSED    JUD^EANS.  20I 

morality.  Just  as  the  Greek  colonies  kindled  in 
various  nations  the  love  of  art  and  culture,  and 
the  Roman  settlements  gave  rise  in  many  lands 
to  communities  governed  by  law,  so  had  the  far 
wider  dispersion  of  the  oldest  civilized  people  con- 
tributed to  overthrow  the  errors  and  combat  the 
sensual  vices  of  the  heathen  world.  In  spite  of  being 
thus  scattered,  the  members  of  the  Judaean  people 
were  not  completely  divided  from  one  another ; 
they  had  a  common  center  of  union  in  the  Temple 
of  Jerusalem  and  in  the  Synhedrion  which  met  in 
the  hall  of  hewn  stone,  and  to  these  the  dispersed 
communities  clung  with  loving  hearts.  Towards 
them  their  looks  were  ever  fondly  directed,  and  by 
sending  their  gifts  to  the  Temple  they  continued  to 
participate,  at  least  by  their  contributions,  in  the 
sacrificial  worship.  From  the  Synhedrion  they  re- 
ceived their  code  of  laws,  which  they  followed  the 
more  willingly  as  it  was  not  forced  upon  them.  The 
Synhedrion,  from  time  to  time,  sent  deputations  to 
the  different  communities,  both  far  and  near,  to 
acquaint  them  with  the  most  important  decisions. 

The  visits  paid  to  the  Temple  by  the  Judseans 
who  lived  out  of  Palestine,  strengthened  the  bond  of 
unity,  and  these  visits  must  have  been  of  frequent 
occurrence,  for  they  necessitated  the  creation  of 
many  places  of  worship  in  Jerusalem  where  the  vari- 
ous foreign  Judseans  met  for  prayer.  The  capital 
contained  synagogues  of  the  Alexandrians,  Cyre- 
nians.  Libertines,  Elymseans,  and  Asiatics.  One  can 
form  some  idea  of  the  vast  numbers  of  Judaeans  exist- 
ing at  that  period  if  one  considers  that  Egypt  alone, 
from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Ethiopian  boundary, 
contained  nearly  a  million.  In  the  neighboring 
country  of  Cyrenaica,  there  were  likewise  many 
Judaeans,  some  having  been  forcibly  transplanted 
thither  from  Egypt,  whilst  others  were  voluntary 
emigrants.  In  many  parts  of  Syria,  and  especially 
in  its  capital,  Antioch,  the  Judaeans  formed  a  con- 


202  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

siderable  portion  of  the  population.  The  kings  of 
Syria  who  succeeded  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had 
reinstated  them  in  all  their  rights,  of  which  the  half- 
insane  Epiphanes  had  robbed  them.  One  of  these 
kings  had  even  given  them  some  of  the  utensils 
taken  from  the  Temple,  and  these  were  preserved 
in  their  synagogue.  About  ten  thousand  Judaeans 
lived  at  Damascus,  and  one  of  their  nobles  was 
made  ethnarch  over  them  by  the  Nabathaean  king, 
Aretas  Philodemus,  just  as  in  Alexandria  one  of 
their  most  distinguished  members  was  elected  chief 
of  the  community.  To  the  great  capital  of  the 
world,  Rome,  the  point  of  attraction  for  the  ambi- 
tious and  the  grasping,  the  discontented  and  the 
visionaries,  the  Judaeans  returned  in  such  masses 
after  their  expulsion  by  Tiberius,  that  when  the 
Emperor  Claudius  determined,  from  some  un- 
known cause,  upon  expelling  them  again,  he  was 
only  deterred,  by  fear  of  their  great  numbers, 
from  endeavoring  to  carry  out  his  intention.  Mean- 
while he  forbade  their  religious  meetings.  Towards 
the  end  of  his  reign,  however,  on  account  of  some 
disturbances  occasioned  by  a  certain  Christian 
apostle,  Chrestus,  they  were  probably,  but  only  in 
part,  banished  from  Rome. 

Even  greater  than  in  Europe,  Syria  and  Africa 
was  the  number  of  Judaeans  in  the  Parthian  Empire. 
They  were  the  descendants  of  former  exiles,  who 
owned  large  tracts  of  country  in  Mesopotamia  and 
Babylonia.  Two  youths  from  Naarda  (Nahardea 
on  the  Euphrates)  called  Asinai  (Chasinai)  and 
Anilai  (Chanilai)  founded  in  the  vicinity  of  that  town 
a  robber  settlement,  which  spread  terror  along  the 
bordering  countries.  Just  as  Naarda  and  Nisibis 
became  the  central  points  for  the  countries  of  the 
Euphrates,  there  arose  in  every  land  a  central 
nucleus  from  which  Judaean  colonies  spread  them- 
selves out  into  neighboring  lands,  from  Asia  Minor 
on  the  one  side,  towards  the  Black  Sea  on  the  other, 


CH.  VIII.  JUD.^ANS    AND    HEATHENS.  203 

towards  Greece  and  the  Islands.  Athens,  Corinth, 
Thessalonica,  and  Philippi  contained  Judaean  com- 
munities. There  is  no  doubt  that  from  Rome 
Judaean  colonies  went  forth  westward  to  the  south 
of  France  and  Spain. 

The  effect  produced  by  the  Judseans  upon  the 
heathens  was  at  first  repellent.  Their  peculiar 
mode  of  living,  their  dress  and  their  religious  views, 
caused  them  to  be  considered  as  strange,  enigmat- 
ical, mysterious  beings,  who  at  one  moment  inspired 
awe,  and  at  another  derision  and  contempt.  So 
thorough  was  the  opposition  between  the  Judaeans 
and  the  heathens  that  it  manifested  itself  in  all  their 
actions.  Everything  that  was  holy  in  the  eyes  of 
the  heathens  was  looked  upon  with  horror  by  the 
Judaeans,  whilst  objects  of  indifference  to  the  former 
were  considered  sacred  by  the  latter.  The  with- 
drawal of  the  Judaeans  from  the  repasts  enjoyed  in 
common  by  their  fellow-citizens,  their  repugnance  to 
intermarriages  with  the  heathens,  their  abhorrence 
of  the  flesh  of  swine,  and  their  abstinence  from  warm 
food  on  the  Sabbath,  were  considered  as  the  outcome 
of  a  perverse  nature,  whilst  their  keeping  aloof  from 
intimate  intercourse  with  any  but  their  own  co- 
religionists was  deemed  a  proof  of  their  enmity 
towards  mankind  in  general.  The  serious  nature 
of  the  Judaeans,  which  prevented  their  participation 
in  childish  amusements  and  mimic  combats,  appeared 
to  those  around  them  the  sign  of  a  gloomy  dispo- 
sition, which  could  find  no  pleasure  in  the  bright  and 
the  beautiful.  Superficial  persons,  therefore,  re- 
garded Judaism  only  as  a  barbarous  superstition, 
which  instilled  hatred  towards  the  generality  of  men, 
whilst  the  more  thoughtful  and  discerning  were 
filled  with  admiration  by  the  pure  and  spiritual 
worship  of  one  God,  by  the  affection  and  sympathy 
which  bound  the  Judaeans  together,  and  by  the  vir- 
tues of  chastity,  temperance  and  fortitude  which 
characterized  them. 


204  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

Paganism,  with  the  immoral  Hfe  which  sprang 
from  it,  stood  revealed  in  all  its  nakedness  to  the 
keen  sight  of  the  Judaeans.  The  dreary  idolatry  of 
the  heathen,  with  its  fabulous  mythology  which  made 
divine  nature  even  lower  than  the  human,  the  mad- 
ness which  allowed  wicked  emperors  to  be  worshiped 
as  gods,  the  sensuality  which  had  prevailed  since 
the  fall  of  Greece  and  the  closer  connection  of  the 
Romans  with  demoralized  nations,  the  daily  spec- 
tacle of  evil  lives  and  broken  marriage  vows,  the  bac- 
chanalian intoxication  of  superstition,  unbelief,  and 
bestialities,  fostered  the  pride  of  the  Judaeans  in  their 
own  spiritual  and  intellectual  possessions,  and  urged 
them  to  make  the  superiority  of  Judaism  over  heath- 
enism manifest.  In  places  where  the  Grecian  lan- 
guage facilitated  exchange  of  thought,  as  in  Egypt, 
Asia  Minor  and  Greece,  there  was  considerable 
mental  friction  between  the  Judaeans  and  the  heath- 
ens. Judaism,  as  it  were,  summoned  paganism  to 
appear  before  the  tribunal  of  truth,  and  there  placed 
its  own  sublime  faith  beside  the  low,  degrading  forms 
of  belief  of  its  adversary. 

The  Judaeans  were  deeply  anxious  to  impart  the 
burning  convictions  that  filled  their  hearts  to  the 
blind,  deluded  heathens,  and  to  attain  that  object, 
their  religion  being  hated  by  the  latter,  some  of  the 
most  cultivated  among  the  Judaeans  had  recourse 
to  a  sort  of  pious  fraud,  by  which  heathen  poets  and 
soothsayers  were  made  to  bear  witness  to  the  beauty 
and  grandeur  of  Judaism.  Skilful  imitations  in 
verse,  enunciating  Judsean  doctrines,  were  placed 
by  Judaean-Grecian  writers  in  the  mouth  of  the  mist- 
shrouded  singer  Orpheus,  and  introduced  among 
the  strains  of  Sophocles,  the  tragic  poet  who  had 
celebrated  the  all-powerful  gods.  When  Rome  had 
extended  her  empire  far  and  wide,  and  the  legends 
of  the  prophetic  Sibyls  had  become  known  through 
many  lands,  Judaean  poets  hastened  to  make  the 
latter  stand  sponsors  to  tenets   and   views   which 


CH.  VIII.  THE    JUD^AN    SIBYL.  205 

they  durst  not  proclaim  themselves,  or  which,  if 
given  in  their  own  name,  would  have  obtained  no 
hearing.  In  an  oracular  form  the  Sibyl  was  made 
to  reveal  the  deep  meaning  of  Judaism,  to  stir  the 
hearts  of  the  people  by  pictures  of  the  awful  result 
of  infidelity  to  God,  and  to  offer  to  nations  engaged 
in  bloody  conflict  the  olive  branch  of  peaceful  amity, 
opening  out  to  them  bright  prospects  of  the  happier 
times,  predicted  by  the  Seers,  to  those  who  believed 
in  the  eternal  God  of  Judaism  ;  and  the  Sibyl  spoke 
in  prophetic  strains  of  the  glorious  future,  when  all 
the  nations  of  the  earth  would  rejoice  in  the  bless- 
ings of  the  Messianic  kingdom. 

"Unhappy  Greece,  cease  proudly  to  exalt  thyself;  offer  prayers 
for  help  to  the  immortal  and  lofty  One,  and  take  heed  of  thy  ways. 
Serve  the  mighty  God,  so  that  thou  also  mayest  find  thy  portion 
among  the  good  when  the  end  will  have  come  and  the  day  of  judg- 
ment, according  to  the  will  of  God,  will  rise  up  before  man.  Then 
will  the  teeming  earth  give  abundantly  to  mortals  the  fairest  fruits  of 
the  vine  and  the  olive  and  choicest  nourishing  seeds.  Also  sweet 
honey  dropping  from  heaven,  and  trees  with  their  fruit,  and  fat  sheep. 
Likewise  oxen  and  lambs  and  the  kids  of  the  goat.  For  them  rivers 
of  milk  will  flow,  sweet  and  white.  The  cities  will  be  filled  with 
merchandise,  the  earth  will  be  rich,  and  there  will  be  no  more  war  or 
ifearful  sound  of  fighting.  Nor  will  the  earth,  loud  groaning,  quake 
and  be  rent.  War  will  cease,  and  there  will  be  no  drought  upon  the 
lands,  no  more  famine  or  fruit-destroying  hail.  But  great  peace  will 
reign  over  all  the  world,  and  to  the  end  of  time  each  king  will  be  the 
other's  friend,  and  under  one  law  will  the  people  of  the  whole  world 
be  governed  by  the  Eternal  God,  enthroned  in  the  starry  heavens — 
one  law  for  all  weak,  pitiable  men  ;  for  He  is  one  God,  and  there  is 
no  other,  and  the  wicked  He  will  cast  into  the  flames." 

The  aim  of  a  long  series  of  prose  writings  of 
the  Judsean-Grecian  school  was  to  set  forth  the  futil- 
ity and  defects  of  paganism  on  the  one  hand,  and 
on  the  other  to  display  Judaism  in  its  most  favor- 
able light,  and  thus  to  induce  the  heathen  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  tenets  of  the  latter.  Heathen 
kings  who  had  been  convinced  that  idolatry  was 
empty  and  vain,  and  that  by  Judaism,  on  the  con- 
trary, truth  was  revealed  were  pointed  out  as  ex- 
amples. 

"The  Book  of  Wisdom  "  was  even  more  decided 
and  vigorous  in  its  denunciations  of  paganism  than 


206  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  VHI. 

the  Sibylline  writings.  Its  unknown  author  grave 
with  philosophical  acumen,  but  in  a  poetical  garb, 
a  truthful  exposition  of  idolatry,  showed  it  to  be 
the  cause  of  vice  and  immorality,  and  then,  in 
marked  contrast  to  these  dark  shadows,  made  Ju- 
daism shine  with  increased  purity  and  luster.  It 
was  the  wisdom  of  Judaism,  embodied,  as  it  were, 
in  the  wise  King  Solomon,  that  presented  these 
views,  and  in  his  name,  turning  to  the  monarchs  of 
the  earth  (the  Roman  governors),  rebukes  their 
shameless  self-deification.  "  Love  righteousness,  ye 
rulers  of  the  earth,"  exclaims  the  Wisdom  of  Sol- 
omon, "  recognize  the  Lord  in  goodness,  and  seek 
Him  in  simplicity  of  heart"  (Book  of  Wisdom,  i.  i). 
According  to  this  author,  the  invention  of  idols  was 
the  cause  of  lasclviousness,  and  leads  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  life.  Idolatry  did  not  exist  from  the  begin- 
ning, neither  will  it  last  forever.  It  arose  through 
the  vanity  and  ignorance  of  man,  and  would  endure 
but  a  short  time.  A  father,  suddenly  plunged  into 
deepest  grief  by  the  death  of  a  child,  perhaps  made 
for  himself  an  image  of  the  latter ;  by  degrees 
he  worshiped  the  lifeless  figure  as  a  god,  and 
insisted  upon  the  observance  by  his  dependants  of 
mystical  rites  in  its  honor.  In  the  course  of  time 
this  godless  practice  became  law,  and  images,  by 
the  order  of  despots,  received  the  worship  of  the 
people.  In  the  absence  of  the  monarch,  when  he 
could  not  be  personally  adored  by  his  subjects,  the 
tyrant  was  flattered  by  the  incense  offered  to  his 
image.  The  ambition  of  the  artist  also  fostered  the 
growth  of  idolatry  among  the  ignorant  masses.  To 
please  the  potentates  of  the  earth  he  strove  to  make 
his  images  as  beautiful  as  possible,  and  the  public, 
dazzled  by  the  splendor  and  grace  of  the  work, 
worshiped  as  gods  those  whom  they  previously  rev- 
erenced as  men.  Such  beautiful  productions  of  art 
became  a  snare  to  those  whom  misfortune  or  tyranny 
had  enslaved,  and   induced   them   to  deify  carved 


CH.  VIII.  THE    BOOK    OF    WISDOM.  207 

Stone  and  wood,  and  to  bestow  on  them  the  uncom- 
municable  name  of  God.  Not  alone  do  the  people 
err  in  their  religious  creed,  but  they  live  in  constant 
strife  with  one  another  and  call  it  peace  ;  infanticide 
is  celebrated  as  a  rite,  they  observe  dark,  myste- 
rious ceremonies,  and  are  guilty  of  unchastity. 
Each  one  plays  the  part  of  spy  on  the  other,  or 
wounds  his  friend  in  his  dearest  honor.  All,  with- 
out distinction,  thirst  for  blood,  love  plunder,  and 
practice  cunning,  perjury,  deceit,  ingratitude,  and 
every  description  of  impurity.  For  the  worship  of 
vain  idols  is  the  beginning,  cause,  and  end  of  every 
evil  thing.  "  For  health  he  calleth  upon  that  which 
is  weak,  for  life  prayeth  to  that  which  is  dead,  for 
aid  humbly  beseecheth  that  which  hath  least  means 
to  help"  (Book  of  Wisdom,  xiii.  i8). 

After  the  author  has  thus  shown  the  vanity  of 
idolatry,  he  attempts  to  describe  the  fundamental 
truths  of  Judaism : 

"  There  is  no  God  but  Him  whom  the  Jews  adore.  Divine  wisdom 
preserved  the  first-born,  saved  the  righteous  (Noah)  from  the  flood, 
upheld  the  righteous  (Abraham)  in  innocence  before  God,  deUvered 
the  holy  seed  (the  Judsean  people)  from  the  oppression  of  the  nations, 
filled  the  soul  of  the  servant  of  God  (Moses),  who  appeared  before 
kings  with  terrible  signs  and  wonders.  Israel  is  the  upright  one 
whom  God  has  chosen.  He  possesses  the  knowledge  of  the  Divine 
Being,  and  may  call  himself  the  Son  of  God,  who  in  His  mercy 
sustains  and  upholds  him." 

These  righteous  ones  will  have  eternal  life.  When 
Israel  is  persecuted  by  the  rulers  of  the  earth,  be- 
cause his  path  lies  apart  from  theirs,  and  he  condemns 
their  godless  ways,  turns  from  them  as  unclean,  and 
calls  God  his  Father  ;  when  the  nations  of  the  earth 
torture  him  and  put  him  to  a  shameful  death — these 
are  only  trials  imposed  by  God  on  His  chosen  one, 
to  prove  him  and  make  him  worthy  of  His  grace. 
He  tries  him  like  gold  in  the  furnace,  and  accepts 
him  as  a  pure  offering.  Israel  shall  judge  the 
nations,  and  have  dominion  over  the  people,  and 
their  God  shall  reign  forever. 


208  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

"  Then  will  the  upright  one  stand  firmly  before  his  oppressors. 
They  will  be  troubled  with  great  fear  ;  they  will  be  amazed  at  his 
glorious  salvation,  and  repenting  they  will  say,  'This  was  he  whom 
we  had  in  derision,  and  of  whom  we  made  a  laughing-stock.  Igno- 
rantly  we  accounted  his  life  madness,  and  his  end  to  be  without 
honor.  Andnowheis  numbered  among  the  children  of  God  and  his 
lot  is  among  the  saints.  We  strayed  from  the  way  of  truth,  and  the 
light  of  righteousness  did  not  shine  for  us.'  Israel  was  the  instru- 
ment through  which  God  gave  the  world  the  undying  light  of  the  law. 
In  all  things  did  the  Lord  magnify  His  people  and  glorify  them  ;  He 
abandoned  them  not,  but  assisted  them  in  every  time  and  place." 
(Book  of  Wisdom.) 

Like  the  Babylonian  Isaiah,  the  Alexandrian- 
Judaean  sage  contemplated  his  ideal  in  Israel,  of 
whom  a  noble  mission  was  required,  and  who  would 
hereafter  shine  in  glory. 

Whilst  the  Alexandrian  Judaeans  were  absorbed 
in  Grecian  literature  and  philosophy,  and  were 
using  that  melodious  language  as  a  weapon 
against  paganism  and  the  immorality  it  fostered, 
they  were  carried  beyond  the  object  they  had 
in  view.  Their  desire  was  to  make  Judaism  ac- 
ceptable to  the  cultivated  Greeks,  but  in  follow- 
ing out  that  design  it  was,  in  some  degree,  lost 
to  themselves.  Greek  conceptions  had  so  com- 
pletely taken  possession  of  their  thoughts  that  at 
last  they  came  to  find  in  the  teachings  of  Judaism 
the  current  speculations  of  the  Greeks.  The  faith 
that  they  had  inherited  was,  however,  still  dear  to 
them,  and  they  managed,  through  sophistical  means, 
to  deceive  themselves  into  a  belief  of  the  genuine- 
ness of  their  exposition.  The  Holy  Scripture  could 
not,  indeed,  always  offer  apposite  passages  to  the 
prevailing  philosophy,  but  the  Judsean-Alexandrian 
authors  knew  how  to  help  themselves  out  of  that 
difficulty.  They  followed  the  example  of  Greek 
writers,  who  found  their  own  views  of  the  world  in 
the  poems  of  Homer,  or  put  them  there,  and  to 
accomplish  that  feat,  employed  a  peculiar  kind  of 
sophistical  word-pictures.  Thus  the  Judaean  think- 
ers of  that  period,  in  their  interpretations  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  had  recourse  to  allegory,  and  in- 


CH.  VIII.  THE    ALLEGORISTS.  SOQ 

Stead  of  the  plain,  natural  meaning  of  a  work,  often 
gave  it  a  different  and  seemingly  higher  import. 
Starting  with  the  assumption  that  the  Scriptures 
cannot  always  receive  a  literal  explanation  without 
the  divine  glory's  being  tarnished  and  many  biblical 
characters  being  degraded,  they  resorted  to  the 
arts  of  allegory  and  metaphor.  This  method  be- 
came so  general  that  even  the  masses  lost  all 
pleasure  in  the  simple  stories  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, and  took  more  delight  in  artificial  explana- 
tions than  in  the  plain  lessons  and  sublime  laws 
of  their  sacred  books.  The  pious  men,  who  were 
wont  to  explain  the  Scriptures  on  the  Sabbath, 
were  obliged,  in  compliance  with  the  taste  of  the 
time,  to  allegorize  both  the  history  and  the  lessons 
contained  in  them.  One  result  of  this  method 
was  the  indifference  that  manifested  itself  among 
the  cultivated  Judaeans  of  Alexandria  to  the  prac- 
tice of  the  religion  of  their  fathers.  Allegory  un- 
dermined the  ramparts  that  fenced  the  Law.  If 
the  latter  was  only  the  garment  in  which  philo- 
sophical ideas  were  robed,  if  the  Sabbath  was 
merely  intended  to  record  the  power  of  uncreated 
divinity,  and  the  rite  of  circumcision  was  only 
meant  to  show  the  necessity  of  placing  a  curb  on 
the  passions,  it  would  be  sufficient  to  understand 
and  adopt  the  ideas  underlying  those  forms.  Of 
what  use  would  be  the  practice  of  the  latter? 
From  indifference  to  the  practice  of  the  laws  to 
the  desertion  of  Judaism  itself  there  was  only  one 
step,  and  thus  can  be  explained  the  apostasy  to 
paganism  of  some  Judaeans  who  were  unable  to 
withstand  the  difficulties  and  constant  pressure  they 
had  to  encounter.  It  was  also  among  the  Alex- 
andrian Judaeans  that  the  conflict  between  science 
and  faith  first  appeared. 

The  indifference  towards  Judaism  was  combated, 
indeed,  by  many  who  had  not  wholly  given  them- 
selves up  to   Greek   culture.     Philo,  the   greatest 


2IO  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

genius  which  Alexandrian  Judaism  produced,  op- 
posed the  kikewarm  spirit  and  the  feeHngs  of  con- 
tempt which  had  grown  up  against  the  practice  of 
the  Law.  In  his  elevated  and  inspired  diction 
he  urged  the  obligation  of  adhering  to  the  letter  of 
the  Law,  and  induced  his  co-religionists  to  regard  it 
again  with  love  and  reverence.  Philo  indeed  shared 
some  of  the  errors  and  prejudices  of  his  contempor- 
aries, but  with  his  clear  intelligence,  he  soared  above 
the  mists  which  enthroned  them.  He  likewise  made 
exaggerated  use  of  the  allegorical  method  employed 
by  his  predecessors,  and  agreed  with  them  in  apply- 
ing it  to  the  entire  Pentateuch,  or  at  least  to  the 
greater  part  of  its  history  and  laws.  To  carry  out 
this  metaphorical  line  of  scriptural  interpretation  he 
devised  symbolic  numbers,  explained  Hebrew  by 
Greek  words,  and  from  one  and  the  same  sentence 
deduced  different  and  opposite  conclusions.  To 
Philo  allegorical  exposition  became  almost  a  neces- 
sity. Had  he  not  already  found  it  in  use,  he  would 
doubtless  have  invented  it. 

He  wished  to  give  the  sanction  of  Holy  Writ  to 
the  great  thoughts  which  were  partly  the  produc- 
tions of  his  own  rich  mind,  partly  adopted  from  the 
philosophical  schools  of  the  Academy,  the  Stoics 
and  the  Neo-Pythagoreans.  Sharing,  and  indeed, 
surpassing  in  perversity  the  allegorical  explana- 
tions he  found  in  vogue,  he  departed  from  them 
just  in  that  essential  point  which  told  against  the 
necessity  of  the  practice  of  the  Law,  and  in  that  lay 
his  chief  importance.  He  expresses  himself  with 
decision  and  force  against  those  who,  satisfied  with 
the  spiritual  meaning  contained  in  the  Law,  are 
indifferent  to  the  Law  itself.  He  calls  them  super- 
ficial and  thoughtless,  acting  as  though  they  lived 
in  a  desert,  or  as  incorporeal  beings  who  knew 
neither  of  town  nor  village  nor  dwelling,  or  who,  in 
fact,  entertained  no  intercourse  with  human  beings, 
despising   what   is    dear   to  mankind,  and  seeking 


CH.  VIII.  PHILO  S    PHILOSOPHICAL   SYSTEM.  211 

only  abstract  spiritual  truths.  The  holy  word,  how- 
ever, while  teaching-  us  to  seek  out  diligently  the 
deepest  spiritual  meaning  of  the  Law,  does  not  cancel 
our  obligation  of  adhering  to  customs  introduced 
by  inspired  men  who  were  in  all  things  infinitely 
greater  than  ourselves.  Shall  we,  because  we  know 
the  spiritual  meaning  of  the  Sabbath,  neglect  its 
prescribed  observance  ?  *'  Shall  we,"  he  exclaims, 
"  make  use  of  fire  on  the  Sabbath,  till  the  ground, 
carry  burdens,  plead  in  courts  of  justice,  enforce 
the  payment  of  debts,  and,  in  fact,  transact  all  our 
usual  daily  business  ?  Shall  we,  because  a  festival 
symbolizes  the  peace  of  the  soul,  and  is  intended  as 
an  expression  of  gratitude  to  God,  cease  to  observe 
the  festival  itself?  Or  shall  we  give  up  the  rite  of 
circumcision  now  that  we  are  acquainted  .with  its 
symbolic  significance  ?  In  that  case  we  should  like- 
wise renounce  our  reverence  for  the  sanctity  of  the 
Temple  and  abandon  many  religious  observances. 
But,  on  the  contrary,  both  the  inner  truth  contained 
in  the  Law,  and  the  Law  itself,  should  be  equally 
prized — the  one  as  the  soul,  the  other  as  the  body. 
Just  as  we  take  care  of  the  body,  looking  upon  it  as 
the  habitation  of  the  soul,  so  also  should  we  value 
the  letter  of  the  Law.  By  strict  observance  of  the 
Law  we  shall  attain  a  clearer  insight  into  its  deepest 
meaning,  and  shall  likewise  escape  the  remarks  and 
reproaches  of  the  people." 

It  is  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  according  to  Phllo, 
that  the  most  profound  wisdom  is  contained.  All 
that  is  taught  by  the  sublimest  philosophy  the  Ju- 
daeans  found  in  their  precepts  and  customs — the 
knowledge  of  the  eternal  God,  the  vanity  of  idols, 
and  the  universal  laws  of  humanity  and  kindness. 
"  Is  not  the  highest  honor  due,"  he  exclaims,  "  to 
those  laws  which  teach  the  rich  to  share  their  wealth 
with  the  needy,  which  console  the  poor  by  enabling 
them  to  look  forward  to  the  time  when  they  will  no 
longer  beg  at  the  rich  man's  door,  but  will  have 


212  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIIl. 

recovered  their  alienated  property  ;  for,  at  the  open 
ing  of  the  seventh  year,   prosperity  would    return 
again    to    the  widow  and   the    orphan,  and    would 
restore  to  well-being  those  whom  fortune  had  disin- 
herited ?"    _ 

In  opposition  to  the  abuse  hurled  against  Judaism 
by  a  Lysimachus  and  an  Apion,  Philo  brings  forward 
the  spirit  of  humanity  which  breathes  through  the 
Judaean  Law,  and  which  affects  even  the  treatment 
of  animals  and  plants.  "And  yet,  though  Judaism  is 
founded  in  truth  on  love,  these  miserable  sycophants 
accuse  it  of  misanthropy  and  egotism."  In  order 
to  ensure  a  better  comprehension  of  the  Judaean 
ethics  by  the  cynics  and  lawbreakers  of  his  own 
race,  as  also  by  the  Greeks,  who  had  only  a  false 
conception  of  Judaism,  Philo  arranged  his  writings 
so  that  they  should  form  a  kind  of  philosophical 
commentary  on  the  Pentateuch,  with  the  further 
object  that  the  truths  of  Judaism  might  be  brought 
within  the  province  of  philosophy. 

But  if,  on  the  one  hand,  Philo  stood  firmly  on  Ju- 
daean ground,  on  the  other  he  was  no  less  imbued 
with  the  dogmas  of  the  Grecian  schools,  which  ran 
counter  to  the  former,  and  he  seems  to  have  been 
equally  swayed  by  the  spirit  of  Judaism  and  that  of 
Greece.  Vainly  he  attempted  to  bring  the  contra- 
dictory ideas  into  harmony.  They  were  so  com- 
pletely opposed  from  their  very  inception  that  they 
could  not  be  reconciled.  To  solve  the  difficulty 
between  the  conflicting  views  of  a  creating  God  and 
a  perfect  deity  who  does  not  come  into  contact  with 
matter,  Philo's  system  takes  a  middle  course.  God 
created  first  the  spiritual  world  of  ideas,  which  were 
not  merely  the  archetypes  of  all  future  creations,  but 
at  the  same  time  active  powers  which  formed  the 
latter.  Through  these  spiritual  powers  which  sur- 
round God  like  a  train  of  servitors.  He  works  indi- 
rectly in  the  world.  Spiritual  power  acting,  as  it 
were,  intermediately  between  God  and  the  world  is, 


CH.  VIII.  PHILO  S    PHILOSOPHICAL   SYSTEM.  213 

according  to  Philo,  the  Logos,  or  creative  reason, 
the  divine  wisdom,  the  spirit  of  God,  the  source  of 
all  strength.  In  Philo's  more  mystical  than  philo- 
sophical description,  the  Logos  is  the  first-born  son 
of  God,  who,  standing  on  the  border-land  of  the 
finite  and  infinite,  links  both  together.  He  is  neither 
uncreated  like  God,  nor  created  like  the  things  that 
are  finite.  The  Logos  is  the  prototype  of  the  uni- 
verse, the  delegate  of  God,  whose  behests  it  com- 
municates to  the  world,  the  interpreter  who  reveals 
His  will  and  constantly  accomplishes  it,  the  arch- 
angel who  shows  forth  his  works,  the  high  priest 
and  intercessor  between  the  world  and  God.  Early 
Christianity  made  use  of  this  doctrine  of  the  Logos 
in  order  to  assume  a  philosophic  aspect. 

The  princely  philosopher  of  the  house  of  the 
Alabarchs  combated  the  Greek  and  Roman  pagan- 
ism, steeped  in  vice  and  bestiality.  His  exposition 
of  the  Judaean  Law  was  designed  to  darken  still 
more,  by  comparison  with  the  pure  light  of  Judaism, 
the  shadows  of  idolatry,  the  sexual  looseness,  frivol- 
ity, vanity  and  corruption  which  existed  in  the  Gre- 
cian-Roman world.  He  tried  to  show  how  false 
were  the  accusations  hurled  against  Judaism,  and  to 
make  known  the  sublime  grandeur  and  beauty  of  its 
tenets.  His  principal  works  were  written  for  his 
own  people  and  co-religionists,  though  he  frequently 
addressed  those  who  stood  outside  that  circle. 
Against  the  few  laws  of  humanity  which  the  Greeks 
boasted  to  have  possessed  from  ancient  times,  as, 
for  example  that  of  granting  fuel  to  any  one  requir- 
ing it,  or  of  showing  a  wayfarer  the  right  path,  Philo 
could  have  no  difficulty  in  enumerating  a  long  array 
of  benevolent  duties  contained  in  Scripture  or  trans- 
mitted by  word  of  mouth.  At  the  head  of  unwritten 
laws  he  placed  Hillel's  golden  saying,  "What  is 
hateful  to  yourself  do  not  unto  others."  Judaism 
does  not  merely  forbid  any  one  to  refuse  fire  or 
water,  but  commands  that  what  the  poor  and  feeble 


2  14  HISTORY    OF    TIIK    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

require  shall  be  given  to  them.  It  prohibits  the  use 
of  false  weights  and  measures,  the  coinage  of  false 
money.  It  does  not  allow  children  to  be  taken 
from  their  parents,  or  wives  to  be  separated  from 
their  husbands,  even  when  they  have  been  legally 
acquired  as  slaves.  Even  towards  animals  the  duty 
of  mercy  is  impressed  upon  man.  "What,  in  com- 
parison to  these,"  he  cries  to  the  Greeks,  "  are  the 
few  laws  descending  from  primeval  times,  of  which 
you  boast  so  much  ?" 

In  the  following  tone  of  mockery  Philo  answered 
mahcious  accusations  against  the  Lawgiver : 

"  Yes,  verily,  Moses  must  have  been  a  sorcerer,  not  only  to  have 
preserved  a  whole  people,  and  supplied  them  abundantly  whilst  they 
were  journeying-  through  many  nations,  exposed  to  the  danger  of 
hunger  and  thirst,  and  ignorant  of  the  way  they  were  pursuing,  but 
likewise  to  have  made  them,  in  spite  of  their  mutinous  spirit,  which 
often  broke  out  against  himself,  docile  and  pliant." 

Of  the  three  great  moralists  who  followed  each 
other  within  a  century,  Hillel  the  Babylonian,  Jesus 
of  Nazareth,  and  Philo  the  Alexandrian,  it  was  the 
last  who  in  all  things,  great  and  small,  upheld  most 
strenuously  the  glory  of  Judaism.  He  was  superior 
to  them  likewise  in  beauty  of  style  and  in  depth  of 
thought,  whilst  he  was  animated  with  equally  fervent 
convictions.  The  first  two  simply  created  an  im- 
pulse, but  it  was  through  their  disciples  that  their 
ideas,  variously  transformed,  were  introduced  into  a 
larger  circle  ;  whereas  Philo,  by  his  own  eloquent 
writings,  made  an  important  and  lasting  effect.  His 
works  were  perhaps  read  by  cultivated  heathens 
even  more  than  by  Jadseans,  though  all  were  affected 
by  the  warmth  and  giOw  which  pervaded  everything 
he  wrote  about  God,  Moses,  and  the  spirit  of  the 
Law. 

Philo  and  the  Alexandrian  sages  continued  to 
promote  the  great  work  of  the  prophets  Isaiah, 
Habakkuk  and  Jeremiah,  and  laid  bare  all  the  un- 
reasonableness, the  instability,  the   perversion   and 


CH.  VIII.  PROSELYTES.  2 1 5 

immorality  of  the  heathen  religions.  The  trans- 
parent, shimmering  ether  with  which  the  Greeks 
invested  Olympus,  these  writers  resolved  into  mists 
and  vapors.  Greeks  and  Romans,  who  felt  deeply 
on  the  subject,  were  moved  to  turn  with  contempt 
from  a  religion  which  not  only  gave  so  unworthy 
a  representation  of  the  Divinity,  but  actually  seemed 
to  sanctify  immorality  by  the  example  set  before 
them  in  the  history  of  their  deities.  Like  most 
oriental  people,  the  heathens  felt  the  need  of  re- 
ligion, and  those  who  were  searching  for  true  and 
elevated  teaching  embraced  Judaism,  which  was  daily 
being  brought  more  and  more  home  to  them  in  the 
Greek  translations  of  Judsean  writings  through 
Greek-Alexandrine  literature,  and  also  through 
intercourse  with  cultivated  Judaeans. 

During  the  last  ten  years  which  preceded  the 
destruction  of  the  Judsean  State,  there  were  more 
proselytes  than  there  had  been  at  any  other  time. 
Philo  relates  from  his  own  experience  that  in  his 
native  country  many  heathens,  when  they  embraced 
Judaism,  not  only  changed  their  faith  but  their 
lives,  which  were  henceforth  conspicuous  by  the 
practice  of  the  virtues  of  moderation,  gentleness 
and  humanity.  "  Those  who  left  the  teachings  in 
which  they  had  been  educated,  because  they  were 
replete  with  lying  inventions  and  vanities,  became 
sincere  worshipers  of  the  truth,  and  gave  them- 
selves up  to  the  practice  of  the  purest  piety."  Above 
all,  the  women,  whose  gentle  feelings  were  offended 
by  the  impurity  of  the  mythological  stories,  seemed 
attracted  towards  the  childlike  and  sublime  scenes 
in  Biblical  history.  The  greater  part  of  the  women 
in  Damascus  were  converted  to  Judaism,  and  it  is 
related  that  in  Asia  Minor  there  were  also  many 
female  proselytes.  Some  over-eager  Judseans  may 
have  traveled  with  the  intention  of  making  converts, 
as  was  proved  in  the  story  of  the  Roman  patrician 
Fulvia. 


2l6  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

It  was  by  similar  zeal  for  conversion  that  the 
Judaean  faith  was  introduced  into  an  Asiatic  court, 
the  members  of  which  remained  steadfast  adherents 
to  Judaism  during  several  generations.  Adiabene, 
a  province  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  situated  where 
once  lay  the  Assyrian  kingdom,  was  governed  by  a 
royal  pair,  Monobaz  and  Helen.  It  was  a  small,  but 
not  unimportant  state,  and  although  it  touched  the 
great  domains  of  Rome  and  Parthia,  it  had  been 
able  to  hold  its  independence  during  some  centuries. 
Monobaz  had  many  children,  the  offspring  both  of 
Helen  and  of  other  wives,  but  the  youngest  of  all, 
Izates,  was  the  favorite  of  both  parents.  In  order 
that  he  should  not  suffer  from  the  jealousy  which 
that  favoritism  had  caused  among  the  elder  brothers, 
Monabaz  sent  him  to  the  court  of  a  neighboring  king, 
of  the  name  of  Abinerglus  (Abennerig),  who  was  so 
greatly  pleased  with  the  young  prince  confided  to 
his  care,  that  he  gave  him  his  daughter  in  marriage. 
A  Judaean  merchant  by  the  name  of  Anania  traded 
at  this  court,  and  whilst  he  showed  his  merchandise 
to  the  princesses,  he  dilated  at  the  same  time  upon 
the  tenets  of  Judaism  with  such  success  that  he 
converted  them  to  his  faith.  Izates,  whose  wife, 
Samach,  was  one  of  the  converts,  became  interested 
in  Anania,  discoursed  with  him,  and  became  a  sin- 
cere adherent  of  Judaism,  which  he  openly  embraced 
in  the  year  i8  c.  e.  His  mother,  the  queen  Helen, 
had  also,  without  the  knowledge  of  her  son,  been  won 
over  to  Judaism.  The  deep  impression  which  the 
Judaean  precepts  had  made  upon  the  royal  converts 
was  proved  when  the  throne  became  vacant.  The 
dying  Monobaz  passed  over  his  eldest  sons  and 
named  Izates  as  his  successor.  When  Helen  related 
her  husband's  wishes  to  the  nobles  of  Adiabene, 
they  suggested  that  the  elder  brothers  should  be 
put  to  death,  and  thus  prevent  a  civil  war,  to  which 
their  hatred  and  jealousy  might  not  improbably  give 
rise.  But  Helen,  softened  by  her  conversion  to  Juda- 


CH.  VIII.  IZATES.  21'/ 

ism,  would  not  follow  this  sanguinary  advice,  and 
only  kept  the  brothers  in  confinement,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  her  eldest  son,  Monobaz  II,  to  whom  she 
confided  the  regency.  When  Izates  arrived  at  the 
capital  of  Adiabene,  and  had,  according  to  his 
father's  last  testament,  received  the  crown  from  the 
hand  of  Monobaz,  he  considered  it  an  unmanly  act 
of  cruelty  to  leave  his  brothers  to  languish  in  con- 
finement, and  he  sent  them  as  hostages  into  honor- 
able banishment,  some  to  Rome  and  some  to  the 
Parthian  capital. 

Once  on  the  throne,  Izates  intended  to  adopt 
Judaism,  and  even  to  submit  to  the  rite  of  circum- 
cision, but  he  was  dissuaded  from  doing  so  by  his 
mother,  and  by  his  physician,  also  named  Anania, 
who,  being  an  Hellenic  Judaean,  represented  to  him 
that  the  latter  was  not  essential.  Izates  felt  reas- 
sured for  the  time  ;  but  another  Judsean,  a  Galilaean 
of  the  name  of  Eleazar,  and  a  strict  follower  of 
the  Law,  came  to  his  court  and  offered  a  con- 
trary opinion.  Eleazar,  seeing  the  king  engrossed 
in  reading  the  Pentateuch,  probably  a  Greek 
translation,  could  not  help  observing  that  to  be- 
long to  the  Judsean  faith  it  was  not  sufficient  to 
read  the  Law,  but  it  was  necessary  also  to 
practise  its  precepts.  Thereupon  Izates,  and,  ac- 
cording to  some  authorities,  also  his  elder  brother 
Monobaz,  secretly  submitted  to  the  rite  of  cir- 
cumcision. The  queen-mother  had  anticipated 
dangerous  results  from  so  decided  a  step,  but 
they  were  not  immediately  forthcoming.  Not  only 
was  there  perfect  peace  after  the  accession  of  Izates, 
but  he  was  so  much  respected  that  he  was  chosen 
to  be  arbitrator  between  the  Parthian  king  Artaban 
and  the  rebellious  nobles  of  that  monarch. 

Some  time  later,  when  several  of  the  king's  rela- 
tions avowed  their  conversion  to  Judaism,  some  of 
the  nobles  of  Adiabene  formed  a  conspiracy,  and 
secretly  induced  Abia,  the  king  of  Arabia,  to  declare 


2l8  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VHI. 

war  against  him.  Izates,  however,  was  successful, 
and  Abia  killed  himself  in  despair.  The  nobles 
then  conspired  with  Vologeses,  the  king  of  Parthia, 
to  make  war  against  their  king,  who  had  been  faith- 
less to  the  religion  of  his  forefathers.  This  war, 
however,  which  might  have  been  most  calamitous 
for  Izates,  Vologeses  was  prevented  from  under- 
taking, and  henceforth  his  reign,  which  lasted  about 
thirty  years,  continued  undisturbed.  Queen  Helen, 
fired  by  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Judsean  faith,  desired 
to  visit  Jerusalem,  and,  accompanied  by  her  son,  she 
accomplished  this  long  journey  in  about  the  year  43. 
Izates  sent  five  of  his  own  sons  to  Jerusalem  to  learn 
the  religion  and  the  language  of  the  Hebrews. 

How  grand  and  joyous  must  have  been  the  wel- 
come offered  by  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  to  a 
queen  come  from  the  far  distant  East  with  the  sole 
view  of  paying  homage  to  their  God  and  His  Law  ! 
Was  not  the  word  of  prophecy  fulfilled  before  their 
very  eyes,  that  the  second  Temple  should  be  greater 
than  the  first,  inasmuch  as  the  heathens  should  come 
and  worship  the  one  God  ? 

Helen  soon  had  the  opportunity  of  appearing  as 
the  benefactress  of  the  people.  A  famine  prevailed 
which  created  great  distress  in  the  country,  and  the 
poorer  classes  especially  suffered  severely.  Queen 
Helen  sought  to  relieve  them  by  bringing  from 
Alexandria  and  Cyprus  whole  ship-loads  of  wheat 
and  figs,  which  she  distributed  among  the  starving 
people  (48  c.  E.).  Abundant  means  were  given  her 
by  Izates  to  carry  out  her  generous  impulses.  Her 
offering  to  the  Temple  consisted  of  a  golden  shell- 
shaped  portal  for  the  door  of  the  inner  Temple, 
to  receive  and  reflect  the  first  rays  of  the  morning 
sun,  and  thus  announce  the  break  of  dawn  to  the 
ofiiciating  priests. 

The  piety  and  benevolence  of  the  proselyte  Helen 
were  long  remembered  with  love  and  gratitude  by 
the  nation.     She  survived  her  son  Izates,  who  died 


CH.  YIII.  PROSELYTIZING.  219 

at  the  age  of  fifty-five  (55  c.  e.)  ;  he  is  said  to  have 
left  twenty-four  sons  and  the  same  number  of  daugh- 
ters. He  was  succeeded  by  his  elder  brother, 
Monobaz  II,  who  declared  himself  also  to  be  a  firm 
adherent  to  Judaism.  When  Helen  died,  Monobaz 
caused  her  remains,  as  well  as  those  of  his  brother, 
to  be  removed  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  be  buried  within 
the  magnificent  tomb  which  she  had  constructed 
there  during  her  lifetime.  This  mausoleum,  which 
was  about  thirty  stadia  north  of  Jerusalem,  had  beau- 
tiful pillars  of  alabaster,  and  was  considered  a  great 
work  of  art.  Helen  had  built  a  palace  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  town,  and  her  granddaughter,  the  Prin- 
cess Grapte,  erected  another  in  that  part  of  Jerusa- 
lem known  as  Ophla.  Monobaz,  who  also  had  his 
palace  in  Jerusalem,  had  golden  vessels  made  for 
use  in  the  Temple  on  the  Day  of  Atonement.  The 
people  of  Adiabene  remained  firm  friends  of  the 
Judaean  nation,  and  were  always  ready  to  give  their 
powerful  help  in  times  of  danger. 

This  leaning  towards  Judaism,  evinced  by  so 
many  religiously  inclined  heathens,  was  utilized  by 
the  teachers  of  the  Nazarene  creed.  They  took 
advantage  of  and  worked  upon  this  enthusiasm,  and 
thus  laid  the  first  step  to  their  future  conquest  of 
the  world. 

Two  Judaeans,  both  coming  from  countries  where 
the  Greek  language  was  spoken,  Saul  of  Tarsus 
(known  as  Paul)  and  Jose  Barnabas  of  Cyprus,  de- 
clared their  intention  of  proselytizing  the  heathen. 
They  thus  widened  the  sphere  of  the  small  commu- 
nity, and  raised  it  from  being  an  insignificant  sect 
of  Judaism  to  the  position  of  a  distinct  and  separate 
religious  body,  but  in  order  to  do  so  they  were 
obliged  to  change  its  original  character  and  purpose. 

During  the  short  decade  following  the  death  of 
its  founder  the  small  community  had  been  aug- 
mented by  Essenes  and  some  Judaean  inhabitants  of 
Greek   countries.     The  former,  who   had  hitherto 


2  20  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

lived  in  a  mystic  land  of  visions  and  trusted  to 
miraculous  intervention  for  the  arrival  of  the  king- 
dom of  heaven,  may  have  seen  their  dreams  fulfilled 
in  the  advent  of  Jesus.  The  Essenes,  who  had  no 
families,  were  obliged  to  augment  their  numbers 
from  without.  They  could  only  add  to  the  com- 
munity by  dint  of  mystical  persuasions,  and,  as 
believing  followers  of  Jesus,  they  continued  their 
propaganda  and  attracted  new  adherents  from  the 
lower  classes,  whom  the  leaders  of  the  Pharisees 
had  neglected  or  avoided.  Their  untiring  zeal  in- 
cited the  activity  of  the  first  Christians,  who  had  been 
awaiting,  not  so  much  an  Increase  of  believers,  as 
the  speedy  re-appearance  of  Jesus,  enthroned  in  the 
clouds  of  heaven.  Apostles  were  now  sent  out 
from  Jerusalem,  where  they  were  chiefly  established, 
to  propagate  the  belief  that  Jesus  was  the  true  Mes- 
siah. In  order,  however,  to  gain  many  converts,  a 
greater  power  of  oratory  was  required  than  the 
simple  fishermen  and  mechanics  of  Galilee  pos- 
sessed. This  want  was  supplied  by  the  addition  of 
Greek-speaking  Judseans.  From  Asia  Minor,  Egypt, 
Gyrene,  from  the  islands  of  Crete  and  Cyprus,  there 
was  an  annual  pilgrimage  of  Judaeans  to  Jerusalem 
at  the  time  of  the  Passover  festival.  Besides  men 
of  piety  and  enthusiasts,  there  were  adventurers, 
seekers  after  novelty,  and  beggars,  ignorant  of  the 
Law.  Of  these  pilgrims,  numbers  eagerly  adopted 
the  new  faith.  Many  adventurers  among  the  Greek 
Judseans  were  easily  persuaded  to  accept  the  doc- 
trine of  the  community  of  goods,  which  the  Ebionite 
Christians  had  retained  from  their  Essene  origin,  and 
which  found  great  favor  with  these  homeless  wander- 
ers. All  those  who  possessed  any  property  sold  it  to 
increase  the  contents  of  the  general  treasury,  and 
those  who  were  utterly  Impecunious  lived  without 
any  cares  in  the  community.  These  Greek  Judaeans, 
who  had  learnt  from  their  heathen  neighbors  the 
art  of  speaking  on  every  subject,  and  even  of  veiling 


CH.  VIII.  SAUL    OF   TARSUS.  22  1 

almost  meaningless  expressions  in  an  attractive  and 
persuasive  manner,  presented  the  new  religion  in 
an  attractive  form.  They  were  best  adapted  to 
become  the  preachers  and  missionaries.  When 
converted  themselves,  they  used  all  their  efforts  to 
convert  others.  The  Greek  element  soon  predomi- 
nated over  the  Galilaean,  Ebionite  and  Essene 
elements,  of  which  the  community  had  previously 
been  composed. 

These  Greek  Judaeans,  who  had  never  been 
taught  the  Law  in  the  schools  of  Jerusalem  and 
were,  indeed,  generally  ignorant  of  its  tenets,  trans- 
gressed them,  sometimes  unwillingly,  but  at  times 
intentionally.  When  taken  to  task  they  justified 
their  actions  by  the  belief  which  they  entertained  in 
the  Messianic  character  of  Jesus,  who,  they  alleged, 
had  also  put  aside  the  authority  of  the  Law.  In 
Jerusalem,  still  considered  as  the  holy  city,  each 
practice  and  observance  was  made  a  matter  of  deep 
importance.  People  began  to  suspect  that  the 
Nazarenes,  who  spoke  in  foreign  tongues,  were 
introducing  innovations  and  endeavoring  to  bring 
the  Law  into  contempt,  and  the  disciples  of  Jesus 
were  thenceforth  watched,  and  their  utterances  in 
the  synagogues  and  in  the  market-places  were 
carefully  noted.  Amongst  those  who  were  most 
fanatical  against  the  Nazarenes  was  Saul  of  Tarsus, 
a  zealous  follower  of  the  Pharisaic  school,  who  held 
that  no  edict  of  either  the  oral  or  the  written  Law 
might  be  tampered  with.  As  he  spoke  Greek  him- 
self, he  was  able  to  measure  the  boldness  of  the 
utterances  of  the  Judsean-Christian  Greeks  who  were 
in  Jerusalem,  and  his  indignation  was  great  against 
them.  One  of  these  Greeks,  of  the  name  of  Stephen, 
was  particularly  violent  in  his  attacks,  and  had  reck- 
lessly spoken  against  the  holiness  of  the  Law  and 
the  Temple.  It  appears  that  Saul  proclaimed  him 
to  be  a  blasphemer,  and  that  he  was  stoned,  whether 
after  a  judicial  trial  or  by  an  angry  populace  is  not 


22  2  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VHI. 

known.  After  that  time  the  Nazarenes  were  viewed 
with  still  greater  suspicion,  and  were  called  upon  to 
defend  themselves ;  and  again  it  was  Saul  who 
watched  the  proceedings  of  these  Greek  adherents 
of  the  new  sect,  and  caused  them  to  be  brought  up 
for  trial.  They  were  imprisoned,  and  those  who 
were  found  guilty  of  contempt  of  the  Law  by  their 
belief  in  the  Messianic  attributes  of  Jesus  were  not 
punished  by  death,  but  were  sentenced  to  be 
scourged.  The  foreign  Nazarenes,  terrified  by  this 
severity,  hastened  away  from  Jerusalem  and  dis- 
persed in  various  Greek  towns  in  which  there  dwelt 
Judaean  communities,  among  whom  they  continued 
their  work  of  proselytizing.  Those  followers  of 
Jesus,  however,  who,  notwithstanding  their  new 
faith,  did  not  deny  the  holiness  of  the  Law,  remained 
unmolested.  Their  three  leaders,  James,  a  brother 
or  a  relation  of  Jesus,  Kephas  or  Peter,  and  John, 
son  of  Zebedee,  lived  at  Jerusalem  without  fear  of 
persecution. 

The  other  Nazarenes  zealously  continued  the 
work  of  conversion  in  foreign  places.  Homeless 
themselves,  they  endeavored  to  introduce  into 
their  circle  o^  followers  the  doctrine  of  the  commu- 
nity of  goods,  which  would  enable  them  to  live  on 
from  day  to  day  without  care  or  thought  for  the 
morrow.  They  were  particularly  attracted  towards 
the  towns  of  Antioch  and  Damascus,  where  they 
found  a  large  field  for  their  labors  in  the  Greek- 
speaking  community  of  men  and  women.  The  half- 
educated  multitude  listened  eagerly  to  the  words  of 
messengers  who  announced  that  a  heavenly  king- 
dom was  at  hand,  and  to  enter  it  they  must  accept 
only  baptism,  and  the  belief  that  Jesus  was  the 
Messiah  who  had  actually  appeared,  had  been  cru- 
cified, and  had  risen  again. 

Soon  these  two  Greek  cities  saw  a  Nazarene 
community  settling  within  their  walls,  who  seemed 
to  be  Judaeans,  who  lived  according  to  Judaean  rule, 


CH.  VIII.  SAUL   OF   TARSUS.  223 

who  prayed,  sang  psalms,  and  ended  their  songs  of 
praise  with  the  customary  "Amen";  but  who  yet 
showed  certain  signs  of  forming  a  new  sect.  They 
assembled  together  at  a  meal  which  they  called 
Agape,  spoke  the  blessing  over  the  wine,  drank 
after  one  another  from  the  same  vessel,  broke  their 
bread  in  remembrance  of  the  last  hours  of  Jesus, 
and  gave  each  other,  men  and  women  indiscrimi- 
nately, the  kiss  of  peace.  Then,  in  convulsive  ex- 
citement, some  arose  and  prophesied,  others  spoke 
in  strange  tongues,  whilst  others  again  effected 
miraculous  cures  in  the  name  of  Jesus.  An  unnat- 
ural and  highly  wrought  state  of  enthusiasm  pre- 
vailed in  these  Greek-Nazarene  circles,  which  would 
probably  have  been  deemed  ridiculous,  and  would 
have  evaporated  in  time ;  in  short,  Christianity 
might  have  died  a  noiseless  death,  if  Saul  of  Tarsus 
had  not  appeared,  and  given  it  a  new  direction,  a 
great  scope,  and  thereby  imparted  to  it  vital  powers 
and  vigor.  Without  Jesus,  Saul  would  not  have 
made  his  vast  spiritual  conquests,  but  without  Saul, 
Christianity  itself  would  have  had  no  stability. 

Saul  (born  in  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  epoch,  and  belonging  to  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin)  had  a  very  remarkable  nature.  Weak 
and  fragile  in  body,  he  was  possessed  of  a  tenacity 
which  nothing  could  daunt.  He  was  excitable  and 
vehement,  could  not  endure  any  opposition  to  his 
opinions,  and  was  one-sided  and  bitter  in  his  treat- 
ment of  those  who  differed  from  him  in  the  slightest 
degree.  He  had  a  limited  knowledge  of  Judaean 
writings,  and  was  only  familiar  with  the  Scriptures 
through  the  Greek  translation ;  enthusiastic  and 
fanciful,  he  believed  in  the  visions  of  his  imagina- 
tion and  allowed  himself  to  be  guided  by  them.  In 
short,  Saul  combined  a  morbid  and  an  iron  nature  ; 
he  seemed  created  to  establish  what  was  new,  and 
to  give  form  and  reality  to  that  which  seemed  impos- 
sible and  unreal. 


2  24  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

He  had  persecuted  the  Greek  Nazarenes,  hunted 
them  out  of  their  haunts  of  concealment  to  give 
them  over  to  punishment,  because  they  had  seceded 
from  Pharisaic  Judaism.  But  that  did  not  suffice. 
Hearing  that  some  of  them  were  estabhshed  in 
Damascus,  he  followed  them  thither  with  all  zeal, 
intending,  with  implacable  persecuting  zeal,  to  exter- 
minate the  community.  But  his  disposition  towards 
them  suddenly  changed.  In  Damascus  rnany  heath- 
ens, particularly  many  of  the  female  population,  had 
gone  over  to  Judaism.  The  conversion  of  the  royal 
house  of  Adiabene  had  caused  much  excitement. 
Saul  had  probably  himself  witnessed  the  great  tri- 
umph of  Judaism,  the  entry  of  Queen  Helen,  the 
Princes  of  Adiabene  and  their  retinue  into  Jerusa- 
lem. She  probably  stayed  in  Damascus  on  her 
journey,  and  there  must  have  received  the  thanks 
of  the  Judaean  inhabitants  of  that  city.  These 
events  must  have  made  a  deep  impression  on  Saul, 
and  may  have  given  rise  to  the  thought :  Had  not 
the  time  foreseen  by  the  prophets  now  arrived, 
when  every  nation  should  recognize  the  God  of 
Israel,  bow  down  and  swear  allegiance  to  Him 
alone  ? 

If  he  was  occupied  with  these  thoughts  he  must 
also  have  been  prepared  to  wrestle  with  many 
doubts  to  which  they  gave  rise.  Would  it  be  pos- 
sible to  convert  the  heathen  world  if  the  Law  were 
to  bind  them  with  its  trammels,  if  they  were  to  be 
forced  to  observe  the  Sabbath  and  the  festivals,  to 
keep  the  dietary  laws,  to  distinguish  between  the 
clean  and  the  unclean,  and  even  to  submit  to  cir- 
cumcision ?  Should  the  heathen  be  required  to 
follow  even  the  severe  Pharisaic  ordinances  ?  In 
that  case  it  would  be  impossible  that  other  nations 
should  enter  the  Judaean  community.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  could  not  the  Law  be  abrogated 
for  the  sake  of  the  heathens,  and  might  they  not 
merely  be  taught  the  knowledge  of  God  and  a  loftier 


CH.  VIII.  SAULS    CONVERSION.  225 

morality?     Yet,  as  the  whole  law  originated  from 
God,  by  whom  it  was   revealed,  and  who  had  ex- 
pressly commanded  that  it  should  be  fulfilled,  how 
could  it  be  set  aside  ?    A  saying  of  his  teachers  may 
then  have  occurred  to  Saul,  that  the  Law  was  only 
binding  until  the  time  of  the  Messiah,  and  that  as 
soon  as  the  Redeemer  came  its  importance  and  sig- 
nificance would  cease.     If  the  Messiah  had  really 
appeared,  then  all  the  difficulties  that  surrounded 
the   conversion   of  the  heathen  would   disappear. 
This  train  of  thought  engrossed  the  mind  of  Saul. 
His  nervous  temperament  and  imaginative  nature 
easily  dispelled  all  doubts,  and  he  believed  firmly 
and  truly  that  Jesus  had  made  himself  manifest  to 
him.     Much  later  he  said  of  the  vision  which  had 
appeared :  *'  If  it  were  in  the  flesh  I  know  not,  if  it 
were  supernatural  I  know  not,  God  knows ;   but  I 
was  carried  up  beyond  the  third  heaven."     This  is 
not  very  reliable  evidence  to  an  actual  fact.    Legend 
has  adorned  this  conversion,  which  was  of  such  great 
importance  to  Christianity,  in  a  fitting  manner.     It 
describes  Saul  traveling  to  Damascus,  and  his  path 
illumined  by  a  great  light.     Beholding  this  light,  he 
is  said  to  have  fallen  in  terror  to  the  earth,  and  to 
have  heard  a  voice,  which  called  to  him,  "  Saul,  Saul, 
why  dost  thou  persecute  me  ?"      Blinded   by  the 
vision,  he  reached  Damascus  ;  and  after  an  inter- 
view with  a  Christian,  who  advised  him  to  be  bap- 
tized, the  scales  at  length  fell  from  his  eyes. 

With  the  certainty  that  he  had  actually  beheld 
Jesus,  another  doubt  was  banished  from  Saul's  mind, 
or  a  different  Messianic  point  of  view  was  revealed  to 
him.  Jesus  had  certainly  died — or  rather  had  been 
crucified — but,  as  he  appeared  to  Saul,  he  must 
have  risen  from  the  dead  ;  he  must  have  been  the 
first  who  had  been  brought  to  life  again,  and  had 
therefore  confirmed  the  fact  that  there  would  be  a 
Resurrection,  which  fact  had  been  a  matter  of  con- 
tention between  the  various  schools  :  and  Jesus  had 


2  26  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

also  thereby  announced  the  advent  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,  of  which,  as  the  prophet  Daniel  had  pre- 
dicted, the  resurrection  of  the  dead  was  to  be  the 
forerunner.  Thus  the  former  Pharisee  of  Tarsus 
was  firmly  convinced  of  three  things — that  Jesus 
had  arisen  ;  that  he  was  the  true  Messiah  who  had 
been  predicted  ;  and  that  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
the  period  of  the  resurrection,  was  near,  and  that 
the  then  existing  generation,  or  rather  the  true 
believers  in  Jesus,  would  soon  witness  its  arrival. 
This  belief  led  to  further  results.  If  the  Messiah 
had  already  appeared,  or  if  Jesus  were  actually  the 
Christ,  then  the  Law  was  of  itself  abrogated,  and 
the  heathens  could  participate  in  the  blessing  of 
Abraham,  without  observing  the  Law.  This  belief 
acted  as  an  incentive  to  Saul.  He  felt  himself 
called  upon  to  convert  the  depraved  world  of 
heathendom,  and,  through  Christ,  to  lead  it  back  to 
the  Father  of  all.  No  time  was  allowed  to  elapse 
between  the  inception  of  this  idea  and  its  realization. 
Assuming  the  name  of  Paul,  he  joined  the  Naza- 
renes  of  Damascus,  who  were  not  a  little  astonished 
that  their  persecutor  had  now  become  their  col- 
league, and  was  seeking  to  make  fresh  converts. 

Paul  found  many  opportunities  for  converting  in 
Damascus,  as  a  strong  feeling  in  favor  of  Judaism 
prevailed  there,  and  the  sacrifice  incumbent  on  its 
followers  alone  kept  many  aloof.  The  newly-con- 
verted Apostle  could  render  this  step  easier,  as  he 
relieved  them  of  all  duties  to  the  Law  by  means  of 
a  belief  in  Jesus.  He  does  not,  however,  seem  to 
have  found  a  warm  reception  for  his  faith,  resting  as  it 
did  on  sophistry,  even  amongst  his  own  countrymen. 
His  theory  that  the  whole  Law  might  be  set  aside 
was  probably  not  considered  as  quite  acceptable. 
The  people  also  seem  to  have  felt  distrust  of  their 
former  persecutor.  In  short,  Saul-Paul  could  not 
maintain  hie  ground  in  Damascus,  and  fled  to 
Arabia  (Auranitis,),  where  Judaean  communities  also 


CH.  VIII.  THE    DOCTRINES    OF    TAUL.  22/ 

existed.  When,  however,  he  returned  to  Damascus 
for  the  second  time,  and  his  coreligionists  had  ac- 
quired greater  confidence  in  him,  he  could  indulge 
his  love  of  proselytism.  But  his  brusque,  incon- 
siderate manner,  and  his  assertion  that  the  Law  was 
no  longer  in  force,  aroused  the  Judsean  community 
of  Damascus  against  him.  The  Judaean  ethnarch 
of  the  town,  who  had  been  appointed  or  confirmed 
by  Aretas  Philodemus,  sought  to  take  him  prisoner. 
His  companions  saved  him,  by  lowering  him  in  a 
basket  from  a  window  in  the  wall.  Thus  he  escaped 
from  those  who  rightly  considered  him  as  the  de- 
stroyer of  Judaism.  He  returned  to  Jerusalem 
three  years  after  his  conversion.  He  felt  that  there 
was  a  wide  difference  between  himself  and  the  Gali- 
Isean  Christians,  and  that  he  would  not  be  able  to 
make  terms  with  them.  Paul  was  filled  with  the 
one  thought,  that  the  blessing  for  all  generations, 
the  promise  (evangel)  made  to  Abraham  that  he 
should  be  father  of  many  nations,  and  that  the 
wealth  of  the  heathen  should  belong  to  the  children 
of  Abraham,  was  now  finally  to  be  realized,  and  that 
he  (Paul)  was  called  upon  to  effect  this  work.  He 
wished  to  put  an  end  to  the  difference  between  the 
Judseans  and  the  Greeks,  between  slaves  and  free- 
men, and  to  make  all  brothers  in  the  covenant  of 
Abraham — as  the  seed  of  Abraham — according  to 
the  promise  given  in  by-gone  years.  This  was  the 
glad  message  which  he  brought  to  the  people  ;  it 
was  a  far-reaching  thought,  of  which  the  Ebionites 
in  Jerusalem  and  the  so-called  main  Apostles  had  no 
understanding. 

After  a  short  stay  in  Jerusalem,  Saul,  accompanied 
by  his  disciple,  the  Cyprian  Joseph  Barnabas,  re- 
paired to  Cilicia,  Paul's  native  place,  and  traversed 
Asia  Minor  and  Macedonia  to  Achaia.  There  his 
endeavors  were  crowned  with  marvelous  results. 
He  founded  in  various  places  Greek-Christian  com- 
munities, especially  in  Galatia,  in  Ephesus,  Philippi, 


228  HISTOKV    Ob-    THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

and  Thessalonica,  and  in  the  town  of  Corinth.  This 
result  may  partly  be  laid  to  the  credit  of  Judaism  ; 
for  when  Paul  wished  to  win  over  the  heathens,  he 
had  to  unfold  to  them  the  glorious  past  of  the  Ju- 
daean  nation,  in  order  to  speak  of  Jesus.  He  also 
had  to  contrast  the  pure  belief  in  God  with  the  wild 
practices  of  heathendom.  He  found  a  susceptibility 
for  the  pure  teachings  of  Judaism  among-  the  heathen. 
Not  a  few  felt  disgust  at  the  mythological  stories  of 
the  gods  and  the  deification  of  human  beings.  The 
remembrance  was  yet  fresh  in  their  memories  how 
all  nations  of  the  Roman  kingdom,  with  unexampled 
abjectness,  had  dedicated  altars  to  the  monster  Cali- 
gula, and  had  recognized  and  worshiped  him  as  a 
god.  Despairing  and  pure  spirits  sought  a  God  to 
whom  they  might  elevate  themselves,  but  they  did 
not  find  him.  Now  Paul  had  come  and  brought  them 
this  God,  surrounded,  it  is  true,  with  wonderful  stories, 
which,  however,  pleased  them,  on  account  of  the 
mythological  strain  in  them.  The  heathen  nations 
could  better  comprehend  the  "  Son  of  God  "  than 
the  "  Messianic  Redeemer."  The  wide-spread  dis- 
ease of  immorality,  which  was  rife  throughout  the 
Roman  empire,  rendered  the  Judaean  teachings 
acceptable  and  proper.  Paul's  orations,  delivered 
with  the  fire  of  enthusiasm,  and  uttered  by  one 
who  threw  his  whole  soul  into  his  words,  could  not 
fail  to  make  an  impression  on  the  better-disposed 
and  purer-minded  heathens.  To  this  was  added 
the  fear  of  the  approach  of  the  end  of  the  world, 
which  Paul,  through  his  firm  belief  in  the  resurrec- 
tion and  reappearance  of  Jesus,  had  transformed 
into  the  hope  that  the  dead  would  arise,  in  refulgent 
form,  at  the  trumpet-call,  and  that  the  living  would 
be  carried  up  into  heaven  in  a  cloud. 

Thus  Paul  appealed  to  the  imagination  of  many 
heathens  in  his  apostolic  wanderings  from  Jeru- 
salem to  Illyria.  At  first  he  aroused  only  people 
of  the  lower  classes,  slaves,  and  especially  women, 


CH.  VIII.  HEREDITARY    SIN.  229 

by  his  glad  tidings.  To  the  cultivated  Greeks 
the  Christianity  which  Paul  preached,  based  on 
the  so-called  resurrection  of  Jesus,  appeared  as 
a  ridiculous  absurdity.  The  Judaeans  were  natu- 
rally displeased  with  him.  Paul's  chief  topics, 
on  which  he  dilated  to  the  heathens  whom  he 
wished  to  convert,  were  the  Judaean  nation,  Judaean 
writings,  and  the  Judsean  Law ;  without  these  his 
preaching  about  a  Messiah  or  salvation  had  no 
foundation.  The  Greeks  must  have  been  told  about 
Israel  and  Jerusalem,  or  his  words  would  have  fallen 
on  deaf  ears.  He,  therefore,  could  only  resort  to 
those  towns  where  Judaean  communities  dwelt,  from 
whom  the  heathen  nations  had  received  some  faint 
notion  of  the  history  and  doctrines  of  Judaism. 

Paul's  efforts  were  directly  aimed  at  destroying  the 
bonds  which  connected  the  teachings  of  Christ  with 
those  of  Judaism.  He  therefore  inveighed  against 
the  Law,  as  it  proved  a  hindrance  to  the  reception 
of  heathen  proselytes.  He  asserted  that  it  was 
detrimental  to  the  pursuit  of  a  higher  spiritual  life 
and  to  following  the  way  of  truth.  Paul  not  only 
disapproved  of  the  so-called  ceremonial  laws  of 
Judaism,  but  also  of  those  relating  to  morality.  He 
affirmed  that  without  laws  men  would  not  have  given 
way  to  their  evil  desires.  "  Thou  shalt  not  covet  " 
had  first  aroused  covetousness  ;  thus  through  the 
Law  the  knowledge  of  sin  had  arisen.  Man  is 
sensual  and  inclined  to  sin,  for  flesh  is  weak 
and  inclined  to  resist  the  Law.  Paul  set  up  a  new 
teaching.  He  maintained  that  man  had  only  be- 
come sensual,  weak  and  sinful  because  the  first 
man  had  sinned.  Adam's  fall  had  given  birth  to  an 
inextinguishable  hereditary  sin,  and  by  this  means 
death  had  come  upon  humanity.  The  Law  was  not 
able  to  overcome  this  hereditary  sin.  In  order  to 
destroy  sin  and  death,  God  had  made  a  special 
dispensation.  He  had  given  up  the  Messiah,  His 
.''on,  to  death,  and  again  re-animated  him,  and  he  had 


230  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII. 

become  the  second  Adam,  who  was  to  obliterate 
hereditary  sin,  to  conquer  death,  and  estabHsh  ever- 
lasting life.  Thus  the  Redeemer,  instead  of  bring- 
ing about  the  redemption  of  nations  from  the  yoke 
imposed  on  them,  had  redeemed  them  from  sin. 

Paul  therefore  conceived  Christianity  to  be  the 
very  opposite  of  Judaism.  The  one  was  founded  on 
law  and  compulsion,  the  other  owed  its  origin  to 
freedom  and  grace.  Jesus  or  Christianity  had 
brought  about  the  holy  state  foretold  by  the  pro- 
phets. The  ancient  times  had  departed,  and  a  new 
state  of  things  had  arisen  ;  the  old  covenant  (Testa- 
ment) must  yield  to  the  new  one  ;  Abraham  himself 
had  not  been  judged  as  just  through  the  Law,  but 
through  faith.  Thus  Paul  sophistically  explained  the 
Scriptures.  From  the  Law  it  is  to  be  inferred  that 
whosoever  does  not  abide  by  it,  and  refuses 
wholly  and  entirely  to  comply  with  its  precepts, 
stands  under  a  curse.  The  great  service  which 
Jesus  had  rendered  w^as  that  he  had  delivered  all 
men  from  this  curse,  for  through  his  means  the  Law 
had  been  set  aside.  How  could  the  Judseans 
submit  to  this  open  desecration  of  the  Law  of 
Sinai  for  which  their  forefathers  had  suffered  death, 
and  for  which,  but  a  short  time  since,  under 
Caligula,  they  had  determined  to  sacrifice  their 
lives  ?  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  they  rose 
against  the  man  who  despised  the  Law,  and  per- 
secuted him.  They,  however,  contented  them- 
selves with  flogging  Paul  when  he  fell  into  their 
hands,  but  they  left  his  life  unharmed ;  five 
times,  as  he  himself  relates,  he  was  chastised 
with  thirty-nine  strokes.  Not  only  the  Judaeans 
but  also  the  Nazarenes,  or  Judsean  Christians,  were 
incensed  against  Paul  for  his  attack  on  the  Law, 
and  by  this  means  dissension  and  schisms  arose  in 
the  midst  of  young  Christianity.  Peter,  or  Kephas, 
who  came  as  a  messenger  to  the  Judseans,  taught  a 
Christianity  which  differed  from  that  of  Paul,  and 


CH.  VIII.  PETER.  231 

that  of  the  other  Apostles  who  sought  to  make 
converts  amongst  the  heathen  ;  whilst  Apollos  from 
Alexandria,  and  a  certain  Chrestus  preached  another 
version. 

The  Judaic  Christians  saw  with  terror  the  fruits 
of  the  ceremonial  freedom  preached  by  Paul  in 
the  communities  founded  by  him  in  Corinth  and 
Ephesus,  where  every  species  of  vice  and  immor- 
ality was  rife.  Other  Apostles,  therefore,  fol- 
lowed Paul,  and  proclaimed  his  teachings  full  of 
error  and  misrepresentation,  and  maintained  that 
the  Law  of  Judaism  was  binding  on  Christians, 
as  it  was  only  by  this  Law  that  the  lower  pas- 
sions could  be  held  in  check.  In  Antioch  a  vio- 
lent quarrel  arose  between  Paul  and  the  Judaic- 
Christian  Apostle.  Peter,  who  till  then  had  disre- 
garded the  dietary  laws  and  eaten  at  one  table  with 
the  heathens,  was  censured  by  the  leaders  of  the 
severe  party  of  the  Apostle  James,  and  was  now 
obliged  to  acknowledge  his  fault,  and  to  speak 
openly  against  Paul's  contempt  of  the  Law.  Paul, 
on  the  other  hand,  reproached  him  with  hypocrisy. 
The  influence  of  the  severe.  Law-loving  Judaic 
Christians  was,  however,  so  great  that  all  the  Judaean 
Christians  of  Antioch  gave  up  eating  at  the 
tables  of  the  heathen,  and  their  example  was  even 
followed  by  Barnabas,  the  disciple  of  Paul. 

Racial  feelings  also  helped  to  widen  the  breach 
between  the  two  parties.  The  Greek  Christians 
despised  the  Judaic  Christians  in  the  same  way 
as  the  Hellenes  had  looked  down  upon  the  Ju- 
daeans.  Paul  sent  out  violent  epistles  against  the 
adherents  of  the  Law,  and  laid  a  curse  on  those 
who  preached  salvation  in  a  manner  diflering 
from  his  own.  These  did  not  spare  him  either, 
and  related  how  he  had  loved  the  daughter  of  a 
high  priest ;  how,  on  being  despised  by  her,  he 
had  in  disgust  written  against  circumcision,  the 
Sabbath,  and  the  Law.     Thus,  within  barely  thirty 


232  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  VIII 

years  after  the  death  of  its  founder,  Christianity 
was  split  into  two  parties,  namely,  a  Judaic-Christian 
and  a  heathen-Christian  sect.  The  Judaic  Christians 
remained  attached  to  the  foundations  of  Judaism, 
compelled  their  converts  to  adhere  to  the  Law,  and 
clung  to  Jerusalem,  where  they  awaited  the  return 
of  the  Messiah.  The  heathen  Christians,  on  the 
other  hand,  separated  themselves  more  and  more 
from  Judaism,  and  took  up  an  inimical  position 
towards  it. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

AGRIPPA  II.  AND  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  WAR. 

Position  of  Affairs  in  Judaea  —  Roman  Oppression  —  Character  of 
Agrippa  II. — The  last  High  Priest — The  Zealots  and  the  Sicarii 
— Eleazar  ben  Dinal' — Quarrel  with  the  Samaritans — Violence  in 
Caesarea — The  Procurators  —  Florus  —  Insurrection  in  Cassarea 
— Bloodshed  in  Jerusalem — The  Peace  and  War  Parties — The 
Leader  of  the  Zealots,  Eleazar  ben  Ananias  —  Menahem,  chief  of 
the  Zealots  —  Massacres  of  Heathens  and  Judasans — Defeat  of 
the  Romans — The  Synhedrion  and  its  President,  Simon  ben 
Gamaliel  —  Position  of  the  Synhedrion. 

49—66  C.  E. 

Whatever  triumph  Judaism  might  celebrate  by  the 
accession  of  proselytes,  and  bright  as  seemed  the 
dawn  of  the  day  predicted  by  the  prophet,  when 
the  peoples  of  the  earth  would  turn  their  eyes  to 
Zion,  and  towards  the  light  issuing  thence  to  illu- 
mine the  human  race,  yet  in  their  native  land,  and 
more  especially  in  Jerusalem,  the  yoke  of  the 
Romans  weighed  heavily  on  the  Judseans,  and  be- 
came daily  more  oppressive. 

The  pitiable  state  of  existing  affairs  crushed 
down  all  joyful  feelings  as  to  the  prospective  do- 
minion of  Judaism.  A  veil  of  sadness  had  for  the 
last  twenty  years  been  spread  over  the  nation,  and 
no  joyful  feelings  could  exist  beneath  it.  The  last 
decades  exhibit  the  nation  as  a  captive  who,  con- 
tinually tormented  and  goaded  on  by  his  jailer, 
tugs  at  his  fetters,  with  the  strength  of  despair, 
until  he  wrenches  them  asunder.  The  bloody  con- 
test between  Rome,  strong  in  arms  and  fertile  in 
stratagem,  and  Judaea,  poor  in  outward  means  of 
warfare  and  powerful  only  through  indomitable 
will,  inspires  the  deepest  interest  because,  in  spite 
of  the  disproportion  between   the  combatants,  the 


234  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

weak  daughter  of  ZIon  would  probably  have  gained 
the  victory  had  she  not  been  torn  by  conilicting 
parties  and  surrounded  by  tread  ^ry.  Perhaps,  had 
she  awaited  a  more  favorable  moment,  success 
might  have  been  hers  ;  but  Providence  had  decreed 
the  destruction  of  her  national  life. 

This  great  combat,  to  which  few  struggles  in 
the  history  of  the  world  are  comparable,  was 
waged  not  merely  for  liberty,  like  the  wars  in 
which  the  Gauls,  Germans,  and  Britons  were  en- 
gaged against  Rome,  but  had  likewise  a  religious 
character.  The  Judaean  people  were  daily  wounded 
in  their  religious  sentiments  by  the  arbitrary  rule 
of  Rome,  and  desired  to  gain  their  independence 
in  order  to  acquire  and  maintain  the  free  exercise 
of  their  religion.  Such  being  their  aim,  the  fre- 
quent reverses  they  sustained  could  not  abate  the 
ardent  longing  they  felt  to  be  free  ;  on  the  con- 
trary, it  rose  with  each  fresh  disaster,  and  in  the 
most  trivial  circumstances  they  saw  and  resented 
an  attack  upon  their  most  sacred  convictions.  It  was 
seldom,  indeed,  that  Rome  outraged  the  religious 
feelings  of  the  Judseans  as  she  had  done  under 
Caligula  ;  on  the  contrary,  she  rather  indulged  their 
susceptibilities,  but  she  often  wounded  them  unin- 
tentionally through  her  despotic  and  jealous  super- 
vision. 

The  higher  classes,  poisoned  by  the  seductive 
arts  of  Rome,  had  become  deaf  to  the  voice  of 
duty,  and  the  wise  and  vigilant  among  the  nation 
feared,  with  reason,  that  the  whole  body  would  be 
infused  with  the  moral  prostration  of  its  highest 
members.  The  aristocratic  families  were,  indeed, 
so  deeply  steeped  in  immorality  that  the  middle 
classes  could  hardly  escape  its  contaminating  influ- 
ence. The  bad  example  was  set  by  the  last  mem- 
bers of  the  house  of  Herod,  who  were  educated 
either  in  Rome  itself  or  in  the  small  courts  of  the 
princely   Roman    vassals.     Agrippa   II     (born    27, 


CH.  IX.  AGRIPPA    II. 


■j:) 


died  91-93),  son  of  the  last  noble  Judaean  king 
Agrippa  I,  a  mere  stripling  of  seventeen  years 
at  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  drank  in  the  pois- 
oned air  of  the  Roman  court,  where  the  Messallnas 
and  Agrlppinas  openly  displayed  the  most  hideous 
vices.  After  the  demise  of  Herod  II,  the  Emperor 
Claudius  gave  Agrippa  the  tiny  kingdom  of  Chal- 
cis  (about  50).  It  was  whispered  that  this  last 
scion  of  the  Hasmonaean  and  Herodian  houses  led 
an  incestuous  life  with  his  beautiful  sister  Berenice, 
who  was  a  year  younger  than  himself,  and  a  widow 
on  the  death  of  her  husband,  Herod  II.  There 
was  probably  some  truth  in  the  rumor,  as  Agrippa 
found  himself  forced  to  silence  it.  He  betrothed 
his  sister  to  Polemon,  king  of  Cilicia,  who,  perhaps 
allured  by  her  wealth  even  more  than  by  her 
beauty,  adopted  Judaism  to  obtain  her  hand.  But 
impelled  by  her  inconstant  humor,  Berenice  soon 
left  Polemon,  and  was  free  again  to  indulge  in  her 
licentious  intrigues. 

Agrippa's  second  sister,  Mariamne  II  (born  34), 
married  to  a  native  of  Palestine,  Julius  Archelaus, 
dissolved  that  union,  though  she  had  borne  him 
a  daughter,  and  became  the  wife  of  the  Judaean 
Demetrius  of  Alexandria,  probably  the  son  of  the 
Alabarch  Alexander,  and  in  that  case  the  brother 
of  the  apostate  Tiberius  Alexander.  Still  more 
depraved  was  his  youngest  sister,  the  beautiful 
Drusilla  (born  38).  Her  father  had  promised  her, 
when  still  a  child,  to  the  prince  Epiphanes,  the  son  of 
his  friend  Antiochus  of  Commagene,  but  only  upon 
condition  of  his  becoming  a  convert  to  Judaism. 
After  Agrippa's  death,  however,  Epiphanes  refused 
to  accept  Judaism,  and  the  young  Agrippa  gave  his 
sister  Drusilla  to  Aziz,  king  of  Emesa,  who  declared 
himself  willing  to  embrace  her  faith.  Heedless, 
however,  of  conjugal  duty,  Drusilla  soon  abandoned 
her  husband,  married  a  Roman,  the  Governor  Felix, 
and  for  his  sake  gave  up  her  faith  and  became  a 


236  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

pagan.  The  envy  with  which  Berenice  inspired 
Drusilla  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  motive  of  the 
infidelity  of  the  younger  sister  both  to  her  husband 
and  to  her  rehgion. 

Although  Agrippa  was  only  prince  of  Chalcis,  he 
was  looked  upon  as  the  king  of  Judaea.  Rome  cer- 
tainly had  not  deprived  him  of  the  royal  title,  but  had 
divested  him  of  all  power,  and  made  use  of  him  only  as 
a  pliant  tool  and  as  a  guard  upon  the  movements  of 
the  surrounding  nations.  Agrippa  was  devoted  to 
the  imperial  house,  styling  himself  the  emperor's 
friend.  He  displayed  weakness  and  impotency  when 
it  behooved  him  to  put  bounds  to  the  usurpations, 
insolence,  and  arrogance  of  Rome,  and  only  showed 
his  strength  when  he  opposed  the  struggles  of  his 
people  to  regain  their  freedom  and  liberty.  The 
whole  house  of  Agrippa,  including  his  most  distant 
connections,  Antipas  and  the  two  brothers  Costo- 
bar  and  Saul,  were  all  immoral,  rapacious,  and  hostile 
to  their  own  people.  The  only  authority  which 
Claudius,  or  rather  his  council,  had  left  in  the  hands 
of  the  titular  king,  and  which  was  ratified  by  his  suc- 
cessors, was  that  which  he  was  allowed  to  exercise 
over  the  Temple,  and  which  enabled  him  to  appoint 
the  high  priest.  It  was  not  religious  zeal  or  moral 
worth  that  swayed  Agrippa  in  the  choice  of  the  high 
priest,  but  simply  the  sentiments  felt  by  the  candi- 
date for  that  office  towards  Rome.  He  who  carried 
servility  and  the  surrender  of  national  aspirations 
furthest  gained  the  prize.  In  barely  twenty  years 
Agrippa  had  named  at  least  seven  high  priests. 
Among  that  number  was  Ananias  (son  of  Eleazar?), 
whose  enormous  wealth,  either  acquired  or  inherited, 
allowed  him  to  ingratiate  himself  with  all  who  were 
open  to  bribery,  and  set  him  free  to  practise  acts  of 
lawlessness  and  violence.  Since  the  time  when 
Herod  had  lowered  the  dignity  of  the  high  priest's 
office  by  permitting  it  to  be  sold  or  gained  by 
pandering  to  most  degraded  sentiments,  there  were 


CH.  IX.  CORRUPTION    OP^   THE    PRIESTHOOD.  237 

certain  families  who  seemed  to  have  acquired  a 
right  to  it — those  of  Boethus,  Cantheras,  Phabi, 
Camith,  and  Anan  or  Seth,  and  it  was  but  seldom 
that  any  one  was  elected  outside  that  circle.  The 
members  of  these  families  vied  with  each  other  in 
dishonorable  conduct  and  frivolous  thoughtless- 
ness. Often  their  fierce  jealousy  broke  out  in  acts 
of  violence,  and  the  streets  of  Jerusalem  occasion- 
ally were  the  scenes  of  bloody  skirmishes  between 
the  followers  of  those  hostile  rival  houses.  Each 
succeeding  high  priest  tried  to  gain  as  much  as  pos- 
sible out  of  his  office,  giving — heedless  of  the  worth 
or  fitness  of  the  recipient — the  most  lucrative  places 
in  the  Temple  to  his  relatives  and  friends.  So 
reckless  were  the  high  priests  in  the  use,  or  rather 
abuse,  of  their  power,  that  they  would  send  their 
slaves,  armed  with  clubs,  to  the  barns  to  seize  for 
themselves  the  tithes  which  every  one  was  legally 
free  to  give  to  whichever  priest  he  might  select. 
Those  priests  who  had  not  the  good  fortune  to  be 
related  to  the  high  priest  were  thus  deprived  of  the 
means  of  subsistence,  and  fell  into  stringent  poverty. 
Avarice  and  greed  of  power  were  the  mainsprings 
of  the  actions  of  those  who  were  elected  to  repre- 
sent the  highest  ideal  of  morality  ;  the  Temple  was 
despoiled  by  its  dignitaries  even  before  the  enemy 
forced  his  way  into  it  with  his  weapons  of  murder. 

From  this  time,  according  to  tradition,  the  visible 
signs  of  divine  mercy  ceased  to  appear  in  the  Temple. 
Like  some  cankerous  affection,  this  demoralization 
of  princes  and  high  priests  extended  ever  more 
and  more  to  the  classes  closest  to  them,  producing 
evils  which  are  depicted  in  dark  colors  by  the  pen  of 
a  contemporary.  Since  the  penal  laws  were  admin- 
istered in  the  name  of  the  emperor,  and  were  placed 
under  the  control  of  the  governors,  the  judiciary 
became  dependent  upon  the  Romans  and  the 
wealthy  and  influential  classes.  Selfishness,  bri- 
bery, calumny,    and   cowardice,   according    to    the 


238  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

painter  of  the  manners  and  morality  of  that  period, 
were  ever  increasing.  "  They  throw  off,"  he  bitterly 
exclaims,  "  the  yoke  of  heaven,  and  place  themselves 
under  the  yoke  of  men  ;  their  judgments  are  false 
and  their  actions  perverse.  The  vain  and  thought- 
less are  made  great,  while  the  nobler  citizens  are 
despised."  Frivolity  in  the  women  and  licentious- 
ness in  the  men  were  so  completely  the  order  of 
the  day  that  the  most  eminent  teacher  of  morality 
of  that  time,  Jochanan  ben  Zaccai,  found  himself 
obliged  to  abolish  the  ritual  hitherto  used  in  cases  of 
suspicion  of  adultery.  With  deep  sorrrow,  the  nobler- 
minded  Judaeans  lamented  a  state  of  things  in 
which  outward  forms  of  worship  stood  higher  than 
morality,  and  the  defiling  of  the  Temple  caused 
more  scandal  and  wrath  than  an  act  of  murder.  In 
the  lower  classes,  crime  of  another  but  of  a  not  less 
alarming  nature  appeared.  The  frequent  insurrec- 
tions which  had  been  stimulated  and  fomented  by 
the  Zealots  since  Rome  had  arrogantly  treated 
Judaea  like  a  conquered  province,  had  given  rise 
to  bands  of  free  troops,  which  roved  wildly  about  the 
country,  confounding  liberty  with  licentiousness, 
and  trampling  upon  both  customs  and  laws.  They 
crowded  the  caves  and  hollows  which  abound  in  the 
rocky  mountains  of  Judsea,  and  from  those  retreats 
made  frequent  irruptions  to  gratify  their  love  of 
unbridled  liberty.  Some  bands  of  Zealots,  led  by 
Eleazar  ben  Dinai  and  Alexander,  were  incited  by 
feelings  of  patriotism  to  deeds  of  cruelty.  They 
had  sworn  destruction  and  death  to  the  Romans, 
and  they  included  among  the  latter  all  those  who 
consorted  with  them;  they  would  not  recognize 
them  as  Judseans,  and  deemed  it  no  crime  to  plun- 
der and  destroy  them.  The  degenerate  friends  of 
Rome  were,  according  to  their  views,  and  the  oaths 
they  had  taken,  mere  outlaws,  and  the  Zealots  kept 
their  oath  only  too  well.  They  attacked  the  nobles 
as  often  as  they  fell   in  their   way,  ravaged   their 


CH.  IX.  THE    SICARII.  239 

possessions  and  did  them  as  much  harm  as  lay  in 
their  power.  If  there  was  any  wrong  to  be  avenj^ed 
upon  the  enemy  of  their  country,  they  were  the  first 
to  lend  their  sword  in  defense  of  their  outraged 
nationality. 

Another  band  of  Zealots,  grown  wild  and  savage, 
forgot  the  original  aim  of  liberating  their  country, 
and  turned  their  attacks  upon  the  foes  of  the  latter 
into  profit  for  themselves.  They  were  called  Sicarii, 
from  the  short  dagger  "  sica,"  which  they  wore  con- 
cealed under  their  cloaks,  and  with  which,  either 
openly  or  insidiously,  they  struck  and  killed  their 
enemies.  The  Sicarii  belonged  to  the  very  refuse 
of  the  Zealots.  Later  they  acknowledged  the  grand- 
sons of  Judas  of  Galilee,  Menahem  and  Eleazar  ben 
Jair,  as  their  leaders,  but  at  the  commencement  of 
this  epoch  they  were  under  no  discipline  whatever. 
They  wandered  about  the  country  without  any 
defined  object,  lending  their  assistance  to  those  who 
either  offered  them  a  reward  or  an  opportunity  for 
satisfying  their  thirst  for  revenge.  Armed  with 
daggers,  they  wandered  among  the  various  groups 
that  thronged  the  colonnade  of  the  Temple  during 
the  festivals,  and  unperceived,  struck  down  those 
they  had  marked  out  as  their  victims.  These  mur- 
ders were  committed  with  such  extraordinary  rapidity 
and  skill,  that  for  a  long  time  the  assassins  remained 
undiscovered,  but  all  the  greater  were  the  dread 
and  horror  excited  by  those  dark,  mysterious  deeds. 
Murders  became  so  frequent  that  Jochanan  ben 
Zaccai  and  the  teachers  of  the  Law  found  it  neces- 
sary to  abrogate  the  sin-offering  for  the  shedding 
of  innocent  blood,  as  too  many  animals  would  have 
been  slaughtered  for  the  human  victims.  It  may 
have  been  about  this  time  that  the  Great  Synhedrion, 
which  witnessed  with  intense  grief  the  constant  in- 
crease of  lawlessness  and  immorality,  gave  up  its 
functions  and  transferred  its  place  of  meeting  from 
the  Hewn-stone  Hall  to  the  Commercial  Hall  in 


240  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

Bethany,  an  act  which  seemed  to  imply  its  dissolu- 
tion. 

To  stem,  if  possible,  the  confusion  and  disorder 
which  existed,  the  noblest  citizens  combined,  and 
keeping  aloof  from  conflicts  and  strifes,  sought  to 
further  by  all  means  in  their  power  the  spiritual 
advancement  of  Judaism.  To  keep  the  Law  intact 
was  their  self-imposed,  sacred  task.  In  Jochanan 
ben  Zaccai  they  found  a  fitting  representative.  He 
was  considered,  next  to  the  president  of  the  Synhed- 
rion,  Simon  ben  Gamaliel  (and  perhaps  even  before 
him),  as  the  greatest  teacher  of  that  time.  On 
account  of  his  deep  knowledge  of  the  Law  and  of 
the  worth  and  dignity  of  his  character,  Jochanan 
ben  Zaccai  was  made  vice-president  of  the  Synhed- 
rion.  That  position  gave  him  the  power  to  cancel 
such  laws  as  could  not  be  enforced  in  that  stormy 
period.  His  chief  office,  however,  was  that  of 
teacher.  In  the  cool  shade  cast  by  the  Temple 
walls,  he  sat,  encircled  by  his  disciples,  to  whom  he 
delivered  the  laws  that  were  to  be  observed,  and 
expounded  the  Scriptures. 

Besides  the  spirit  of  anarchy  there  was  another 
source  of  discord  and  misery.  As  the  existing 
situation  became  more  and  more  sad  and  hopeless, 
the  longing  in  the  hearts  of  faithful  believers  for  the 
expected  deliverer  who  was  to  bring  peace  to 
Judeea  became  more  and  more  intense.  Messianic 
hopes  were  rifer  among  the  people  now  than  they 
had  been  even  during  the  time  of  the  first  Roman 
governors  ;  and  these  hopes  stirred  up  enthusiasts 
who  proclaimed  themselves  to  be  prophets  and  Mes- 
siahs, and  who  inspired  belief  and  obtained  followers. 
Freedom  from  the  yoke  of  Rome  was  the  one  great 
aim  of  all  these  enthusiasts.  What  the  disciples  of 
Judas  attempted  to  bring  about  by  force  of  arms,  the 
disciples  of  Theudas  hoped  to  accomplish  without 
fighting,  having  recourse  only  to  signs  and  miracles. 
A  Judaean  from  Egypt  calling  himself  a  prophet, 


CH.  IX.  MESSIANIC    HOPES.  24I 

found  no  less  than  three,  or  according  to  another 
account,  four  thousand  followers.  These  he  sum- 
moned to  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  there  promised 
to  overthrow  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  with  the  breath 
of  his  mouth  and  to  defeat  the  Roman  soldiers. 
He  was  not  the  only  one  who,  carried  away  by  the 
fervor  of  desire,  prophesied  the  approach  of  better 
times.  And  well  may  those  enthusiasts  have  found 
acceptance  among  the  people.  A  nation  that  had 
enjoyed  so  rich  a  past  and  looked  forward  even  to 
a  more  glorious  future,  might  allow  itself  to  be 
lulled  into  forgetfulness  of  the  dismal  present 
by  pictures  of  freedom  and  happiness.  These 
visions  and  prophecies,  harmless  enough  in  them- 
selves, derived  a  sad  importance  from  the  bitter  and 
savage  animosity  with  which  they  inspired  the 
Roman  governors.  If  the  people,  jealous  of  any 
interference  with  their  religion,  looked  upon  the 
slightest  offense  to  it  as  an  attack  upon  Judaism 
itself,  and  made  the  governors,  the  emperor,  and 
the  Roman  state  responsible  for  the  delinquency, 
the  imperial  officials  in  Judaea  were  not  less  suscep- 
tible, for  they  treated  the  most  trivial  agitation 
among  the  people  as  an  insult  to  the  majesty  of 
Rome  and  the  emperor,  and  punished  with  equal 
severity  the  innocent  and  the  guilty.  Vain  was  the 
favor  shown  to  the  Judaean  nation  by  the  emperors 
Claudius  and  Nero — the  procurator  constantly  over- 
stepped the  limit  of  his  authority,  and  urged  on  by 
greed  and  the  love  of  power,  acted  the  part  of 
tyrant.  Judaea  had  the  misfortune  to  be  almost 
always  governed  by  depraved  creatures,  who  owed 
their  position  to  the  reckless  favorites  who  ruled 
at  court.  They  rivaled  one  another  in  acts  of 
wickedness  and  cruelty,  thus  ever  increasing  the 
discontent  and  provoking  the  wrath  of  the  people. 
Cumanus,  who  succeeded  Tiberius  Alexander  (about 
48-52),  was  the  first  of  five  such  avaricious  and 
bloodthirsty  procurators.     He  governed  only   the 


242  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

provinces  of  Judrea  and  Samaria,  Claudius  having 
bestowed  the  command  of  the  province  of  GaHlee 
on  FeHx,  the  brother  of  his  favorite,  Pallas. 
Cumanus  and  Felix  became  deadly  foes. 

It  was  the  governor  of  Judaea  who  first  excited 
the  resentment  of  the  people.  Jealous  suspi- 
cion of  any  great  concourse  of  people  assembled 
in  the  Temple,  a  suspicion  which,  since  the  revolt 
at  the  time  of  the  census,  had  become  traditional 
among  the  Roman  governors,  induced  Cumanus, 
at  the  time  of  the  Passover,  to  place  an  armed 
cohort  in  the  colonnade  of  the  Temple  to  watch 
the  throngs  which  gathered  there  during  that  fes- 
tival. On  that  occasion  a  soldier,  with  the  reckless- 
ness often  exhibited  by  the  inferior  Roman  troops, 
made  an  offensive  gesture  towards  the  sanctuary, 
which  the  people  interpreted  as  an  insult  to  their 
Temple.  Carried  away  by  indignation  and  anger, 
they  threw  stones  at  the  soldiers  and  abused 
the  governor.  A  tumult  ensued,  which  threatened 
to  become  a  serious  sedition.  Cumanus  ordered 
fresh  troops  to  advance  and  take  possession  of  the 
fortress  of  Antonia,  and  assuming  a  menacing 
aspect,  alarmed  the  people  assembled  round  the 
Temple,  who  now  hastened  to  escape  from  his 
reach.  In  their  anxiety  to  get  away,  the  crowds 
pressed  fearfully  through  the  various  places  of  exit, 
and  it  is  believed  that  more  than  ten  or  indeed 
twenty  thousand  persons  were  suffocated  or  tram- 
pled to  death. 

A  similar  occasion  might  have  led  to  a  like 
disastrous  result,  had  not  Cumanus  prudently 
complied  with  the  wishes  of  the  people.  On  the 
highway,  not  far  from  Bethoron,  a  band  of  Sicarii 
having  fallen  upon  and  robbed  a  servant  of  the 
emperor,  Cumanus  resolved  that  all  the  neighbor- 
ing villages  should  suffer  bitterly  for  the  act  of  vio- 
lence committed  in  their  vicinity.  One  of  the 
Roman    soldiers,  infuriated  by  an  attack  upon  a 


CH.  IX.  QUARREL    WITH    THE    SAMARITANS.  243 

fellow-countryman,  got  possession  of  a  Book  of  the 
Law,  tore  it  in  pieces  and  threw  the  fragments  into 
the  fire.  Here  was  a  new  cause  for  angry  excite- 
ment and  wrathful  reproaches  in  the  desecration  of 
what  they  held  most  sacred.  Countless  bands 
flocked  to  Cumanus  at  Csesarea,  crying  out  against 
the  blasphemer.  Much  rather,  they  exclaimed, 
would  they  suffer  the  worst  fate  themselves  than 
see  their  Holy  Scriptures  profaned ;  and  in  tones 
of  fury  they  called  for  the  death  of  the  guilty  man. 
The  governor  yielded  this  time  to  the  counsel  of 
his  friends,  and  ordered  the  soldier  to  be  executed 
in  the  presence  of  those  whose  religious  feelings  he 
had  outraged. 

Another  occurrence  took  a  more  serious  form 
and  led  to  strife  and  bloodshed.  Some  Galilaeans 
who  were  on  their  way  to  a  festival  at  Jerusalem, 
passed  through  Samaria,  and  whilst  in  the  town  of 
Ginaea,  on  the  southeastern  end  of  the  plain  of 
Jezreel,  they  were  murdered  in  a  fray  with  the  hos- 
tile Samaritans.  Was  this  only  an  accidental  mis- 
chance, or  the  result  of  the  burning  hatred  which 
existed  between  the  Judaeans  and  the  Samaritans  ? 
In  either  case  the  representatives  of  Galilee  were 
justified  in  demanding  vengeance  at  the  hands  of 
the  governor  upon  the  murderers.  But  Cumanus 
treated  the  affair  with  contemptuous  indifference, 
and  thus  obliged  the  Judaeans  to  deal  with  the 
matter  themselves.  The  leaders  of  the  Zealots, 
Eleazer  ben  Dinai  and  Alexander,  incited  both  by 
the  Galilaeans  and  their  governor,  Felix,  took  the 
matter  into  their  own  hands,  entered  with  their 
troops  the  province  of  Acrabatene,  inhabited  by 
Samaritans,  and  pitilessly  destroyed  and  killed  all 
within  their  reach.  The  Samaritans  appealed  to 
Cumanus  for  redress  for  this  attack  upon  their 
province,  and  he  gave  them  permission  to  take  up 
arms,  sending  at  the  same  time  Roman  troops  to 
assist  them  in  a  fearful  massacre. 


244  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

This  proof,  as  they  considered  it,  of  the  par- 
tisanship of  the  emperor's  officials  roused  the 
anger  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  to  such  a 
degree  that,  spurred  on  among  others  by  Dortus, 
a  man  of  some  position,  they  were  on  the 
point  of  attacking  the  troops  of  Cumanus,  which 
would  doubtless  have  seriously  increased  the 
gravity  of  the  situation,  and  might  have  hastened 
the  final  catastrophe  by  twenty  years.  The  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  however,  alarmed 
at  the  possible  consequences  of  an  outbreak  against 
the  Roman  arms,  strove  to  prevent  so  dangerous 
an  act,  and,  clothed  in  deep  mourning,  implored 
the  irritated  multitude  to  pause  and  think  of  the 
future.  At  their  prayer  the  people  laid  down  their 
arms.  But  neither  the  Judeeans  nor  the  Samaritans 
were  really  pacified,  and  still  smarting  under  the 
wrongs  mutually  received,  they  sent  deputies  to 
the  Syrian  governor,  Umidlus  Ouadratus,  accus- 
ing each  other,  and  asking  him  to  investigate  the 
whole  dispute.  To  effect  that  object,  Quadratus 
visited  Samaria  ;  but  he  was  not  an  impartial  judge, 
and  many  of  the  captive  Judzeans  were  doomed  to 
perish  on  the  cross.  It  was  only  after  those  exe- 
cutions had  taken  place  that  he  formed  a  tribunal  of 
justice,  and  summoned  both  parties  to  appear  before 
it.  In  the  meantime,  however,  Felix  having  taken 
the  part  of  the  Galilaeans  against  the  Samaritans, 
such  entanglements  ensued  that  Quadratus  would 
not  venture  to  adjudicate  between  the  disputants,  and 
ordered  them  to  send  deputies  to  Rome  to  obtain 
the  decision  of  the  emperor.  Among  the  Judaean 
envoys  were  Jonathan,  the  former  high  priest,  and 
Anan,  the  governor  of  the  Temple.  Cumanus  was 
also  obliged  to  leave  his  post  in  order  to  appear  at 
Rome  and  justify  himself  there. 

All  the  intricate  court  intrigues  were  brought  into 
play  by  this  trial,  which  took  on  a  more  serious  aspect 
from  the  fact  that  the  governor  himself  was  one  of  the 


CH.  IX.  FELIX.  245 

accused.  The  emperor  caused  a  tribunal  to  be  formed; 
but  the  verdict  was  given  not  by  himself,  but  by  his 
depraved  wife,  the  notorious  Agrippina,  who  was 
the  paramour  of  Pallas,  the  brother  of  Felix.  It 
had  been  arranged  between  the  Judcean  deputies 
and  Pallas  that  after  sentence  was  pronounced 
against  Cumanus,  the  emperor  should  be  asked 
to  name  Felix  governor  of  Juda;a  in  his  stead. 
The  verdict  given  in  favor  of  the  Judaeans  could 
not  be  considered  an  impartial  one,  and  was  not 
in  itself  a  proof  that  the  Samaritans  had  been 
the  aggressors.  Many  of  them  were  pronounced 
guilty  and  executed,  and  Cumanus  was  sent  into 
banishment.  At  the  same  time,  probably  also 
through  the  intercession  of  the  empress,  a  kingdom 
in  the  northeast  of  Judaea  was  bestowed  upon 
Agrippa ;  it  consisted  of  that  part  of  the  country 
which  had  once  belonged  to  Philip's  tetrarchy, 
Batansea,  Gaulanitis,  Auranitis,  Trachonitis,  as  well 
as  Paneas  and  Abilene.  On  Judaea  proper  Rome 
kept  a  firm  grasp,  and  would  never  allow  a  native 
prince,  however  much  he  might  be  under  Roman 
influence  and  control,  to  exercise  in  that  domain 
any  regal  prerogatives. 

Felix,  whose  appointment  had  been  sought  of  the 
emperor  by  the  former  high  priest,  Jonathan,  suc- 
ceeded Cumanus  as  governor  of  Judaea.  He 
married  Drusilla,  King  Agrippa  IPs  beautiful  sister, 
who  thereupon  went  over  to  paganism.  During  his 
long  administration,  Felix  surpassed  all  his  prede- 
cessors in  arrogance  and  audacity.  He  gave  him- 
self up  entirely  to  the  acquisition  of  riches  and  the 
satisfaction  of  his  appetites.  He  continued  to 
exercise  his  evil  power  even  after  the  death  of 
Claudius  (54).  For  although  the  young  emperor, 
Nero,  or  his  mother,  Agrippina,  was  as  favorable  to 
the  house  of  Herod  as  Claudius  had  been,  and  had 
given  Agrippa  four  considerable  towns  with  their 
surrounding  districts  as  well  as  the  important  city 


246  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

of  Tiberias  near  Tarichea  in  Galilee,  Judaea  was 
allowed  to  remain  under  the  iron  rule  of  its  cruel 
governor.  Felix  pretended  to  attack  only  the 
seditious  mutineers  ;  but  the  fact  of  his  consorting 
with  the  wild  Sicarii  showed  how  little  truth  there 
was  in  that  assumption.  Numerous,  indeed,  must 
have  been  the  victims  who  suffered  death  at  his 
hands  under  the  plea  that  they  were  the  enemies  of 
Rome,  for  even  the  former  high  priest,  Jonathan,  at 
whose  request  the  emperor  had  given  Felix  his 
appointment,  now  bitterly  reproached  him  for  his 
misdeeds.  Exasperated  by  his  boldness  the  gov- 
ernor caused  him  to  be  assassinated,  employing  the 
Sicarii  to  seize  and  murder  him  in  the  broad  light 
of  day.  Ishmael  II,  of  the  house  of  Phabi,  was 
named  high  priest  by  Agrippa  in  about  the  year  59. 
It  was  during  his  pontificate  that  the  family  of  the 
high  priest  gained  such  power  in  the  state  that, 
aided  by  a  strong  rabble,  they  were  able  to  compel 
the  landowners  to  pay  them  all  the  tithes,  thus 
robbing  the  lower  priests  of  their  incomes  and 
causing  many  of  them  to  perish  from  want. 

The  arrogance  with  which  the  governors  treated 
the  nation  was  not  without  its  baneful  influence 
upon  the  conduct  of  the  foreigners  who  dwelt  in 
great  numbers  in  the  towns  on  the  sea-coast.  The 
Greeks  and  Romans  that  had  settled  in  Judaea 
openly  showed  their  hatred  to  their  neighbors,  and 
usurped  the  position  of  masters  in  the  land.  The 
fearful  picture  drawn  by  the  great  prophet  seemed 
now  on  the  point  of  being  literally  fulfilled  :  "  The 
stranger  in  thy  midst  will  ever  rise  higher,  but 
thou  wilt  ever  sink  lower,"  The  most  shameless  in 
their  conduct  towards  the  Judaeans  were  the  Greek 
Syrians  who  lived  in  Caesarea — even  the  civil  rights 
of  the  former  were  disputed  by  them.  But  the 
Judaeans  of  Caesarea,  who  far  surpassed  their 
heathen  fellow-citizens  in  industry,  wealth  and 
courage,  would  not  allow  themselves  to  be  deprived 


CH.  IX.  FESTUS.  247 

of  their  rights  of  citizenship,  and  fierce  disputes  and 
fights  In  the  streets  were  consequently  of  almost 
daily  occurrence.  On  one  occasion,  some  Judsean 
youths  having  avenged  with  blows  an  insult  they 
had  received  from  a  party  of  Syrians,  and  obliged 
the  latter  to  flee,  Felix  took  up  the  affair,  called  In 
some  troops,  which,  being  chiefly  composed  of 
Greeks  and  Syrians,  sided  heartily  with  their  own 
countrymen.  Many  Judoeans  lost  their  lives,  many 
were  imprisoned,  and  the  houses  of  the  rich  were 
plundered  and  destroyed.  The  actual  point  in 
dispute  remained  undecided,  both  sides  being  only 
more  embittered  by  the  blood  that  had  been  shed. 
The  rival  parties  sent  deputies  to  Rome,  and  Nero 
was  called  upon  to  pronounce  judgment  between 
them.  Bribery  gained  the  favor  of  Burrus,  the 
secretary  of  the  emperor,  to  the  cause  of  the 
Syrians  of  Ccesarea.  His  verdict  was  consequently 
given  against  the  Judaeans,  who  were  deprived  of 
their  civil  rights. 

Festus,  the  successor  of  Felix,  governed  for  only 
a  short  time  (from  59  to  61).  During  that  period 
the  unsatisfactory  state  of  things  remained  un- 
changed, or.  If  possible,  became  still  worse.  A  new 
enthusiast,  proclaiming  himself  the  Messiah,  awoke 
the  hope  of  the  people  for  liberty  and  redemption, 
drew  followers  around  him,  and  then  shared  the 
fate  of  his  predecessors.  The  jealous  spite  which 
animated  the  different  parties  became  more  and 
more  violent.  The  king,  Agrippa,  at  length  took 
up  hlfj  residence  in  Jerusalem,  in  the  Hasmonaean 
palace,  which  was  just  opposite  the  Temple.  In 
order  to  overlook  the  courts  of  the  latter  he  added 
to  the  height  of  his  palace,  and  from  the  hall  in  that 
building,  where  he  took  his  repasts,  he  could  watch 
every  movement  that  took  place  in  the  Temple. 
The  Temple  authorities  took  umbrage  at  this,  and 
complained  that  Agrippa  encroached  upon  their 
privileges  ;   and  in  order  to  hide  the  Temple  from 


248  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

his  view  they  had  a  high  wall  built  on  its  western 
side.  This  aroused  the  displeasure  of  Agrippa  and 
of  the  governor,  who  wished  to  demolish  the  hardly 
finished  wall.  Bitter  words  were  used  on  both 
sides  ;  but  at  last  prudence  prevailed,  and  it  was 
resolved  that  the  dispute  should  be  settled  by  the 
emperor.  Twelve  deputies,  among  whom  were  the 
high  priest  Ishmael  and  the  treasurer  Hilkia,  were 
sent  to  represent  the  case  at  Rome.  It  was  not 
Nero,  however,  but  his  paramour,  Poppea  Sabina, 
who  gave  the  verdict.  This  beautiful  but  shameless 
woman  had,  strangely  enough,  a  preference  for  Ju- 
daism, and  as  at  Nero's  court  all  state  affairs  were 
conducted  by  intrigue,  the  Judaean  deputies  profited 
by  that  happy  chance  and  won  their  cause.  The 
deputies  brought  back  the  imperial  order  that  the 
jealous  guard  kept  over  the  Temple  should  be  dis- 
continued. A  few  years  later  Poppea  interceded 
again  on  behalf  of  two  Judseans  who  had  been  con- 
demned by  Felix  and  sent  as  prisoners  to  Rome.  In 
order  not  to  infringe  upon  the  laws  of  their  religion 
they,  like  Daniel  and  his  friends,  refused,  whilst  in 
prison,  to  eat  anything  but  fruit.  But  at  the  desire 
of  Poppea,  who  had  now  become  empress,  Nero 
granted  the  self-denying  captives  their  liberty. 

After  the  death  of  Festus,  Nero  named  Albinos 
governor,  and  in  comparison  with  those  who  pre- 
ceded and  those  who  came  after  him  he  was  looked 
upon  as  a  just  ruler.  Before  he  entered  the  prov- 
ince, Anan  the  high  priest  attempted  to  revive  the 
half-extinct  Sadducaeism,  and  to  put  its  penal  code 
again  into  force  ;  a  tribunal  was  elected  by  him,  and 
innocent  men  were  condemned.  The  Pharisees 
were  so  dissatisfied  with  this  illegal  Synhedrion  that 
they  demanded  of  Agrippa  the  dismissal  of  the  high 
priest. 

The  new  governor  Albinus  was  met  on  his  way 
by  accusations  against  Anan,  who  it  was  said  had 
infringed  upon  the  authority  of  Rome  by  punishing 


CH.  IX.  JOSHUA    BEN    GAMALA.  249 

criminals  himself.  His  enemies  were  successful, 
and  he  was  obliged  to  resign  his  office  of  high  priest 
after  having  filled  it  for  three  months.  Joshua  ben 
Damnai  succeeded  him,  but  in  a  short  time  he  had 
to  give  way  to  Joshua  ben  Gamala  (63  or  64). 
Ben-Gamala  had  married  a  widow  of  great  wealth, 
Martha,  a  daughter  of  the  house  of  the  high  priest 
Boethus,  and  it  is  said  that  she  induced  King 
Agrippa  II,  by  the  offer  of  a  large  bribe,  to  confer 
the  office  of  high  priest  upon  her  husband.  Between 
Joshua  ben  Damnai  and  his  more  fortunate  suc- 
cessor there  burned  so  fierce  a  hatred  that  their 
respective  followers  could  not  meet  in  the  streets 
without  insulting  and  even  attacking  each  other. 

Joshua  ben  Gamala  can,  however,  by  no  means  be 
ranked  among  the  worst  of  the  high  priests.  The 
improvement  in  education,  which  began  with  him, 
testified  to  the  interest  he  took  in  the  useful  institu- 
tions of  the  community.  He  established  schools  for 
boys  from  the  age  of  five  years  in  every  town.  But 
Ben-Gamala  did  not  long  retain  his  high  office  ;  he 
was  obliged  to  resign  it  to  Matthia  ben  Theophilus 
(65),  the  last  of  the  twenty-eight  high  priests  who 
owed  their  election  to  Rome  and  the  house  of  Herod. 
Albinus  the  governor,  who  was  bent  upon  the  de- 
struction of  the  fanatical  Sicarii,  embittered  the 
people  by  the  heavy  taxes  laid  upon  them,  a  part  of 
which  he  kept  for  himself.  Upon  learning  that  a 
successor  had  been  appointed,  he  caused  those  of 
the  Sicarii  who  had  been  imprisoned  for  serious 
offenses  to  be  executed,  and  those  who  were  suffer- 
ing for  lighter  misdeeds  were,  upon  paying  a  fine, 
set  at  liberty.  The  Sicarii  thus  released  from  im- 
prisonment took  part  afterwards  in  the  insurrec- 
tions of  the  people  against  their  oppressors,  and 
stained  the  good  cause  with  many  acts  of  cruelty. 

The  last  of  the  procurators,  Gessius  Florus,  who 
also  was  appointed  by  Poppea,  hastened  by  his 
shameless   partiality,  avarice,  and  inhumanity,  the 


250  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

execution  of  the  long-cherished  plan  of  the  malcon- 
tents to  shake  off  the  tyrannical  yoke  of  Rome. 
Florus  was  one  of  those  utterly  profligate  beings 
to  whom  nothing  is  sacred  ;  who  sacrifice  every- 
thing to  their  greed,  and  disregard,  without  scruple, 
the  most  solemn  oaths.  What  his  predecessors 
had  done  with  a  pretense  at  least  to  some  form,  or 
under  the  shadow  of  secrecy,  he  accomplished  openly 
in  brazen-faced  defiance  of  the  Law.  Inaccessible 
to  pity,  he  had  indulgence  only  for  the  Sicarii, 
who  gave  him  a  portion  of  their  plunder.  In  the 
two  years  during  which  his  administration  lasted 
(64-66),  many  towns  were  completely  sacked.  The 
Sicarii  were  allowed  to  carry  on  unmolested  their 
nefarious  practices,  the  rich  being  obliged  to  pur- 
chase their  favor  as  well  as  that  of  their  patrons. 

So  unbearable  was  this  condition  of  the  state  that 
even  a  cowardly  nation  must  have  lost  patience,  and 
the  courage  of  the  Judaean  people,  in  spite  of  the 
thousand  disasters  which  had  befallen  them,  of  the 
heavy  weight  of  the  Roman  yoke,  and  of  the  daily 
acts  of  violence  of  which  they  were  the  victims,  was 
not  yet  broken.  Rome  at  that  time  resembled  a 
community  of  madmen,  among  whom  the  emperor 
Nero,  confiding  in  the  favor  of  the  Senate  and  the 
people,  perpetrated  one  folly  after  another,  and 
was  guilty  of  a  succession  of  crimes.  Thus,  ex- 
cepting through  their  own  endeavors,  there  ap- 
peared no  chance  of  deliverance  for  the  Judseans. 
This  was  the  opinion  of  the  best  and  greatest  among 
them,  of  all  those  who  were  not  the  tools  of  Rome, 
or  blinded  by  her  false  splendor,  or  paralyzed  by 
terror  of  her  strength.  The  boldest  were  already 
thinking  of  rebellion.  The  governor,  Cestius  Gallus, 
had,  in  the  meantine,  been  informed  of  the  exasper- 
ation and  angry  feeling  that  existed  among  the  Ju- 
dsean  people,  and  reported  the  state  of  Judaea  at  the 
court  of  Rome,  failing  not  to  make  known  there 
that  the  nation  was  brooding  over  conspiracy  and 


CH.  IX.  CENSUS    OF    THE    PEOPLE.  25 1 

revolt.  But  no  one  listened  to  his  warning  voice. 
Nero  was  too  busy  to  attend  to  such  trifles  ;  he  had 
to  play  the  zither,  to  perform  on  the  stage,  to  indulge 
in  orgies,  and  to  devise  murders.  The  Empress 
Poppea,  the  friend  of  the  Judaeans,  was  dead.  The 
creatures  of  the  court  resembled  the  monster  Ges- 
sius  Florus,  and  doubtless  derided  what  they  con- 
sidered the  puerile  fears  of  Gallus.  The  latter 
thereupon  devised  a  plan  to  bring  prominently 
before  Nero's  court  the  vastness  of  the  population 
of  Judsea,  and  the  imprudence  of  underrating  it.  It 
was  arranged  between  Agrippa  and  the  high  priest 
Matthia  that  at  the  Feast  of  the  Passover  a  great 
though  peaceful  demonstration  should  take  place, 
through  a  peculiar  manner  of  numbering  the  people. 
Circulars  were  sent  to  the  community,  residing  both 
within  and  outside  Judaea,  bidding  vast  numbers 
appear  at  the  coming  festival.  Crowds  of  worship- 
ers, a  greater  concourse  than  had  ever  assembled 
before,  obeyed  the  summons.  In  the  spring  of  the 
year  66  they  flocked  to  celebrate  the  Feast  of  Pass- 
over ;  from  the  towns  and  villages  of  Judsea,  from 
Syria,  even  from  countries  bordering  the  Euphrates, 
and  from  Egypt,  they  streamed  into  Jerusalem,  which 
could  hardly  contain  the  vast  multitude.  On  their 
way  towards  the  Temple,  some  of  the  pilgrims  were 
crushed  in  the  crowd,  and  this  feast  was  thereafter 
called  the  Passover  of  the  Crushing.  The  number- 
ing of  the  people  was  carried  on  in  the  following 
way  : — From  each  offering  a  kidney  was  taken  for 
the  priests,  the  kidneys  thus  appropriated  being 
counted ;  and  it  was  reckoned  that  each  lamb  that 
was  eaten  in  company,  was  partaken  of  by  at  least 
ten  persons.  The  result  of  these  calculations 
proved  that  nearly  three  millions  were  at  that  time 
present  in  Jerusalem. 

Cestius  Gallus  had  himself  come  to  Jerusalem  to 
conduct  the  investigation,  and  all  appealed  to  him 
to  have    pity  on    their   unspeakable  woes,  and  to 


252  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

deliver  them  from  their  country's  scourge.  Florus, 
who  was  present,  only  smiled,  but  the  governor  of 
the  city  promised  to  use  his  influence  in  softening 
the  procurator's  heart  towards  them,  and  he  ac- 
quainted Rome  with  the  imposing  concourse  he  had 
seen  with  his  own  eyes  at  Jerusalem.  He  was, 
however,  much  deceived  as  to  the  effect  produced  by 
his  device  of  proving  how  great  were  the  numbers 
of  the  people.  Kero,  at  that  time,  had  reached  the 
highest  point  of  his  arrogance  and  pride.  "  Should 
Nero,  whose  triumphs  surpassed  those  of  Pompey, 
Caesar,  and  Augustus,  fear  Judzea  ?  "  The  account 
sent  by  Cestius  Callus  of  the  crowds  assembled  at 
Jerusalem  during  the  Feast  of  Passover  was  prob- 
ably not  even  read  by  Nero,  or,  if  looked  at,  only 
thrown  to  the  winds. 

In  Judcea,  and  above  all  in  the  capital,  men, 
young  and  old,  became  daily  more  impatient  to 
break  the  galling  chains  of  Rome.  Patience  was 
exhausted  ;  they  awaited  only  the  favorable  moment 
when  they  could  strike  at  their  foe  with  a  chance  of 
success.  A  trifling  incident,  which  brought  to  light 
the  unparalleled  insolence  of  Plorus,  fanned  the 
spirit  of  impatience  and  closed  the  lips  of  prudence. 
Fresh  causes  of  disagreement  had  arisen  between 
the  Judaeans  and  the  Syrians  in  Caesarea  ;  the  former 
could  not  forget  that  Nero  had  lowered  them  in 
the  eyes  of  their  fellow-citizens,  and  the  latter, 
elated  by  the  preference  given  them,  made  the 
Judaeans  feel  their  degraded  position.  The  irrita- 
tion thus  caused,  stirred  up  the  religious  hatred  and 
racial  animosity  which  slumbered  under  the  surface 
in  both  communities.  A  piece  of  ground  belonging 
to  a  heathen  in  Caesarea,  which  happened  to  be 
just  in  front  of  the  synagogue,  was  covered  by  him 
with  shops,  so  that  only  one  narrow  entrance  to  the 
sacred  building  remained.  The  hot-headed  Judaean 
youths  tried  to  interrupt  the  construction  of  these 
booths,  and  Florus,  won   over  by  a  large  sum  of 


CH.  IX.  FLORUS.  253 

money,  refrained  from  interfering  ;  and,  in  order  not 
to  be  a  witness  of  the  probable  scene  of  contention, 
he  absented  himself  and  went  to  Samaria,  leaving 
the  two  bitterly-opposed  parties  to  the  undisturbed 
exercise  of  their  passionate  animosity.  On  a  certain 
Sabbath,  while  the  Judaeans  were  assembled  in  wor- 
ship, a  Greek  placed  a  vessel  in  front  of  the  syna- 
gogue and  sacrificed  birds  upon  it,  to  signify  that 
the  Judseans  were  descendants  of  outcast  lepers. 
This  calumny  concerning  the  origin  of  their  race  was 
not  taken  quietly  by  the  Judsean  youths,  who 
instantly  armed  themselves  and  fell  upon  their 
mocking  foes.  The  fight  ended  in  the  defeat  of  the 
Judaeans,  all  of  whom  thereupon,  carrying  away  their 
holy  books,  betook  themselves  to  the  neighboring 
small  town  of  Narbata,  and  thence  sent  an  em- 
bassy of  twelve  men,  among  whom  was  the  rich 
tax-gatherer  Jonathan,  to  Florus  in  Samaria.  The 
deputies  reminded  him  of  the  sum  he  had  received, 
and  of  his  promise  to  afford  them  protection.  But 
instead  of  listening  to  their  supplications  he  received 
them  harshly,  and  threw  them  into  prison.  When 
tidings  of  this  new  act  of  violence  reached  Jerusalem, 
the  anger  of  the  whole  population  was  aroused,  but 
before  they  had  time  to  form  any  plan  of  action,  Flo- 
rus sent  them  another  exasperating  message.  He 
desired  the  warden  of  the  Temple  to  hand  over  out 
of  the  sacred  treasury  seventeen  talents,  which  he 
declared  were  required  in  the  service  of  the  emperor. 
This  command,  the  intention  of  which  was  plainly 
discerned  by  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  made 
them  flock  around  the  Temple  as  though  they  would 
shield  the  threatened  Sanctuary.  The  timid  broke 
forth  in  lamentations,  and  the  fearless  reviled  the 
Roman  governor,  and  carried  a  box  about  as  though 
they  were  collectmg  alms  for  the  indigent  Florus. 
The  latter,  anticipating  opportunities  to  satisfy  his 
avarice  and  thirst  for  blood,  now  came  himself  to 
Jerusalem,  and  by  his  presence  added  fuel  to  the 


2  54  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

fire.  Florus  placed  himself  as  judge  in  front  of 
the  palace  of  Herod,  and  called  upon  the  high 
priest  and  the  men  of  greatest  standing  to  appear 
before  him,  demanding  them  to  deliver  into  his 
hands  those  who  had  dared  mock  him.  Trem- 
bling, they  endeavored  to  offer  excuses  for  what 
had  taken  place,  and  implored  his  mercy.  But 
F"lorus  heeded  them  not,  and  gave  orders  to  the 
Roman  soldiers  to  plunder  the  upper  market-place, 
a  quarter  inhabited  by  the  wealthy.  Like  very  de- 
mons the  wild  soldiers  threw  themselves  into  the 
market  and  the  adjoining  streets,  killed  men,  women 
and  children,  ransacked  houses  and  carried  off  their 
contents.  On  that  one  day  (i6th  lyar),  more  than 
three  thousand  six  hundred  men  perished.  The 
prisoners,  by  the  command  of  Florus,  were  scourged 
and  crucified.  In  vain  had  the  princess  or  queen 
Berenice  knelt  before  Florus,  imploring  him  to  stay 
the  work  of  bloodshed  and  destruction  ;  he  was  deaf 
to  her  entreaties,  and  in  fear  for  her  own  safety  she 
was  obliged  to  seek  refuge  and  safety  in  her  palace. 
Some  days  after,  vast  crowds  gathered  in  the  now 
half-ruined  upper  town  (Zion),  uttering  lamentations 
for  those  who  had  been  killed  and  pronouncing 
execrations  upon  their  murderer  Florus,  and  it  was 
not  without  much  difficulty  that  the  heads  of  the 
people  succeeded  in  silencing  them.  But  this  only 
increased  the  audacity  of  Florus,  who  demanded,  as 
a  proof  of  their  present  peaceable  intentions,  that 
the  people  with  the  nobles  should  go  forth  to  meet 
the  incoming  troops  and  welcome  them  in  a  friendly 
spirit.  The  representatives  of  the  Sanctuary  could 
hardly  induce  the  people  to  comply  with  that  request, 
for  the  patriots  rebelled  against  the  new  humiliation 
thus  thrust  upon  them,  and  persuaded  many  to  share 
their  sentiments.  At  length,  however,  the  high 
priest  succeeded  in  persuading  the  people  to  offer 
an  amicable  reception  to  the  Roman  cohorts.  But 
soon  the  deceitful  intention  of  the  governor  mani- 


CH.  IX.  BEGINNING    OF   THE    INSURRECTION  255 

fested  itself.  The  people  fulfilled  the  heavy  sacrifice 
they  had  with  heavy  hearts  undertaken  to  perform, 
and  greeted  the  troops  with  forced  friendliness  ;  but 
the  soldiers,  having  received  their  instructions  from 
Florus,  looked  grimly  at  them  and  made  no  res- 
ponse. At  the  first  murmur  of  discontent  caused 
by  the  strange  manner  of  the  Roman  troops,  the 
latter  rushed  upon  the  people  with  drawn  swords, 
driving  them  before  them,  whilst  the  horses  trampled 
on  the  fugitives.  A  fearful  crush  took  place  at  the 
gates  of  the  city,  and  the  road  from  Bezetha  was 
strewn  with  the  wounded  and  the  killed.  When  it 
was  perceived  that  the  soldiers  were  directing  their 
steps  towards  Fort  Antonia  and  the  Temple,  the 
designs  of  Florus  upon  the  treasures  contained 
in  it  could  no  longer  be  concealed,  and  the  people 
hastened  to  the  Sanctuary  to  protect  it,  if  possible, 
from  his  sacrilegious  project.  They  threw  stones 
at  the  soldiers,  barred  their  passage  through  the 
narrow  entrance,  demolished  the  colonnade  which 
connected  the  fortress  Antonia  with  the  Temple, 
and  thus  frustrated  the  governor's  hope  of  becoming 
a  second  Crassus.  Without  being  aware  of  it  them- 
selves, the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  had  by  that  step 
commenced  the  war  of  insurrection. 

Before  the  determined  attitude  of  the  people  the 
courage  of  Florus  forsook  him.  He  informed  the 
representatives  of  the  capital  that  in  order  to  restore 
peace  to  Jerusalem,  he  would  quit  the  city  and  with- 
draw the  greater  number  of  the  troops,  leaving  only 
a  small  garrison  behind.  Upon  representations 
being  made  to  him  that  the  greater  part  of  the  army 
was  hated  by  the  people,  on  account  of  the  inhu- 
manity of  which  it  had  been  guilty,  he  bade  them 
choose  those  soldiers  who  had  taken  least  part  in 
the  recent  butchery.  The  representatives  of  Judaea 
selected  the  soldiers  who  served  under  Metilius, 
whose  weak  disposition  appeared  to  them  a  pledge 
of  forbearance.     But  hardly  had  Florus  left  Jerusa- 


256  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

lem,  when  the  heated  ferment  resolved  itself  into 
determined  action.  The  people  were  divided  into 
two  parties,  one  was  the  party  of  peace,  the  other 
the  party  that  favored  revolution.  The  latter  party 
was  composed  chiefly  of  the  young  and  strong,  who 
shared  the  views  and  principles  of  the  Zealots. 
They  were  ready  to  risk  their  lives  in  their  endeavor 
to  overthrow  the  yoke  of  pagan,  tyrannical  Rome, 
and  regain  their  cherished  liberty. 

The  revolutionary  party  was  not  devoid  of  states- 
manlike discretion ;  it  had  already  formed  an  alli- 
ance with  the  princely  house  of  Adiabene,  which 
was  warmly  devoted  to  Judaism,  and  had  likewise 
managed  to  interest  the  Parthian-Babylonian  com- 
munity in  its  cause.  The  advocates  of  war,  bold 
and  fearless,  looked  down  upon  their  more  timid 
brethren.  Men  of  strength,  filled  with  lofty  aspir- 
ations, they  swore  a  solemn  oath  to  die  rather 
than  submit  to  Rome  ;  and  well  did  they  keep  that 
oath  in  the  raging  war,  under  the  hail  of  the  cata- 
pults, tortured  by  the  rack,  and  in  the  arena  of 
wild  beasts.  The  soul  of  the  revolutionary  party  in 
Jerusalem  was  Eleazar  ben  Ananias,  who  belonged 
to  a  high-priestly  family.  He  was  well  versed  in  the 
Law,  and  belonged  to  the  strict  school  of  Shammai, 
which  generally  agreed  with  the  Zealots. 

On  the  side  of  peace  were  the  followers  of 
Hillel,  who  abhorred  war  on  principle  ;  the  nobles 
who  were  basking  in  the  brilliant  sunshine  of 
Rome  ;  the  wealthy,  whose  possessions  would  be 
exposed  to  jeopardy  through  so  great  a  revolution 
— all  these,  though  smarting  under  the  insolence 
of  Florus,  desired  the  continuance  of  the  pre- 
sent state  of  things  under  the  imperial  power  of 
Rome.  The  honest  friends  of  peace,  however, 
failed  to  perceive  that  the  evil  from  which  the  Ju- 
daean  community  suffered  did  not  depend  upon 
any  one  person  who  might  be  accidentally  in  power, 
but  upon  the  system  of  tutelage  and  robbery,  and  on 


CH.  IX.  THE    SPEECH    OF    AGRIPPA.  257 

the  fundamental  difference  which  existed  between 
the  foreign  rulers  and  the  people  they  governed. 
Even  the  best  governors,  those  who  truly  desired 
to  preserve  order  and  peace,  could  not  have  pre- 
vented the  susceptibility  of  the  nation  from  being 
frequently  wounded,  nor  the  constant  irritation  of 
the  people. 

The  people,  although  aroused  and  embittered, 
appeared  undecided,  and  paused  before  taking 
the  final  step,  each  party  trying  to  draw  the  popu- 
lace to  its  side.  The  friends  of  peace,  wliilst  they 
strove  to  moderate  the  anger  of  the  masses,  endeav- 
ored likewise  to  justify  their  revolt  against  Florus 
before  the  Syrian  governor,  Cestius,  and  to  explain 
that  Florus  was  in  fault  for  the  disturbance  which 
had  broken  out.  They  acquainted  Cestius  with 
everything  that  had  occurred,  and  begged  him  to 
come  to  Jerusalem  to  see  with  his  own  eyes  the 
misery  and  ruin  caused  by  the  acts  of  the  last  gov- 
ernor, and  to  convince  himself  of  the  friendly  de- 
meanor of  its  inhabitants.  Cestius,  too  indolent  to 
come  and  inquire  into  the  matter  himself,  sent  a 
deputy,  Neapolitanus,  in  his  stead. 

The  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  party  had,  in 
the  meantime,  been  so  successful  that  the  payment 
of  taxes  to  Rome  was  withheld.  The  king,  Agrippa, 
who,  from  motives  of  self-interest,  was  in  favor  of 
peace,  called  the  people  together,  and  attempted 
to  open  their  eyes  to  the  danger  into  which  they 
were  blindly  running.  Standing  upon  a  high  gallery 
opposite  the  Temple  he  spoke  to  the  people.  At 
his  side  was  the  Princess  Berenice,  who  had  inter- 
ceded for  the  injured  and  downtrodden,  to  cover 
him  with  the  shield  of  her  popularity. 

His  speech,  containing  every  argument  that 
reason  or  sophistry  could  urge  against  war  with 
Rome,  made  at  first  some  impression  upon  the 
people.  A  great  number  of  them  cried  out  that 
they  had  no  ill-will  against  the  Romans,  but  only 


258  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

desired  to  be  delivered  from  the  yoke  of  Florus. 
Thereupon  Agrippa  exhorted  the  assembled  mul- 
titude to  show  that  they  were  really  peacefully 
inclined  by  replacing  the  broken  columns  they 
had  thrown  down  and  paying  the  taxes  due 
to  the  emperor.  For  the  moment  it  appeared  as 
though  their  angry  feelings  were  about  to  subside. 
The  shattered  colonnade  was  to  be  repaired,  and 
in  the  adjoining  towns  and  villages  taxes  were 
gathered.  When  Agrippa  found  what  an  advantage 
he  had  gained  he  went  a  step  further,  and  tried 
to  persuade  the  people  to  obey  Florus  as  their 
governor  until  his  successor  should  be  appointed. 
But  this  last  demand  spoilt  all.  The  revolutionary 
party  again  won  the  upper  hand,  and  Agrippa 
was  obliged  to  flee  from  Jerusalem.  Those  who 
had  so  often  suffered  from  the  cruelty  and  injustice 
of  Florus,  at  the  very  mention  of  his  name  feared 
to  become  again  his  miserable  dupes  and  the 
victims  of  cunning  intrigue.  After  Agrippa's  de- 
parture there  was  no  question  of  taxes.  Universal 
was  the  satisfaction  at  their  abolition,  and  the  tax- 
gatherers  durst  not  confront  the  prevailing  excite- 
ment by  attempting  to  enforce  their  payment. 
The  day  on  which  it  was  resolved  not  to  pay  the 
taxes,  the  25th  Sivan  (June),  was  henceforth  to 
be  kept  as  the  anniversary  of  a  victory.  The 
Sicarii  now  also  began  to  bestir  themselves. 
They  assembled  under  the  command  of  Menahem, 
a  descendant  of  Judas,  the  founder  of  the  Zealots, 
and  took  the  fortress  of  Masada ;  they  put  its 
Roman  garrison  to  death,  possessed  themselves  of 
their  weapons,  and  being  thus  well  armed,  appeared 
on  the  field  of  battle. 

Eleazar,  the  head  of  the  Zealots,  fanned  the 
revolutionary  spirit  of  the  people,  and  drove  them 
on  to  complete  rupture  with  Rome.  He  dis- 
suaded the  priests  from  receiving  any  presents  or 
sacrifices    from   heathens,   and   so   great   was    the 


(  H.  IX.  THE    WAR    ANT)    PEACE    PARTIES.  259 

power  he  exerted  that  the  officiating^  priests  discon- 
tinued offering  the  daily  sacrifice  for  the  emperor 
Nero.  That  was  the  starting-point  of  the  revoki- 
tion.  Allegiance  to  the  emperor  was  thenceforth 
renounced.  The  party  of  peace  saw  also  the  grave 
importance  of  this  step  and  tried  to  retrace  it. 
Learned  teachers  of  the  Law,  doubtless  of  the 
school  of  Hillel,  explained  to  a  large  gathering  of 
the  people  that  it  was  unlawful  to  shut  out  the 
offerings  of  heathens  from  the  Temple,  and  aged 
priests  declared  that  it  was  an  ancient  custom  to 
receive  such  offerings.  The  officiating  priests, 
however,  remained  unconvinced,  and  threw  them- 
selves without  reserve  into  the  maelstrom  of  revo- 
lution. From  that  time  on,  the  Temple  obeyed  its 
chief,  Eleazar,  and  became  the  hotbed  of  the  insur- 
rection. 

The  advocates  of  peace  saw  with  sorrow  the  pro- 
gress made  by  the  rival  party,  and  tried  to  smother 
the  flames  before  they  could  accomplish  the 
work  of  destruction  and  ruin  ;  but  the  means  they 
employed  to  quench  the  revolutionary  fire  only  made 
it  burn  the  more  fiercely.  They  sent  deputies  to 
Florus  and  Agrippa,  earnestly  entreating  that  a  suf- 
ficiently large  number  of  troops  should  be  instantly 
despatched  to  Jerusalem.  The  former,  actuated 
either  by  timidity  or  by  the  spirit  of  revenge  which 
made  him  desire  that  the  hated  Judaeans  should  be- 
come more  and  more  hopelessly  entangled,  refused 
to  comply  with  that  request.  Agrippa,  on  the  other 
hand,  sent  3,000  horsemen,  Auranites,  Batanseans, 
and  wild  Trachonites,  under  the  command  of  Philip 
of  Bathyrene,  and  Darius,  a  commander  of  cavalry, 
to  help  the  party  that  wished  to  remain  at  peace 
with  Rome.  When  these  troops  arrived,  they  found 
the  Mount  on  which  the  Temple  stood,  as  well  as 
the  lower  town,  already  in  the  possession  oi  thi 
Zealots.  The  aristocratic  quarter  of  the  higher 
town  alone  remained  open  to  them.     A  fierce  com- 


26o  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

bat  took  place  between  the  two  parties,  the  royal 
troops  joining  the  few  soldiers  left  of  the  Roman 
garrison.  Fighting  continued  for  seven  days,  with 
no  decided  results. 

At  the  time  of  the  festival  of  wood-carrying  (15th 
Ab),  however,  the  situation  changed.  The  Zealots 
barred  the  entrance  of  the  Temple  against  any  one 
belonging  to  the  peace  party,  and  gained  over  to 
their  side  the  masses  who  had  brought  wood  for  the 
altar,  as  well  as  the  Sicarii  who  had  made  their  way 
into  the  Temple  through  the  crowd.  Strengthened 
by  the  increase  of  numbers,  the  Zealots  drove  away 
their  opponents  and  became  masters  of  the  upper 
town.-  The  anger  of  the  people  was  roused  against 
the  friends  of  Rome,  they  set  fire  to  the  palaces  of 
King  Agrippa  and  Princess  Berenice,  devoting  to 
the  flames  likewise  the  house  of  the  rich  priest 
Ananias,  and  the  public  archives,  among  which  the 
bonds  of  debtors  were  kept.  Some  of  the  partisans 
of  Rome  crept  in  terror  into  the  sewers,  while  others 
took  refuge  with  the  troops  in  the  western  palace  of 
Herod.  Shortly  after  this  the  Zealots  attacked  the 
Roman  guards  in  the  fort  Antonia,  overcame  them 
after  a  siege  of  two  days,  and  put  them  to  death 
(17th  Ab) ;  they  then  stormed  the  palace  of  Herod, 
which  was  defended  by  the  combined  troops  of 
Rome  and  Agrippa.  After  eighteen  days  of  inces- 
sant fighting  the  garrison  capitulated  and  the  Ju- 
daean  soldiers  under  Philip  were  allowed  to  depart 
unhurt.  The  Romans,  too  proud  to  sue  for  mercy, 
retreated  to  the  three  towers  in  the  wall,  Hippicus, 
Phasael,  and  Mariamne.  The  Sicarii  under  Mena- 
hem  rushed  into  the  fort  after  the  Romans  had  left 
it,  and  killed  all  who  had  not  been  able  to  save  them- 
selves by  flight  (6th  Elul — August). 

But  the  patriotic  Zealots,  the  followers  of  Eleazar, 
were  soon  made  aware  of  the  injury  their  righteous 
cause  must  sustain  from  their  fraternizing  with  the 
unrestrainable    Sicarii.     Puffed  up  by  their  victory 


CH.  IX.  VICTORY    OF   THE    ZEALOTS.  26 1 

over  Agrippa's  troops,  Menahem  and  his  satellites 
broke  out  into  acts  of  shameful  cruelty.     Insulting 
pride    now     characterized     Menahem's    behavior ; 
words  of  anger  were  exchanged  between  him  and 
Eleazar  ;  and  as  the  former  entered  the  Temple  in 
the  captured  regal  attire,  the  words   became  blows 
and  fighting  commenced.  The  Sicarii  were  besieged, 
and  Menahem,  who  had  fled  to  the  part  of  the  city 
called  Ophla,  was  brought   back  and  executed.     A 
small  number  of  his   followers,  under  his    relative 
Eleazar  ben  Jair,  escaped  to  the  fortress  of  Masada, 
which   was   occupied   by   their   friends.     After    this 
bloody  episode  the  Zealots,  led  by  Eleazar,  besieged 
the  towers,  and  the  Roman  troops  under  the  com- 
mand of  Metilius  were   at  last  obliged  to   sue  for 
mercy.    The  Judaeans  deputed  to  treat  with  Metilius 
agreed  that  the  Romans,  deprived  of  their  arms  and 
baggage,  should  be   allowed  to  depart  unmolested. 
As  soon,  however,  as  the  conquered  soldiers  were 
divested  of  their  swords  and  shields,  Eleazar's  band 
fell  upon  them  and  destroyed    them  all.     Metilius 
alone  was  spared,  because    in  the  fear  of  death  he 
had  promised  to  adopt  the  Judaean  faith,  and  he  was 
allowed  to  live  an  animated   trophy  of  the  victory 
of  the   Judaeans   over   the    Romans.     The   day  on 
which  Jerusalem   was   delivered   from  the  Romans 
(17  Elul)  was  henceforth  to  be  considered  one  of  the 
festive  anniversaries.     That  the  aim  of  Eleazar  and 
his  party  was  noble  and  disinterested  was  shown  by 
the  moderation  they  observed   after   their  victory. 
The  city  was  in  their  hands,  their  rivals  helpless, 
and  yet  in  the  annals  of  those  times  we  can  discover 
no  trace  of  persecution  or  cruelty  towards  them. 

Thus  far  the  insurrection  had  been  limited  to 
Jerusalem,  for  the  rest  of  Judaea,  although  equally 
excited,  remained  quiet  during  the  events  that  were 
taking  place  in  the  capital,  and  awaited  the  result. 
Florus  himself  had  likewise  remained  quietly  at 
Caesarea,  taking  care,  however,  that  the  revolution 


262  IILSTORV    OF    THE   JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

should  flow  on  like  a  stream  of  fire,  carrying  devas- 
tation all  over  the  country,  and  even  beyond  its 
boundaries.  When  tidings  of  the  battle  between 
the  Zealots  and  the  Roman  cohorts  in  Jerusalem 
reached  Caesarea,  the  Greeks  and  Syrians  attacked 
the  Judieans  who  had  returned  there.  The  carnage 
which  ensued  must  have  been  fearful ;  more  than 
twenty  thousand  Juda^ans  were  killed,  and  these, 
doubtless,  did  not  succumb  without,  in  self-defense, 
causing  some  other  deaths.  Not  a  single  Judaean 
remained  alive  in  Caesarea.  Those  who  tried  to 
flee  were  captured,  put  into  chains  by  the  com- 
mand of  Florus,  and  sent  as  slaves  to  various  ships. 
This  unexampled  cruelty  exasperated  the  whole 
population  of  Judaea,  and  their  hatred  against  the 
heathens  broke  out  into  wild  frenzy.  Everywhere, 
as  though  by  common  assent,  bands  of  free  troops 
formed  themselves,  attacking  the  heathen  inhabi- 
tants of  the  country,  burning,  destroying,  and  slay- 
ing. These  barbarous  onslaughts,  of  course,  called 
again  for  revenge  from  the  heathen  population  of 
Judaea  and  Syria.  Many  towns  were  divided  into 
two  hostile  parties,  which  savagely  fought  together 
during  the  day,  and  lay  in  ambush  to  injure  each 
other  at  night. 

A  horrible  deed,  resulting  from  the  war  of  races, 
took  place  in  the  town  of  Bethshean,  the  first  of 
a  long  series  of  acts  of  self-destruction  of  which 
we  read  in  the  account  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple.  Its  heathen  inhabitants  had  made  a 
covenant  with  their  Judaean  fellow-citizens,  promis- 
ing to  befriend  them  if  they  would  assist  in 
repulsing  any  attack  of  Judaean  bands  upon  their 
town.  The  Judaeans  in  Bethshean  honestly  fulfilled 
their  agreement,  fought  vigorously  against  their 
brethren,  and  drove  them  away  from  the  vicinity  of 
the  town.  Among  the  combatants  on  that  occasion, 
Simon  ben  Saul,  a  Judaean  of  gigantic  strength 
and    great    valor,    was    principally    distinguished. 


CH.  IX.  MASSACRE    AT    ALEXANDRIA.  263 

No  sooner,  however,  were  the  heathen  inhabitants 
dehvered  from  their  assailants  than,  under  cover  of 
the  night,  they  fell  upon  the  unguarded  Judaeans, 
and  put  them  all,  nearly  thirteen  thousand,  to  death. 
In  that  fearful  massacre  Simon  and  his  family 
alone  survived,  the  former,  wielding  his  drawn 
sword  with  the  energy  of  despair,  drove  terror  into 
the  hearts  of  his  enemies.  Full  of  anguish  and 
remorse  at  having  fought  against  his  brethren,  he 
resolved  to  fall  only  by  his  own  hand.  After 
killing  his  aged  parents,  his  wife  and  children,  he 
thrust  his  sword  into  his  breast  and  expired  at 
their  side. 

The  violent  animosity  which  inflamed  the  Ju- 
daeans and  heathens  in  Caesarea  also  reached  Alex- 
andria. A  massacre  of  the  Judaeans,  partly  due  to 
the  anger  of  an  apostate,  took  place  in  the  Egyp- 
tian capital.  The  Alexandrian  Greeks,  jealous  of 
their  Judaean  fellow-citizens,  resolved  to  solicit  the 
Emperor  Nero  to  deprive  them  of  the  rights  which 
they  had  received  from  Claudius,  putting  them  on 
a  footing  of  equality  with  the  Greeks.  To  select 
the  deputies  who  were  to  convey  their  wishes  to 
the  emperor,  a  large  concourse  assembled  in  the 
amphitheater  of  the  town.  A  few  Judaeans  being 
discovered  among  the  crowd,  they  were  fiercely 
attacked  and  insulted  as  spies.  Three  of  them  were 
dragged  through  the  streets  to  be  committed  alive 
to  the  flames.  Enracjed  at  the  savao^e  treatment 
of  their  brethren,  the  Judaeans  armed  themselves, 
seized  firebrands,  and  threatened  to  burn  the 
amphitheater  where  the  Greeks  were  still  assembled. 
The  governor  Tiberius  now  attempted  to  interfere 
in  order  to  stay  the  impending  civil  strife,  but 
he  only  increased  the  angry  ferment.  The  Ju- 
daeans hated  him  for  being  a  renegade  to  his  faith, 
and  reproached  him  with  his  apostasy.  Infuriated 
by  their  taunts,  Tiberius  Alexander  lost  all  control 
over  himself;  he  ordered  his  legions  to  repair  to 


264  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

the  Judaean  quarter,  and  gave  free  license  to  the 
exercise  of  that  brutality  which  it  had  cost  so 
much  effort  to  restrain.  The  soldiers,  greedy  for 
blood  and  plunder,  poured  in  upon  the  beautiful 
Delta  quarter  of  the  town,  killed  all  whom  they  found 
in  their  way,  burned  the  houses,  and  filled  the  streets 
with  blood  and  corpses.  Fifty  thousand  Judaeans  lost 
their  lives,  and  the  man  who  ordered  that  frightful 
butchery  was  the  nephew  of  the  Judaean  philosopher 
Philo  ! 

Such  was  the  alarming  proportion  which  the 
insurrectionary  movement  by  Eleazar  ben  Ana- 
nias had  assumed.  The  revolution  had  tasted 
blood,  and  was  drawn  on  and  on  in  its  hurried 
course  till  it  carried  away  even  the  indifferent,  and 
converted  almost  the  whole  nation  into  Zealots. 
From  day  to  day  the  number  of  brave  and  daring 
warriors  increased.  The  expected  help  now  came 
from  Adiabene  and  Babylon.  Members  of  the 
royal  house  of  Adiabene,  brothers  and  sons  of  the 
King  Izates,  Monobazus  and  Cenedseus,  took  the 
management  of  the  rebellion  into  their  own  hands, 
and  prepared  to  hold  out  to  the  last.  Three 
heroes,  who  alone  seemed  more  than  equal  to  a 
whole  army,  now  entered  Jerusalem.  They  were 
Niger,  from  the  other  side  of  the  Jordan,  Silas,  the 
Babylonian,  and  Simon  Bar-Giora,  the  wild  patriot, 
who,  from  his  first  entrance  to  the  end  of  the  war, 
brought  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  Romans. 
Cestius  Gallus,  whose  duty  it  was  as  Governor  of 
Syria  to  uphold  the  honor  of  Roman  arms,  and  to 
keep  the  imperial  supremacy  intact  in  the  country 
placed  under  his  jurisdiction,  could  no  longer 
witness  the  rebellion  spreading  around  him  without 
an  effort  to  stem  its  progress.  He  called  his 
legions  together,  and  the  neighboring  princes  vol- 
untarily sent  their  troops  to  his  assistance  as  auxil- 
iaries. Even  Agrippa  contributed  three  thousand 
foot  soldiers  and  two  thousand  horsemen    to  the 


CH,  IX.        BATTLE  WITH  THE  ROMANS.         265 

Roman  army,  and  offered  himself  as  guide  through 
the  mountain  paths  and  ravines  of  that  dangerous 
country.  Cestius  led  more  than  thirty  thousand 
men,  experienced  soldiers,  out  of  Antioch,  against 
Judaea,  and  doubted  not  that  in  one  battle  he  would 
be  able  to  destroy  the  Judaean  rebels.  On  his  way 
along  the  sea-coast  he  left  in  every  town  marks  of 
blood  and  fire. 

As  soon  as  the  Zealots  in  Jerusalem  heard  of  the 
approach  of  the  Roman  troops  they  seized  their 
arms,  in  spite  of  its  being  the  Sabbath  day.  They 
were  not  afraid  to  face  the  Romans,  nor  would  they 
allow  the  Sabbath  laws  to  interfere  with  their  war- 
like ardor.  Cestius  had  made  a  halt  at  Gabaot, 
about  a  mile  from  Jerusalem,  expecting,  perhaps,  a 
missive  of  repentant  submission.  But  the  Zealots 
attacked  the  Roman  army  with  such  impetuosity 
that  they  broke  through  their  ranks,  killing  in  the 
first  onslaught  more  than  five  hundred  soldiers, 
whilst  they  only  lost  three  and  twenty  men  them- 
selves (26th  Tishri — October).  If  the  Roman  cav- 
alry had  not  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  foot 
soldiers,  the  latter  would  have  been  utterly  destroyed. 
Loaded  with  rich  booty,  the  victors  returned  to  Jeru- 
salem, singing  jubilant  hosannas,  while  Cestius  dur- 
ing three  days  remained  idle  in  his  camp  without 
venturing  to  advance. 

It  was  only  on  the  fourth  day  that  the  Roman 
army  approached  the  capital.  The  Zealots  had 
abandoned  the  outer  parts  of  Jerusalem,  which  could 
afford  them  no  adequate  shelter,  and  had  withdrawn 
behind  the  strong  walls  of  the  inner  town  behind 
the  Temple.  The  Romans  thereupon  marched  in, 
destroyed  the  suburb  Bezetha,  then  pressed  on 
towards  the  western  point,  just  opposite  Herod's 
palace,  where  they  pitched  their  camp  (30th  Tishri). 
This  caused  no  alarm  to  the  Zealots  ;  they  threw 
the  traitors  who,  following  the  advice  of  Anan  ben 
Jonathan,  wished  to  open  the  gates  to  the  enemy, 


266  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

over  the  walls,  and  preparea  vigorously  for  the 
defense  of  the  places  they  occupied.  During  five 
successive  days  the  Romans  stormed  the  walls,  but 
were  always  obliged  to  fall  back  before  the  missiles 
of  the  JudcL-ans.  It  was  only  on  the  sixth  day  that 
they  succeeded  in  undermining  a  part  of  the  north- 
ern wall  in  front  of  the  Temple.  But  this  advantage 
was  not  followed  up  by  Cestius.  He  did  not  deem 
it  advisable  to  continue  the  combat  against  heroic 
enthusiasts  and  embark  on  a  lengthy  campaign  at 
that  season,  when  the  autumn  rains  would  soon  com- 
mence, if  they  had  not  already  set  in,  and  might 
prevent  the  army  from  receiving  provisions.  On 
that  account  probably  he  thought  it  more  prudent 
to  retrace  his  steps.  It  could  hardly  have  been 
cowardice  which  inspired  the  resolve. 

As  soon  as  the  unexpected  departure  of  the  Ro- 
mans became  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem, 
they  followed  them,  attacking  the  rear  and  flanks  of 
the  army  from  the  mountain  crests,  the  Roman  troops 
being  obliged  to  keep  to  the  beaten  ways  in  the  val- 
leys and  passes.  A  great  number  of  Romans,  among 
whom  were  many  distinguished  officers,  lay  slain 
upon  the  line  of  march.  When  the  army  reached 
the  camp  in  Gabaot,  it  found  itself  surrounded  by 
swarming  hosts  of  Judaeans,  and  Cestius,  not  con- 
sidering it  safe  to  remain  there  any  longer,  hastened 
his  retreat,  leaving  the  heaviest  part  of  the  baggage 
behind.  In  the  narrow  pass  of  Bethoron  the  Roman 
army  fared  still  worse  ;  attacked  on  all  sides,  it  was 
brought  into  confusion  and  disorder,  and  the  men 
could  not  defend  themselves  from  the  arrows  of  the 
enemy,  which  fell  thick  upon  them  from  the  vantage- 
ground  of  the  mountain  wall  on  either  side.  Wildly 
the  Roman  troops  hurried  on  towards  Bethoron, 
and  they  would  have  been  almost  completely  de- 
stroyed in  their  flight  had  not  approaching  night 
saved  them  from  further  pursuit. 

The  Judaeans  remained  all  night  before  Bethoron, 
but  Cestius,  leaving  four  hundred  brave  soldiers  in 


CH.  IX.  TRIUMni    OF    THE    ZEALOTS.  267 

the  camp,  marched  noiselessly  out  with  the  whole 
of  his  army,  so  that  at  break  of  day,  when  the 
Judseans  perceived  what  had  taken  place,  he  had 
already  obtained  a  considerable  start.  The  four 
hundred  soldiers  left  behind  succumbed  to  the 
Judseans,  who  then  vainly  followed  the  Roman  army 
as  far  as  Antipatris.  They  found,  however,  rich 
booty,  consisting  of  arms  and  implements  of  war. 
These  they  brought  back  as  trophies  to  Jerusalem, 
making  good  use  of  them  later  on  against  their 
enemies.  The  money  chests  of  Cestius,  which  con- 
tained the  supplies  for  the  war,  fell  also  into  their 
hands,  and  helped  to  replenish  the  treasury  at  Jeru- 
salem. In  this  first  campaign  against  the  despised 
Judseans  the  army  of  Cestius  lost  nearly  six  thou- 
sand men,  both  Romans  and  allies  ;  and  the  legion 
which  the  governor  had  brought  from  Antioch  as  a 
picked  corps  to  fight  against  Jerusalem  had  lost 
their  eagles,  a  loss  which  was  regarded  by  Rome  as 
the  greatest  dishonor  that  could  befall  an  army, 
equivalent  to  a  shameful  defeat. 

The  Zealots,  shouting  exultant  war  songs,  returned 
to  Jerusalem  (8th  October),  their  hearts  beating 
with  the  joyful  hope  of  liberty  and  independence. 
The  proud  and  happy  time  of  the  Hasmonaeans 
seemed  to  have  returned,  and  its  glory  even  to  be 
surpassed.  Had  not  the  great  Roman  army,  feared 
by  all  the  world,  been  defeated  and  forced  to  igno- 
minious flight  ?  What  a  change  had  been  effected 
in  the  brief  space  of  six  months  !  Then  every  one 
trembled  before  the  cowardly  Florus  and  his  few  sol- 
diers, and  now  the  Romans  had  fled  !  Had  not  God 
helped  them  as  mercifully  as  He  had  helped  their 
forefathers  ?  The  hearts  of  the  Zealots  knew  no 
fears  for  the  future.  "As  we  have  beaten  the  two 
generals,  Metilius  and  Cestius,  so  likewise  shall  we 
overcome  their  successors."  Any  one  who  spoke 
of  submission  to  Rome  or  of  the  advantage  of  open- 
ing negotiations  with  her  was  looked   upon  as  a 


268  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

traitor  to  his  country  and  an  enemy  to  Judaism. 
The  advocates  of  peace  had  for  the  moment  lost  all 
influence,  and  the  friends  of  Rome  could  not  ven- 
ture to  utter  aloud  their  real  sentiments.  Many  of 
them  left  Jerusalem  secretly,  whilst  others  pretended 
to  share  the  Zealots'  love  of  freedom  and  hatred  of 
Rome.  The  two  Herodian  brothers,  Costobar  and 
Saul,  sought  the  presence  of  the  Emperor  Nero  in 
Greece,  attempting  to  excuse  the  insurrectionary 
outburst  and  to  throw  the  blame  of  it  upon  Florus. 
While  they  were  trying  to  vindicate  the  fidelity  of 
the  Judaean  nation,  the  Zealots,  intoxicated  with 
their  victory,  had  coins  struck  with  the  inscription — 
"  For  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem."  Even  the 
Samaritans  now  put  aside  their  old  feeling  of  ani- 
mosity against  the  Judseans,  and  to  gratify  their 
hatred  of  the  Romans  made  common  cause  with 
their  former  enemies. 

Stirring  activity  took  possession  of  the  capital, 
and  gave  It  quite  a  new  appearance.  Everywhere 
weapons  were  being  forged  and  implements  of  war 
manufactured,  in  preparation  for  any  fresh  assault. 
The  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  strengthened  to  a  de- 
gree that  promised  to  set  the  enemy  for  a  long  time 
at  defiance.  The  young  men  underwent  daily  mili- 
tary exercise,  and  their  enthusiasm  made  up  for  their 
want  of  experience.  In  all  parts  of  Judaea  the  war- 
like patriots  and  foes  of  Rome  formed  provisional 
committees  to  prepare  for  the  great  struggle  which 
they  felt  must  be  approaching,  and  their  glowing 
ardor  was  shared  even  by  the  Judseans  who  lived 
in  foreign  lands. 

Of  the  Internal  political  arrangements  Introduced 
In  Jerusalem  after  the  defeat  of  Cestlus,  only  slight 
and  uncertain  indications  have  come  down  to  us. 
The  historian  friendly  to  Rome,  who  could  not  suffi- 
ciently darken  the  rebellion  of  the  Judaeans,  was  not 
inclined  to  record  any  of  their  acts.  There  can  be 
no  doubt,  however,  that  the  Great  Synhedrion  again 


CH.  IX.  SIMON    BEN    GAMALIKl  .  269 

acquired  its  former  supreme  authority  over  all  politi- 
cal and  military  affairs.  At  the  head  of  the  great 
council  was  Simon  ben  Gamaliel,  of  the  House  of 
Hillel,  one  who,  even  according  to  the  account  of  his 
enemy,  must  have  been  gifted  with  remarkable  dis- 
cernment and  energy,  and  who  might,  had  his  advice 
been  followed,  have  brought  the  impending  struggle 
to  a  successful  issue.  Although  he  did  not  belong 
to  the  party  of  extreme  Zealots,  he  desired  the  con- 
test to  be  carried  on  with  the  most  resolute  activity, 
and  upheld,  with  all  the  strength  given  him  by  his 
eminence  and  position,  those  who  were  determined 
that  the  revolution  should  be  real  and  its  effects  last- 
ing. Upon  coins  dating  from  the  first  and  second 
years  of  the  newly-won  independence,  appears  the 
following  inscription,  "Simon,  the  Prince  of  Israel," 
which  doubtless  referred  to  the  Patriarch  Simon  ben 
Gamaliel. 

After  the  victory  gained  over  Cestius,  the 
heathens  became  more  and  more  embittered  against 
their  Judaean  neighbors  ;  and  either  from  fear  of 
an  onslaught  from  them,  or  actuated  by  revenge 
for  the  defeat  of  the  Romans,  they  formed  them- 
selves into  murderous  bands,  slaying  without  pity 
Judaean  men,  women  and  children  who  were  living 
among  them.  Such  cruel  massacres  must  have 
incensed  the  patriots  all  the  more,  as  they  fre- 
quently occurred  among' communities  innocent  of 
the  remotest  idea  of  joining  the  rebellion,  and  now, 
as  far  as  lay  in  their  power,  the  Judseans  took 
their  revenge  upon  their  heathen  neighbors.  The 
savage  enmity  of  races  rose  higher  and  higher,  and, 
spreading  far  beyond  the  narrow  boundary  of  Pales- 
tine, animated  the  Judaeans  on  the  one  side  and 
the  Greeks  and  Romans  on  the  other.  As  all  the 
nations  around  Judsea,  including  Syrians,  Greeks, 
Romans  and  Alexandrians,  made  common  cause 
with  the  Roman  emperor,  the  ultra-Zealots  thought 
themselves  justified  in  visiting  upon  them  the  wrath 


270  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  IX. 

that  inflamed  them  against  Rome.  To  cut  off 
every  link  between  them,  the  followers  of  the  school 
of  Shammai  proposed  erecting  a  barrier  which 
should  effectually  prevent  any  communication,  by 
prohibiting  the  Jud:eans  in  future  from  buying 
wine,  oil,  bread,  or  any  other  articles  of  food  from 
their  heathen  neighbors.  These  regulations  were 
known  under  the  name  of  "  The  Eighteen  Things." 
Religious  fervor  and  political  zealotry,  in  those 
stormy  times,  always  accompanied  each  other. 
The  Hillelites,  more  moderate  in  their  religious  and 
political  views,  could  not  agree  to  such  sharply  de- 
fined exclusiveness,  but  when  the  Synod  was  called 
together  to  decide  upon  the  laws  before  mentioned, 
the  Zealots  proved  all-powerful.  Eleazar  ben 
Ananias,  probably  the  leader  of  the  Zealots,  who 
was  himself  a  teacher  of  the  Law,  invited  the  dis- 
ciples of  both  schools  to  meet  in  his  house.  Armed 
soldiers  were  placed  at  the  door  and  were  directed 
to  allow  every  one  to  enter  but  no  one  to  go  out, 
and  during  the  fiery  discussions  that  were  carried 
on  there,  many  of  the  school  of  Hillel  are  said  to 
have  been  killed.  On  account  of  these  acts  of 
violence,  the  day  on  which  the  severe  decrees  of 
the  school  of  Shammai  were  brought  forward  and 
agreed  to,  the  9th  Adar,  was  regarded  as  a  day  of 
misfortune. 

Meanwhile,  the  warlike  activity  of  the  Judaeans 
had  not  ceased  for  a  moment.  The  urgent  neces- 
sity of  making  a  selection  of  generals  and  leaders 
for  the  approaching  strife  was  felt  by  all.  The 
important  choice  belonged,  it  appears,  to  the  people 
themselves,  who  for  some  cause  or  other  had  taken 
umbrage  at  the  ultra-Zealots.  Eleazar  ben  Ananias, 
who  had  given  the  first  impulse  to  the  great  up- 
rising, was  only  made  governor  of  the  unimportant 
province  of  Idumsea,  and  was  even  obliged  to  divide 
his  authority  with  another. 

Eleazar  ben  Simon,  an  ultra-Zealot,  who  had 
been    instrumental    in    gaining    the   victory   over 


CH.  IX.  WEAKNESS    OF   THE    SYNHEDRION.  27 1 

CestiLis  and  who  was  the  treasurer  of  the  Temple, 
was,  in  spite  of  belonging  to  the  class  of  nobles, 
completely  overlooked.  Moderate  men,  even  those 
who  had  been  formerly  friends  of  Rome,  obtained  the 
preference.  Joseph  ben  Gorion,  and  Anan  the  son 
of  Anan,  who  for  a  short  time  had  held  the  office  of 
high  priest,  received  posts  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance, the  supervision  of  Jerusalem  and  the  defense 
of  the  fortresses.  Besides  these,  five  governors  were 
appointed  over  different  provinces.  To  Joseph  ben 
Matthias  was  entrusted  the  most  important  place  of 
all.  The  people,  still  dazzled  by  the  magic  of 
aristocratic  names,  could  not  allow  men  of  un- 
known origin,  however  brave  and  devoted  they 
might  be,  to  fill  high  political  positions.  The 
ruling  power  lay  in  the  Great  Synhedrion,  and  con- 
sequently in  those  who  presided  over  that  assembly, 
Simon  ben  Gamaliel  and  his  associates  Anan  and 
Joseph  ben  Gorion. 

Simon  was  at  the  head  of  the  Pharisees,  and 
Anan,  the  former  high  priest,  made  no  attempt  to 
conceal  his  leaning  towards  Sadducaeism  ;  but  their 
antagonism  in  religious  matters  did  not  prevent 
them  from  now  acting  together.  The  love  of 
country  outweighed  the  spirit  of  partisanship.  The 
apparent  unanimity  that  reigned  in  the  Synhedrion 
was  nevertheless  deceptive.  Great  nobles,  secret 
friends  to  Rome,  had  a  place  and  voice  in  that 
assembly,  and  often  brought  indecision  into  its 
councils.  Opposite  and  conflicting  views  resulted 
in  halting  measures  and  diminished  vigor.  The 
Synhedrion  was  likewise  often  swayed  by  the 
changing  sentiments  of  the  people,  which  always 
receive  attention  in  the  hour  of  revolution.  Thus 
deprived  of  united  strength  and  active  energy,  the 
Synhedrion  ruled  for  barely  two  years,  when  it  suc- 
cumbed through  weakness,  and  was  obliged  to  give 
up  the  reins  to  the  ultra-Zealots. 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE   WAR    IN    GALILEE. 

Description  of  Galilee  —  Its  Population  and  Importance — The  Rising 
in  Galilee  —  John  of  Gischala  —  Flavius  Josephus.  his  Education 
and  Character  —  His  Conduct  as  Governor  of  Galilee  —  Com- 
mencement of  the  War  — Overthrow  of  Gabara  —  Siege  and 
Capture  of  Jotapata  —  Surrender  of  Josephus  to  the  Romans  — 
Cruelty  of  Vespasian — Siege  and  Capture  of  Gamala  and  Mount 
Tabor — Surrender  of  Gischala — Escape  of  John  of  Gischala  to 
Jerusalem. 

66—67  c.  E. 

The  territory  entrusted  for  defense  to  Joseph  ben 
Matthias,  by  reason  of  its  position,  its  astonishing 
fertility,  its  sturdy  population,  and  its  various  re- 
sources in  time  of  danger,  was  looked  upon  as  the 
post  of  greatest  importance  next  to  the  capital ;  it 
was,  in  fact,  the  bulwark  of  Jerusalem.  Galilee  was 
divided  into  Upper  and  Lower  Galilee.  This,  the 
country  of  enthusiasts,  the  birthplace  of  the  Zealot 
Judas  and  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  did  not  receive  the 
news  of  the  revolt  of  Jerusalem  and  the  defeat  of 
Cestius  with  indifference.  It  assumed,  on  the  con- 
trary, with  unreflecting  ardor  the  juDilant  spirit  of 
the  victorious  party.  And  how  could  the  Galilaeans 
have  remained  indifferent  ?  Had  they  not  witnessed 
the  cruel  deaths  of  their  own  kin  at  the  hands  of  the 
heathen  ?  Daily  they  had  been  in  the  habit  of  giving 
shelter  to  unhappy  Judaean  exiles,  and  daily  they 
had  had  to  fear  the  worst  from  their  heathen  neigh- 
bors. It  was  in  the  face  of  such  dangers  that  all  the 
cities  of  Galilee  had  armed  to  be  ready  for  action, 
and  were  only  awaiting  a  signal  from  the  Synhedrion 
in  Jerusalem.  Three  cities  above  all  others  were 
longing  to  raise  the  standard  of  revolt — Gischala 
in  the   extreme  north,  Tiberias   in  the  south,  and 


CH.  X.  JOHN    OF    GISCHALA.  273 

Gamala,  opposite  Tiberias,  on  the  eastern  shores  of 
the  Sea  of  Galilee.  The  Judaean  inhabitants  of 
Gischala  were,  to  a  certain  extent,  forced  into  in- 
surrection, for  the  neighboring  cities  had  banded 
together,  and,  after  plundering  the  town,  had  partly 
destroyed  it  by  fire.  The  enraged  Gischalites  placed 
themselves  under  the  leadership  of  a  man  destined 
to  carry  on  the  war  against  Rome  to  its  bitter  end, 
and  who,  in  company  with  Simon  bar-Giora,  became 
the  terror  of  her  legions. 

John  ben  Levi,  of  Gischala,  commenced  his  career 
by  collecting  under  his  flag  all  the  rebellious  Ju- 
daeans  of  Upper  Galilee,  and  by  preparing  to  lead 
them  against  the  heathen  populace.  He  was  a  man 
of  small  means  and  of  delicate  constitution,  but  he 
possessed  one  of  those  enthusiastic  natures  capable 
of  rising  above  the  depressing  Influences  of  poverty 
and  ill-health ;  besides  which  he  had  the  art  of 
making  the  circumstances  of  his  life  subservient  to 
his  own  aims.  At  the  commencement  of  the  Gali- 
laean  rising,  John's  only  ambition  was  to  strengthen 
the  walls  of  his  birthplace  against  the  attacks  of 
hostile  neighbors.  Later  on,  he  expended  the  con- 
siderable sums  of  money  which  he  earned*by  selling 
oil  to  the  Judoeans  of  Syria  and  Caesarea  Phlllppi 
(for  they  would  not  use  the  unclean  oil  prepared  by 
the  heathens),  in  paying  for  the  services  of  patriotic 
volunteers.  He  had  gathered  around  him  about 
four  thousand  of  these,  principally  Galllaeans,  but 
partly  refugees  from  Syria,  who  were  always  in- 
creasing in  number. 

In  Tiberias,  the  second  focus  of  insurrection,  the 
revolutionary  party  were  confronted  by  a  faction 
with  Roman  proclivities.  This  beautiful  city  by  the 
sea  had  been  in  the  possession  of  King  Agrippa 
for  many  years,  and  having  enjoyed  a  tolerably 
easy  condition  under  his  rule,  had  but  little  cause 
for  complaint.  But  the  greater  part  of  the  popu- 
lace were   Zealots,  clamorous  to  free   themselves 


2  74  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  X. 

from  their  monarch.  The  soul  of  the  revolt  was 
Justus,  the  son  of  Pistus,  who  wrote  the  history  of 
the  war  in  which  he  was  engaged,  in  the  Greek 
lano-uage.  He  was  gifted  with  a  persuasive  tongue  ; 
but  his  great  influence  was  confined  to  the  wealthy 
and  refined  inhabitants  of  the  city.  Jesus  ben  Sap- 
phia,  a  Zealot  like  himself,  led  the  lower  classes  of 
sailors  and  burden-carriers.  Opposed  to  these  in- 
surgents was  the  aristocratic  party,  which  rallied 
loyally  round  the  king  and  the  Roman  army.  They 
were  represented  by  Julius  Capellus,  Herod  ben 
Miar,  Herod  ben  Gamala,  and  Kompse  bar  Kompse, 
but  they  had  no  following  amongst  the  people,  and 
were  obliged  to  become  the  unwilling  spectators  of 
the  surrender  of  their  city  to  the  revolutionists. 

The  news  of  the  defeat  of  Cestius  was  the  signal 
for  Justis  and  Jesus  ben  Sapphia  to  commence 
operations  against  the  heathen  cities  where  their 
co-religionists  had  been  so  barbarously  massacred. 
The  city  of  Gamala,  one  of  the  most  important  on 
the  southeast  coast  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  whose 
impregnable  position  made  defense  easy  and  con- 
quest difficult,  was  preparing  for  revolt. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  Gamala  lived  a  settle- 
ment of  Judsean  Babylonians,  who,  under  Herod  I, 
had  migrated  to  Batanaea,  where  they  had  built 
several  towns  and  the  fortress  of  Bathyra.  The 
Babylonians,  for  the  colony  was  called  by  this  name, 
were  devoted  adherents  to  the  Herodian  family,  and 
Philip,  a  grandson  of  Zamaris,  the  first  founder  of 
the  colony,  was  the  leader  of  the  royal  troops  who 
fought  against  the  Zealots  in  Jerusalem.  When,  how- 
ever, he  had  suffered  defeat  in  that  city,  his  life  had 
been  spared,  for  he  had  promised  to  aid  the  Zealots 
in  their  struggle  against  Rome.  He  lay  concealed 
for  a  few  days  in  Jerusalem,  and  then  effected  his 
escape  to  a  village  of  his  own  near  the  fortress  of 
Gamala. 

Varus,  who  temporarily  was  taking  the  place  of 
Agrippa  in   Caesarea,  did  not  look  favorably  upon 


CH.  X.  PHILIP    AND    VARUS.  275 

Philip,  of  whose  influence  with  the  king  he  was 
jealous.  For  Varus  hoped  in  time  to  supersede 
Agrippa,  and,  in  order  to  court  popularity,  resorted 
to  the  cruel  device  of  putting  many  Juda;ans  in 
Csesarea  Philippi  to  death.  But  all  the  while  he 
dreaded  the  Babylonian  colony  and  the  wrath  of 
Philip,  who  most  certainly  would  divulge  his  ambi- 
tious designs  to  Agrippa.  Thus  he  tried  to  lure 
Philip  into  his  presence,  but,  happily  for  himself,  that 
general  was  seized  with  a  severe  attack  of  fever, 
which  he  had  caught  in  his  flight  from  Jerusalem, 
and  which  prevented  him  from  obeying  the  sum- 
mons of  Varus. 

Varus  succeeded,  however,  in  tempting  seventy 
of  the  most  distinguished  Judaeans  into  his  power, 
the  greater  number  of  whom  were  murdered  by  his 
command.  At  the  news  of  this  assassination,  terror 
seized  upon  all  the  Babylonian  Judaeans  who  were 
settled  in  the  various  cities  of  Galilee.  They  rushed 
into  Gamala  for  protection,  breathing  vengeance, 
not  only  against  Varus,  but  against  all  the  Syrians 
who  had  supported  him.  They  were  joined  by 
Philip,  who  with  difliculty  restrained  them  from 
some  signal  act  of  vengeance.  But  even  after 
Agrippa  had  dismissed  the  unscrupulous  Varus 
from  his  office,  the  Babylonian  Judaeans  still  evinced 
great  eagerness  to  coalesce  with  the  enemies  of 
Rome,  and  were  therefore  ordered  to  leave  the 
fortress  of  Gamala  and  return  to  Batanaea.  But 
this  caused  so  great  a  tumult  and  division  in  the 
city  that  some  of  the  inhabitants  rose  and  attacked 
the  Babylonians  who  were  about  to  leave  them, 
whilst  others,  under  the  leadership  of  a  certain 
Joseph,  revolted  from  the  rule  of  Agrippa. 

It  was  at  this  moment,  when  the  volcano  of  revo- 
lutionary passions  was  ever  ready  to  burst  forth 
in  fresh  eruptions,  that  Joseph  ben  Matthias  was 
entrusted  by  the  Great  Synhedrion  with  the  com- 
mand of  Upper  and  Lower  Galilee.    In  those  prov- 


2/6  HISTORY    OF    Till-:    JEWS.  CH.  X. 

inces  the  powerful  city  of  Sepphoris  alone  remained 
faithful  to  the  Romans,  and  in  all  Galilee  there 
reigned  a  bitter  feeling  of  enmity  against  Sep- 
phoris. For  the  people  of  Tiberias  were  angered 
that  their  city  should  have  taken  only  a  secondary 
place  in  the  province,  in  spite  of  Agrippa  II's 
having  chosen  it  for  his  capital.  It  was  the  business 
of  the  governor  to  promote  a  spirit  of  concord 
amongst  the  inhabitants  of  Galilee,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  win  the  Sepphorites  to  the  popular  cause. 
Upon  the  shoulders  of  this  man  rested  a  heavy  re- 
sponsibility. For  it  w^ould  naturally  depend  greatly 
upon  him  whether  this  revolt,  which  had  burst  into 
life  with  such  extreme  energy,  would  attain  the  end 
desired  by  the  patriots,  or  would  have  a  tragic  ter- 
mination. Unfortunately,  Joseph  was  not  the  man 
who  could  successfully  pilot  so  gigantic  a  scheme, 
but  by  his  conduct  he  materially  contributed  to  the 
fall  of  the  Judaean  nation. 

Joseph,  the  son  of  Matthias,  better  known  as 
Flavins  Josephus,  was  a  native  of  Jerusalem  (born 
38,  died  about  95),  of  illustrious  priestly  descent, 
and  related,  on  the  female  side,  to  the  Hasmoncean 
house.  He  and  his  brother  Matthias  received  a 
careful  education,  and  were  taught  the  tenets  of  the 
Law  whilst  very  young,  their  father's  house  being 
frequented  by  learned  rabbis.  At  the  age  of  six- 
teen Josephus  became  the  disciple  of  the  hermit 
Vanus,  following  his  master  into  the  desert,  living 
on  the  wild  fruits  of  the  earth  and  bathing  daily  in 
cold  water,  according  to  the  habit  of  the  Essenes. 
But,  growing  weary  of  this  life,  he  returned,  after 
three  years,  to  Jerusalem,  where  his  fine  intellectual 
tastes  led  him  to  a  profound  study  of  Greek  litera- 
ture. At  the  age  of  twenty-six  he  had  occasion  to 
undertake  a  journey  to  Rome,  in  order  to  plead  for 
two  imprisoned  Pharisees,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Empress  Poppea,  and  he  succeeded  in  obtaining 
their  freedom.     The   Empress,  who  entertained  a 


CH.  X.  FLAVIUS    JOSEPIIUS.  277 

friendly  feeling  toward  the  Jud^eans,  loaded  him 
with  gifts.  Rome  itself  could  not  fail  to  exercise  a 
great  influence  upon  the  character  of  Josephus. 
The  glitter  of  Nero's  court,  the  busy  life  of  the 
capital  of  the  world,  the  immensity  of  all  the  im- 
perial institutions,  so  dazzled  him  that  he  thought 
the  Roman  empire  would  be  an  eternal  one  and 
that  it  was  specially  favored  by  Divine  Providence. 
He  did  not  see  concealed  beneath  the  purple  and 
the  gold  the  terrible  disease  of  which  that  great 
empire  was  sickening.  From  that  moment  Josephus 
became  a  fervent  adherent  of  the  Roman  rule. 

Filled  with  enthusiastic  admiration  for  Rome,  he 
must  upon  his  return  have  found  the  proportions  of 
Judaea  humble  and  dwarfed.  How  sarcastically  he 
must  have  smiled  at  the  wild  gestures  of  the  frenzied 
Zealots  who  dreamt  of  expelling  the  Romans  from 
Judaea  !  Such  an  expectation  appeared  to  him  like 
the  dream  of  a  madman.  With  all  the  experiences 
that  he  had  gathered  in  his  travels  he  tried  to  shatter 
the  revolutionary  projects  of  the  Zealots.  But  it 
was  useless ;  the  people  determined  upon  war, 
seized  their  weapons,  and  rose  to  revolt.  Josephus, 
alarmed  for  his  safety,  took  shelter  with  some  of  his 
adherents  in  the  Temple,  whence  he  emerged  only 
upon  hearing  that  the  more  moderate  Zealots,  under 
the  leadership  of  Eleazer,  were  placed  in  control  of 
affairs.  Apprehensive  that  his  well-known  Roman 
proclivities  might  make  him  an  object  of  suspicion, 
he  simulated  a  desire  for  national  liberty,  whilst 
secretly  rejoicing  at  the  prospect  of  the  advance  of 
the  Roman  general  Cestius,  who,  it  was  thought, 
would  soon  put  an  end  to  this  mad  struggle  for 
freedom.  But  the  result  disappointed  all  his  hopes. 
The  retreat  of  Cestius  resembled  a  defeat. 

Why  Josephus,  the  devoted  adherent  of  Rome, 
should  have  been  entrusted  with  the  governorship 
of  the  important  province  of  Galilee  is  inexplicable. 
Probably  his  friend,  the  former  high  priest  Joshua, 


278  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.   X 

son  of  Gamala,  whose  voice  carried  great  weight  in 
the  Synhedrion,  may  have  urged  his  claims,  and 
Josephus'  dissimulation  may  have  led  those  about 
him  to  look  upon  him  as  a  Zealot.  But,  at  all 
events,  the  heroic  bearing  of  the  insurgents  and  the 
victory  that  they  had  gained  over  the  army  of 
Cestius,  cannot  have  failed  to  make  upon  Jose- 
phus, as  upon  other  plain  and  matter-of-fact  Ju- 
daeans,  a  powerful  impression.  Entire  separation 
from  the  empire  of  Rome  appeared  to  him  an 
impossible  scheme ;  but  he  may  have  hoped  that 
some  concessions  were  to  be  extorted  from  the 
imperial  court ;  that  perhaps  Judaea  might  be 
handed  over  to  the  control  of  Agrippa,  and  that  he 
might  be  allowed  to  fill  the  post  in  Jerusalem.  To 
Agrippa  himself  the  revolt  was  not  quite  unwelcome, 
for  he  hoped  to  reap  some  benefit  from  it,  and 
through  the  agency  of  Josephus  he  was  able  to  act 
in  a  way  which  he  himself  could  not  have  pursued  as 
a  vassal  of  Rome.  Josephus  had,  in  fact,  been  work- 
ing for  Agrippa,  and,  in  so  far,  there  was  nothing 
dishonest  or  traitorous  in  his  conduct. 

Two  coadjutors,  Joaser  and  Judah,  were  sent  by 
the  Synhedrion  to  assist  Josephus.  They  were 
both  learned  in  the  Law,  and  were  described  by 
him,  now  as  pure  and  clean-handed,  and  again  as 
open  to  bribery.  But  they  were  quite  unimportant 
and  soon  disappeared  from  the  scene  of  action. 
At  first  Josephus  seems  to  have  been  anxious  to 
promote  the  revolutionary  ardor  of  the  Galilaeans. 
He  called  a  kind  of  Synhedrion  together,  consisting 
of  seventy  men  of  repute,  after  the  fashion  of  the 
great  council  in  Tiberias.  He  appointed  seven 
judges  in  each  city,  and  officers  of  the  law  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Galilee.  He  raised  an  army  of  a 
hundred  thousand  men,  armed  and  drilled  them 
according  to  the  Roman  system,  and  inculcated 
order  and  discipline  amongst  his  soldiers,  qualities 
indispensable  to  a  nation  of  warriors,  but  less  im- 


CH.  X.  JOSEPHUS    IN    GALILEE.  279 

portant  to  a  people  enthusiastic  for  liberty.  He 
even  created  a  corps  of  cavalry  and  supported  them 
from  his  own  means.  He  surrounded  himself  with 
a  body-guard  of  five  hundred  mercenaries,  who  were 
disciplined  to  obey  a  sign  from  their  master.  He 
began  to  fortify  a  number  of  cities  in  Upper  and 
Lower  Galilee  ;  and  stored  them  with  provisions. 
Thus  he  seriously  contemplated  the  defense  of  his 
province  against  Rome.  Upon  his  arrival  in  Galilee, 
either  inspired  by  the  Synhedrion  or  impelled  by 
his  own  ardor,  Josephus  carried  his  religious  zeal  to 
the  extent  of  ordering  the  destruction  of  the  palace 
inhabited  by  his  ancestor  Herod  during  the  time  of 
Augustus,  where  images  of  animals  were  worshiped 
in  direct  defiance  of  the  Law.  In  order  to  carry  out 
this  design  he  invited  the  most  distinguished  men 
of  Tiberias  to  meet  him  at  Bethmaon,  but  during 
their  discussion  Jesus  ben  Sapphia  set  fire  to  the 
palace  and  divided  the  spoil  amongst  his  followers. 
This  displeased  Josephus,  who  hastened  into  the 
town  of  Tiberias,  and  gathering  up  what  remained 
of  the  plunder,  handed  it  over  into  the  custody  of 
King  Agrippa's  officers. 

Peculiarly  repugnant  to  Josephus  was  John  of 
GIschala  ;  his  untiring  energy  and  intellectual  superi- 
ority were  enough  to  awaken  the  jealousy  of  the 
former,  although  Josephus,  as  the  representative  of 
the  Synhedrion,  assumed  the  higher  position  of  the 
two.  He  took  pains  to  place  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
the  patriot.  Thus  John  was  at  first  not  permitted  to 
carry  off  and  sell  the  large  quantity  of  corn  stored 
by  the  Romans  in  Upper  Galilee,  the  sale  of  which 
was  to  have  enabled  him  to  complete  the  fortifi- 
cation of  his  own  city.  Joaser  and  Judah  finally 
extorted  from  Josephus  the  requisite  authorization. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  John  of  Gischala  was 
made  painfully  aware  of  the  duplicity  of  the  gov- 
ernor, which  for  the  future  he  determined  to  baffle. 
Certain  youths  of  a  village  called  Dabaritta,  near 


28o  IIISTUKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  X. 

Mount  Tabor,  had  waylaid  and  plundered  the  wife  of 
one  of  the  king's  agents  who  was  traveling  through 
the  land,  and  they  brought  the  precious  metals  and 
rich  garments  which  they  had  taken  from  her  to 
Josephus,  then  at  Tarichea.  Out  of  too  great  a 
regard  for  the  king,  Josephus  undertook  to  return 
this  booty  to  him,  at  the  same  time  falsely  pretend- 
ing that  he  had  sent  it  to  Jerusalem  for  the  national 
treasury.  The  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  vil- 
lages, roused  to  angry  displeasure  at  the  news  of 
Josephus'  treachery,  assembled  at  Tarichea  in 
crowds.  They  were  led  by  Jesus  ben  Sapphia,  who 
came  with  the  holy  Book  of  the  Law  in  his  hand, 
charging  the  people,  if  not  for  their  own  sakes,  at 
least  for  the  honor  of  their  sacred  writings,  to 
punish  the  traitor.  Josephus'  house  was  surrounded 
at  daybreak  by  a  furious  throng,  who  would  have 
burnt  it  down  over  his  head  had  he  not  saved  him- 
self by  one  of  his  ingenious  falsehoods.  He  rent  his 
clothes,  poured  ashes  upon  his  head,  hung  a  sword 
round  his  neck,  and  appeared  as  a  suppliant  in  the 
arena  of  Tarichea.  As  soon  as  he  could  gain  a 
hearing  he  made  the  Taricheans  believe  that  he  was 
not  keeping  the  spoil,  either  for  the  use  of  Agrippa 
or  for  the  advantage  of  Jerusalem,  but  that  it  was  to 
enable  him  to  fortify  the  walls  of  their  own  city. 
The  credulous  Taricheans,  who  readily  believed 
this  explanation,  now  declared  themselves  in  favor 
of  Josephus,  and  turned  their  weapons  upon  the 
discontented  strangers.  The  governor  meanwhile, 
under  cover  of  the  tumult,  crept  back  to  his  own 
house,  where,  however,  he  was  soon  roused  by  some 
hundreds  of  the  infuriated  crowd  (not  Taricheans), 
who  were  utterly  intractable,  and  were  bent  upon 
the  destruction  of  his  dwelling-place.  Nothing 
daunted,  Josephus  appeared  upon  the  roof,  and 
begged  of  the  ringleaders  to  enter  and  give  him 
some  reason  for  their  conduct.  The  men  allowed 
themselves  to  be  tempted  within  the  doors,  where- 


CH.  X.  INTERNAL    DISSENSIONS.  251 

upon  they  were  instantly  seized,  cruelly  scourged, 
maimed,  and  then  cast  out  to  their  followers,  who, 
thinking  Josephus  must  have  some  hidden  force  of 
men  concealed  within,  departed  in  consternation. 
From  that  moment  all  hope  of  a  manly  defense  of 
Galilee  had  to  be  abandoned.  Josephus  was  like  a 
demon  of  discord,  to  whose  lot  had  fallen  the  task  of 
promoting  a  spirit  of  harmony  amongst  the  people. 
Galilee  was  divided  into  two  parties,  the  one  com- 
posed of  the  more  moderate  inhabitants  of  that 
province,  who  were  the  adherents  of  the  governor, 
the  other  numbering  the  fiery  patriots,  who  could 
no  longer  doubt  his  duplicity,  and  had  selected  John 
as  their  leader.  The  two  leaders  hated  each  other 
cordially,  but  equaled  each  other  in  craft  and 
dissimulation. 

When  John  became  aware  that  the  greater  num- 
ber of  the  Galilseans  were  under  the  impression 
that  Josephus  was  a  truthful  and  reliable  man,  and 
were  supporting  him  with  all  their  might,  he  sent 
his  brother  Simon,  with  a  hundred  chosen  followers, 
to  the  Synhedrion  at  Jerusalem,  there  to  lodge  a 
complaint  against  the  governor,  begging  of  the  Great 
Council  to  recall  him  from  his  post.  The  President 
of  the  Synhedrion,  Simon  ben  Gamaliel,  who  was  a 
friend  of  John,  and  who  entirely  discredited  the 
sincerity  of  Josephus,  as  well  as  Anan,  the  former 
high  priest,  supported  this  charge,  and  decreed  that 
four  envoys  be  sent  to  Galilee,  with  orders  that 
Josephus  lay  down  his  office,  and  that  they  be  in- 
vested with  the  power  of  bringing  him,  alive  or 
dead,  to  Jerusalem.  The  larger  communities  of 
Tiberias,  Sepphoris,  and  Gabara  were  instructed  by 
the  Synhedrion  to  afford  no  protection  to  Josephus, 
who  was  an  enemy  to  his  country,  but  to  support 
John  of  Gischala  in  his  stead. 

Once  more  Josephus  was  in  great  peril.  But,  as 
usual,  he  saved  himself  by  his  own  ready  wit  and 
crafty  policy.     On  the  one  hand,  he  would  not  give 


282  HISTORY    OP^    THE    JEWS.  CH.  X. 

up  the  post  which  had  become  dear  to  him  ;  and,  on 
the  other,  he  did  not  wish  to  disobey  the  orders  of 
the  Synhedrion.  As  soon  as  the  decrees  of  the  Great 
Council  were  made  known  to  him,  through  his 
father,  who  was  Hving  in  Jerusalem,  he  took  his 
precautionary  measures.  He  pretended  to  be  in 
active  preparation  for  a  revolt  from  Rome,  and 
perplexed  the  envoys  by  the  evasive  replies  he 
gave  them,  assuring  them,  with  a  resigned  air,  when 
they  ordered  him  to  depart  instantly  for  Jersualem, 
that  he  was  more  than  ready  to  lay  down  his  office. 
But  all  the  while  he  was  inciting  the  Galilaeans  to 
hatred  of  the  envoys,  who,  in  traveling  from  one 
town  to  another,  found  that  they  were  not  further- 
ing their  mission,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  they 
were  often  in  danger  of  being  roughly  handled  by 
Josephus'  friends.  Weary  of  this  useless  journey- 
ing, the  envoys,  on  the  advice  of  John  of  Gischala, 
sent  secret  messengers  throughout  Galilee,  declar- 
ing Josephus  outlawed.  A  traitor  revealed  this 
resolution  to  the  governor.  With  an  energy 
deserving  of  a  better  cause,  Josephus  sent  his 
troops  to  guard  the  passes  leading  from  the 
Galilaean  towns  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  the  messen- 
gers seized  and  brought  into  his  presence.  He 
then  summoned  all  his  devoted  followers  (who  came 
streaming  from  all  the  small  towns  and  villages  of 
Galilee)  to  appear  armed  before  him,  and  told  them 
he  was  the  victim  of  a  fiendish  plot.  This  was 
enough  to  lash  them  into  a  frenzy  of  rage,  and  they 
would  have  torn  the  envoys  to  pieces  had  not 
Josephus,  with  wonderfully  assumed  generosity, 
quieted  their  wrath.  He  then  sent  for  some  of  the 
most  simple-minded  and  credulous  men  of  his 
province  whom  he  easily  persuaded  into  going  to 
Jerusalem,  there  to  extol  his  government,  to  en- 
treat of  the  Synhedrion  to  leave  their  beloved 
governor  at  his  post,  and  to  recall  the  hated  envoys. 
Meanwhile,  these  latter,  finding  they  could  achieve 
nothing  in  Upper  Galilee,  withdrew  from  that  part 


CH.  X.  DUPLICITY    OF   JOSEPHUS.  283 

of  the  province  and  appeared  in  Tiberias.  But 
Josephus  was  there  before  them,  ready  to  frustrate 
all  their  plans.  In  their  extreme  vexation  and  per- 
plexity, they  had  commanded  the  people  to  keep  a 
day  of  fasting  and  humiliation,  when  prayer  was  to 
be  offered  up  for  Divine  help,  without  which  no 
earthly  weapons  were  of  avail.  The  people  answered 
to  this  call  by  assembling  in  great  numbers  in  the 
arena  of  Tiberias,  a  place  capable  of  holding  many 
thousands.  Although  every  one  was  supposed  to  be 
unarmed,  Josephus  and  his  soldiers  managed  to 
conceal  weapons  under  their  cloaks.  Prayers  for 
Divine  help  were  followed  by  angry  discussions  ;  at 
last,  words  gave  place  to  action,  and  Josephus'  fol- 
lowers, drawing  their  arms,  rushed  frantically  upon 
his  enemies.  The  populace  sided  with  Josephus, 
who  was  once  more  saved  from  deadly  peril.  Mean- 
while, the  Galilaean  messengers  who  had  been  sent 
to  Jerusalem  produced  so  favorable  an  impression 
for  Josephus  in  that  city,  that  the  envoys  were  re- 
called, and  the  governor  reinstated  in  his  official 
post.  Josephus  revenged  himself  upon  his  enemies 
by  sending  the  envoys  back  to  Jerusalem  in  chains, 
thus  treating  the  Synhedrion  with  contempt. 

But  whilst  he  was  bringing  civil  war  upon  Galilee, 
contempt  upon  the  Synhedrion,  disunion  amongst 
the  patriots,  whilst  he  was  urging  the  important  city 
of  Tiberias  to  rebellion,  the  Galilaean  capital,  Sep- 
phoris,  with  its  Roman  proclivities,  had  ample 
time  to  make  overtures  to  the  Empire.  Josephus 
must  bear  the  eternal  opprobrium  of  having  un- 
manned and  broken  the  one  strong  bulwark  of 
Judaea,  the  vigorous  and  warlike  Galilee,  and  this  he 
accomplished  through  indecision,  egotism,  want  of 
tact,  and  above  all,  his  extraordinary  duplicity.  He 
certainly  did  strengthen  some  of  the  fortresses,  or 
rather  he  did  not  prevent  their  garrisons  from 
doing  so,  but  when  the  Romans  appeared  in  the 
land  they  found   neither  an  army  nor  a  nation  to 


284  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  X. 

Oppose  them.  Every  fortress  had  to  depend  upon 
its  own  resources.  The  Galilseans,  without  confi- 
dence in  their  leader,  and  exhausted  by  constant 
strife,  were  becoming  self-seeking  if  not  cowardly. 

It  would  indeed  be  difficult  for  us  to  believe  the 
numerous  instances  recorded  of  craft  and  duplicity 
on  the  part  of  Josephus,  had  he  not  dwelt  upon  them 
himself  with  unexampled  shamelessness.  All  that 
had  been  gained  during  the  four  months'  rebellion 
in  Jerusalem  was  lost  during  the  five  fatal  months 
of  his  governorship  of  Galilee  (from  Nov.,  66,  to 
March,  67),  and  this  was  before  the  enemy  had  even 
threatened  to  appear,  for  the  Romans  during  that 
time  had  been  inactive  in  Judaea.  The  Emperor 
Nero  was  courting  popular  favor  in  Greece,  by  ap- 
pearing in  the  arena  as  singer,  player,  and  charioteer. 
Whilst  engaged  in  these  engrossing  pursuits,  there 
came  upon  him  like  a  thunderbolt  the  news  of  the 
rising  in  Jud^a  and  the  defeat  of  the  Roman  army 
under  Cestius.  Nero  trembled,  for  the  revolution 
in  Judaea  might  be  the  precursor  of  grave  events. 
The  emperor  was  then  apprised  of  the  death  of  his 
general  Cestius,  and  none  could  tell  whether  he  had 
met  with  a  natural  death,  or  had  died  heartbroken 
at  his  defeat. 

Nero  selected  as  his  successor  Flavius  Vespasian, 
who  had  won  his  laurels  fighting  against  the  Britons, 
and  who  was  known  to  be  one  of  the  ablest  generals 
of  his  time.  But  so  great  was  the  alarm  felt  at  the 
Judaean  rebellion  and  its  possible  consequences,  that 
Licinius  Mucianus  was  chosen  as  special  governor 
of  Syria,  and  ordered  to  quell  all  dangerous  symp- 
toms of  disaffection  that  might  appear  among  the 
Parthians.  Vespasian  was  not  in  the  emperor's 
favor  at  that  time,  and  Nero  would  far  rather  have 
given  some  other  general  his  post ;  but  the  emperor 
had  no  choice,  for  the  ability  of  Vespasian  was  un- 
questionable, and  Judaea  required  a  strong  hand. 
Vespasian  started  from  Greece  in  the  winter  season, 


CH.  X.  VESPASIAN.  285 

and  commenced  his  preparations  for  the  campaign 
in  Ptolemais.  His  son  Titus,  who  first  won  re- 
nown in  fighting  against  the  Judaeans,  brought  two 
legions  from  Alexandria,  the  fifth  and  tenth,  those 
wild  Decumani  whose  cruelty,  already  experienced 
by  the  Alexandrian  Judaeans,  was  now  for  the  first 
time  to  be  felt  by  their  Palestinean  brethren.  Ves- 
pasian was  met  in  Ptolemais  by  all  who  wished  to 
express  their  feelings  of  friendliness  towards  the 
Romans  ;  amongst  others  came  Agrippa  with  his 
sister  Berenice.  Agrippa  had  been  accused  by  the 
Tyrians  of  being  in  secret  league  with  the  rebellious 
Judaeans,  and  was  therefore  regarded  with  some 
suspicion  by  Vespasian  ;  but  he  came  at  the  head 
of  his  troops  as  a  loyal  subject-prince,  whilst  his 
beautiful  sister  Berenice,  still  beautiful  in  spite  of 
having  passed  her  first  youth,  captivated  the  gen- 
eral's son  Titus,  and  kept  him  enslaved  for  many 
years  to  come. 

Vespasian's  army,  consisting  of  Roman  troops 
and  mercenaries,  amounted  to  more  than  50,000 
men,  besides  the  countless  horde  that  was  in  the 
habit  of  following  in  the  wake  of  armies.  Early  in 
the  spring  the  army  was  equipped,  and  the  cam- 
paign began  by  the  despatch  of  small  bands  to 
clear  the  way  of  Judaean  scouts,  on  the  roads  lead- 
ing to  the  fortified  places.  Vespasian,  far  more 
prudent  than  his  predecessor  Cestius,  instead  of 
displaying  great  energy,  carried  on  the  campaign 
from  beginning  to  end  with  extreme  caution,  seek- 
ing to  cut  the  ground,  step  by  step,  from  under  his 
enemies'  feet.  Josephus  and  his  troops  were  slowly 
but  surely  driven  back  ;  in  open  battle  he  was  often 
shamefully  defeated,  for  his  men  had  no  confidence 
in  his  generalship,  and  his  army  literally  melted 
away  at  the  sight  of  the  enemy.  With  how  dif- 
ferent a  spirit  were  the  followers  of  John  of  Gischala 
inspired  !  As  soon  as  the  hostile  forces  approached 
Jotapata,  the  inhabitants   of  that  city  offered  des- 


286  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  X. 

pcrate  resistance,  and  although  they  could  not  breal^ 
through  the  serried  ranks  of  the  Romans,  they 
fought  so  bravely  that  they  put  the  vanguard  to 
flight. 

Vespasian  determined  upon  effecting  the  subjec- 
tion of  Galilee  before  turning  his  steps  towards  the 
capital,  and  to  accomplish  this  purpose  he  marched 
upon  the  fortresses  in  the  north  of  that  province, 
Gabara  and  Jotapata.  The  first,  insufficiently  forti- 
fied, was  soon  taken  and  burnt.  The  entire  popu- 
lation of  the  garrison  were  put  to  the  sword,  to 
avenge  the  defeat  of  the  Romans  at  Jerusalem. 
The  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  the  entire  district 
suffered  a  similar  fate,  for  they  were  either  cruelly 
butchered  or  sold  into  slavery.  The  war  now  became 
one  of  revenge  and  extermination.  But  Josephus 
remained  far  from  the  scene  of  action  in  his  capital 
at  Tiberias,  which  at  his  flight  thither  was  filled  with 
terror. 

Josephus  would  gladly  have  gone  over  to  the 
enemy,  but  some  remote  feeling  of  shame  prevented 
him  from  taking  this  unpardonable  step  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war.  He  proceeded  to  lay  a  state- 
ment of  the  condition  of  his  unhappy  province  before 
the  Synhedrion,  demanded  instruction  as  to  his 
movements,  whether  he  was  to  resist  the  enemy 
(in  which  case  he  would  require  reinforcements),  or 
whether  he  was  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Ves- 
pasian. The  province  of  Galilee,  although  far  more 
thickly  populated  than  Judsea,  counting  more  than 
three  millions  of  souls,  now  already  required  military 
aid,  so  terribly  had  it  been  weakened  by  Josephus' 
inefficient  management. 

Vespasian  marched  from  Gabara  to  Jotapata,  but 
his  troops  had  to  make  their  way  with  the  greatest 
difficulty,  for  the  Judaeans  had  endeavored  to  bar 
the  narrow  passes  and  render  the  road  impassable. 
The  rock  upon  which  the  fortress  of  Jotapata  was 
built  Is  surrounded  by  steep  and  lofty  hills,    from 


CH.  X.  THE    WAR    IN    GALILEE.  287 

which  it   is  separated  by  abrupt  precipices.     There 
existed  only  one   practicable  entrance  to  the  for- 
tress, and  this  was  on  the  north  side,  but  it  was 
firmly  protected  by  a  high  wall  bristling  with  towers. 
Upon  this  wall  were  gathered  all   possible   instru- 
ments  for   repelling  the   enemy ;  great    pieces  of 
rock,  slings  for  throwing  stones,  bows  and  arrows, 
and  weapons  of  countless  sorts.     Against  this  one 
approach    all    the    efforts    of    the    Romans    were 
directed.     They  confronted  it  with  sixty   storming 
machines,  from  which,  in  one  uninterrupted  volley, 
poured  spears,  stones,  and  slings  containing  ignitible 
matter.     But  the  besieged  fought  with  such  bitter- 
ness, and  with  such  cool  contempt  of  death,  that 
even  the  Romans  grew  weary.     The  Galilseans  not 
only   repulsed    the    storming    parties,    and    often 
destroyed  their  machinery,  but  they  also  made  suc- 
cessful sorties.     The   siege  lasted  more   than  forty 
days,  when  at  last,  through  the  treachery  of  a  Gali- 
laean,  the  fortress  fell.    Thus  the  Romans  were  able 
to  surprise  the  besieged  at   daybreak,  when  they 
fell  upon  the  exhausted  sentinels,  and  then  put  the 
garrison  to  the  sword.     Many,    however,    of  their 
devoted  victims,  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of 
their  terrible  adversaries,  sought  death  by  flinging 
themselves  over  the   walls,  or  by  falling  on  their 
own  weapons.     Forty  thousand  men  lost  their  lives 
in  this  siege,  and  more  than  a  thousand  women  and 
children  were  sold  into  slavery,  whilst  the  fortress 
was  razed  to  the  ground.     But  Jotapata  had   shown 
her  unhappy  country  how  to  fall   with   honor  and 
glory.     A  few  days  previously  Japha  (Japhia)  had 
been  taken,  its  men,  both  old  and  young,  slaughtered, 
and  its  women  and  children  sold  as  slaves. 

Josephus  had  been  actually  within  the  walls  of 
the  fortress  of  Jotapata  throughout  the  siege.  He 
had  arrived  from  Tiberias  at  the  first  news  of  the 
enemy's  approach,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  garrison.  But  divining  rightly  enough  that  all 
resistance  would  eventually  prove  hopeless,  he  had 


288  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  X. 

attempted  to  abandon  his  people,  and  had  only  been 
prevented  from  doing  this  by  the  besieged.  When 
the  Romans  entered  the  fortress,  Josephus  sought 
concealment  in  a  huge  cistern,  in  which  hiding-place 
he  found  forty  of  his  own  soldiers.  When  their 
retreat  was  discovered,  Josephus  was  called  upon  to 
give  himself  up  to  the  Romans.  This  exactly  coin- 
cided with  his  own  wishes,  as  his  person  was  to  be 
protected  ;  but  his  companions,  pointing  their  swords 
against  his  breast,  swore  that  sooner  than  allow  him 
to  dishonor  the  Judaeans  by  his  cowardice  they  would 
instantly  take  his  life.  Entirely  at  their  mercy,  he 
consented  to  their  proposal  that  they  should  all  die 
then  and  there.  Each  soldier  swore  that  he  would 
fall  by  the  hand  of  one  of  his  companions,  and  each 
in  turn  fell  heroically.  But  Josephus  broke  his 
word  to  the  dead  as  he  had  broken  it  to  the  living. 
He  and  one  comrade  being  the  only  survivors, 
he  succeeded,  partly  by  persuasion  and  partly  by 
force,  in  disarming  his  companion,  and  in  delivering 
himself  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  Vespasian 
treated  him  with  extreme  courtesy,  as  if  he  had 
never  looked  upon  him  as  an  enemy.  Although  he 
bore  the  semblance  of  a  prisoner,  he  was  allowed 
to  wear  a  robe  of  honor.  Vespasian  loaded  him 
with  presents,  Titus  was  his  constant  companion, 
and  he  was  permitted  to  select  a  wife  from  the  cap- 
tive maidens. 

Joppa's  turn  to  fall  before  the  conquerors  soon 
followed  upon  that  of  Japha  and  Jotapata,  whilst 
the  people  of  Tiberias,  thoroughly  discouraged  by 
the  conduct  of  Josephus,  were  not  long  in  opening 
the  gates  of  their  city  to  the  Romans. 

Thus,  one  year  after  the  revolt  in  Jerusalem,  the 
greater  part  of  the  province  of  Galilee,  which  had 
defended  itself  with  all  the  fire  of  patriotism,  with  all 
the  zeal  of  a  free  country,  and  with  all  the  enthu- 
siasm of  its  faith,  was  ruined,  depopulated,  and  more 
thoroughly  than  ever  made  subject  to  its  conquerors. 

It  was  upon  this  occasion  that  Agrippa  proved 


CH.  X.  CONQUEST   OF    GALILEE.  289 

that  his  conduct  to  the  Judceans  was  not  solely  in- 
fluenced by  his  fear  of  the  Romans.  For  Vespasian 
gave  him  free  control  over  them  in  his  own  pro- 
vince, and  he  chose  to  sell  those  unfortunate  people 
into  captivity,  when  he  might  either  have  chastised 
them  or  given  them  their  liberty. 

The  Galilsean  Zealots  were  in  possession  of  only 
three  fortified  places — Gamala,  Mount  Tabor,  and 
Gischala — in  the  extreme  north.  Joseph  of  Gamala 
and  Chares  were  the  leaders  of  the  insurgents  in 
Gamala.  All  in  vain  had  one  of  Agrippa's  officers 
besieged  the  place  for  some  months  ;  the  Zealots 
held  out,  until  at  last  Vespasian  with  his  force  ap- 
proached the  fortress.  The  story  of  the  siege  con- 
stitutes one  of  the  most  heroic  pages  in  the  whole 
account  of  the  war.  For  many  days  the  besieged 
fought  from  their  walls  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the 
first  great  Zealot  Judas.  At  the  end  of  three  weeks 
the  battering-rams  of  the  Romans  opened  a  breach 
in  the  walls,  through  which  the  enemy  crept.  As 
the  besieged  retired,  their  assailants  followed  them 
into  a  labyrinth  of  narrow  streets,  and  found  them- 
selves suddenly  attacked  from  the  house-tops.  The 
Romans  tried  to  save  themselves  by  clambering  on 
some  low-roofed  houses,  but  these  were  too  weak 
to  bear  their  weight  and  gave  way,  burying  the  men 
in  their  ruins.  The  besieged,  then  seized  upon  huge 
stones — their  whole  city,  so  to  speak — and  hurled 
them  upon  their  enemies*  heads,  so  that  flight  was 
impossible. 

This  victory,  falling  upon  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, was  a  glorious  day  for  the  men  of  Gamala  ; 
but  it  was  dearly  bought,  for  the  corpses  of  the 
Romans  lay  upon  the  bodies  of  many  Judsean 
warriors,  who  could  ill  be  spared.  Chares,  one  of 
their  leaders,  was  mortally  wounded.  At  last  the 
Romans,  after  secretly  mining  one  of  the  fortified 
towers,  made  a  feint  of  attacking  it ;  the  Judaeans 
rushed  to  the  battlements,  and  were  preparing  for 
defense,  when  the  walls  gave  way  and  fell  with  a 


290  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  X. 

fearful  crash,  burying  the  besieged,  amongst  whom 
was  the  sole  remaining  leader,  Joseph,  the  son  of 
the  midwife.  The  siege  was  now  practically  over, 
for  the  Romans  poured  in,  and  slaughtered  every 
man  they  met.  Nearly  five  thousand  died  by  their 
own  hands  ;  only  two  maidens  were  left  out  of  the 
whole  population  of  Gamala. 

Meanwhile  the  fortress  of  Mount  Tabor  was 
taken  by  the  strategy  of  Placidus.  It  stood  isolated 
on  an  almost  perpendicular  height,  rising  sixteen 
hundred  feet  from  the  plain  of  Jezreel.  From  its 
position  it  was  invincible.  But  Placidus  tempted 
the  greater  part  of  the  garrison  out  of  the  fortress 
by  feigned  flight.  When  his  pursuers  were  close 
upon  him,  his  cavalry  wheeled  around  and  threw 
themselves  upon  the  unfortunate  Judseans,  of  whom 
some  few  fled  to  Jerusalem,  whilst  the  weakened 
fortress  opened  her  gates  to  the  enemy. 

The  small  city  of  Gischala,  garrisoned  by  very 
few  men,  under  the  leadership  of  John,  could  not 
possibly  hold  out  against  the  Romans.  Upon  the 
approach  of  Titus,  John  begged  for  a  twenty-four 
hours'  truce  before  the  capitulation  of  his  fortress, 
ostensibly  to  preserve  the  sanctity  of  the  Sabbath, 
Upon  the  acquiescence  of  the  Roman  general,  he 
made  his  escape  from  the  city,  followed  by  many 
thousands  of  his  people.  On  the  morrow  Gis- 
chala capitulated,  her  gates  were  thrown  open,  and 
her  walls  razed  to  the  ground.  But,  indignant  at 
the  conduct  of  the  Judcean  leader,  Titus  ordered 
him  to  be  hotly  pursued.  John  succeeded,  how- 
ever, in  reaching  Jerusalem  with  a  remnant  of  his 
army,  whilst  numbers  of  fugitives  of  both  sexes  and 
of  every  age  were  captured  and  massacred  by  the 
Roman  soldiery.  This  was  the  last  death-struggle 
of  besieged  Galilee.  But  the  Romans  were  so 
thoroughly  exhausted  by  those  desperate  en- 
counters, and  their  ranks  were  so  much  thinned  by 
their  long  warfare,  that  Vespasian  was  obliged  to 
declare  a  truce  to  hostilities. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

DESTRUCTION    OF   THE   JUDiEAN    STATE. 

Galilasan  Fugitives  in  Jerusalem— Condition  of  the  Capital — Internal 
Contests — The  Idumxans — Eleazer  ben  Simon,  John  of  Gischala, 
and  Simon  Bar-Giora — Progress  of  the  War — Affairs  in  Rome — 
Vespasian  created  Emperor — Siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus — 
Heroic  Defense — Famine — Fall  of  the  Fortress  Antonia — Burning 
of  the  Temple— Destruction  of  the  City — Number  of  the  Slain. 

67-70  c.  E. 

Jerusalem  was  the  rallying  point  of  all  the  Gall- 
Isean  fugitives.  Thither  many  thousands  had  been 
brought  by  John  of  Gischala,  and  thither  numbers 
fled  from  Tiberias  ;  there,  where  the  last  stroke  of 
the  nation's  destiny  was  to  fall,  patriotism,  ambition, 
revenge,  and  despair  were  all  duly  represented. 
The  GalUaean  Zealots'  burning  account  of  their 
desperate  resistance  to  the  Roman  arms,  and  of 
the  massacre  of  the  weak  and  defenseless  by  the 
soldiers  of  Titus,  had  stirred  the  blood  of  the  people 
of  Jerusalem.  The  despondent  drew  fresh  courage, 
and  the  fearless  still  greater  ardor  from  the  words  of 
these  enthusiasts.  The  defenders  of  their  country, 
daily  growing  in  numbers,  and  heroic  In  deed  as 
well  as  in  word,  considered  themselves  Invincible. 
When  the  Zealots  looked  upon  the  fortresses  of 
their  capital,  the  last  shadow  of  alarm  melted  away. 
The  Romans,  they  declared,  must  have  wings  to 
take  those  walls  and  those  towers,  whose  defenders 
were  iron-hearted  men.  Had  It  not  cost  Rome  a 
desperate  struggle  to  conquer  Galilee  ;  what  then 
had  the  strongly  fortified  capital  to  fear?  This 
overwrought  condition  of  the  Judaeans  was  stimu- 
lated by  their  ardent  belief  that  the  Messianic  period, 
so  long  foretold  by  the  prophets,  was  actually  dawn- 


292  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI 

ing,  when  every  other  nation  of  the  earth  would  be 
given  into  the  dominion  of  Israel.  In  spite  of  the 
loss  of  Galilee  and  of  its  brave  defenders,  coins 
were  struck,  bearing-  this  inscription  :  "  In  the  first 
or  second  year  of  the  deliverance  or  freedom  of 
Israel,"  and  on  the  reverse  side  :  "  Simon,  Prince 
of  Israel."  But  the  Zealots  were  indulging  in  fatal 
self-confidence,  almost  as  dangerous  to  their  cause 
as  the  treachery  of  Josephus  and  the  conquest  of 
Galilee. 

Never  had  Jerusalem  been  so  populous,  so  beau- 
tiful, and  so  strong  as  at  the  moment  when  she  was 
doomed  to  destruction  ;  it  was  as  if  she  was  to 
learn  the  bitter  lesson  that  outward  strength  and 
outward  glory  alone  are  of  but  little  avail.  Within 
the  fortifications,  the  circumference  of  Jerusalem 
was  nearly  one  geographical  mile  in  extent,  embra- 
cing the  suburbs  of  Bethany  and  Bethphage,  where 
the  worshipers  who  came  up  thrice  a  year  to  the 
holy  city  found  shelter.  It  is  difficult  to  compute 
the  exact  population  of  Jerusalem.  From  one 
source  we  learn  that  it  contained  six  hundred 
thousand  souls  ;  but  then  we  must  further  take  into 
account  the  numbers  that  had  streamed  into  the 
city  for  protection. 

The  Zealots  had  not  succeeded  in  imparting  their 
enthusiasm  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  towns  ; 
many  of  the  wealthiest  and  shrewdest,  seeing  no 
possible  advantage  to  themselves  in  the  continua- 
tion of  the  war,  were  ready  to  capitulate.  Thus 
only  the  very  young  and  men  of  no  worldly  posi- 
tion devoted  themselves  to  the  cause  of  the  revo- 
lutionists. Every  community,  every  family,  was 
divided  against  itself,  some  clamoring  for  war  and 
others  demanding  peace  ;  but  as  the  former  had  no 
rallying  point  in  their  own  towns,  they  all  sought 
kindred  spirits  in  Jerusalem,  and  increased  the 
number  of  Zealots  in  that  city.  The  fortress  of 
Masada  alone,  commanded  by  Eleazer  ben  Jair,  was 


CH.  XI.  SIMON    BAR-GIORA.  293 

a  hotbed  of  insurgents  ;  it  was  the  Jerusalem  of  the 
Sicarii,  who  were  strengthened  by  the  leadership  of 
Simon  Bar-Giora.  This  man,  who  was  to  play  a 
leading  part  in  the  war,  was  remarkable  for  his 
physical  strength,  and  distinguished  for  his  reckless 
courage,  a  quality  which  did  not  desert  him  until 
his  last  breath.  At  the  flight  of  the  Roman  troops 
under  Cestius  he  followed  amongst  the  very  first 
upon  the  heels  of  the  fugitives.  He  then  gath- 
ered a  number  of  free-lances  about  him,  and  led 
a  wild  life  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
namely  in  Acrabattine.  When  the  inhabitants  of 
that  district  complained  in  Jerusalem  that  he  im- 
periled their  safety,  the  moderate  party  of  the  Zea- 
lots sent  a  troop  against  him,  obliging  him  to  take 
refuge  in  Masada.  It  was  from  this  place  that  he 
and  the  Sicarii  undertook  armed  expeditions  into 
Idumaea  for  the  purpose  of  cattle-lifting  and  forage- 
hunting.  This  roused  the  Idumaeans  to  retaliate  by 
opposing  his  force  with  a  large  army  numbering 
twenty  thousand  men.  These  rival  hosts  outdid 
each  other  in  patriotism,  fierce  courage,  and  reck- 
lessness. 

The  stream  of  patriots  daily  pouring  into  Jeru- 
salem fanned  the  excitement  and  warlike  energy 
of  the  inhabitants,  embittered  as  they  were  by  Jose- 
phus'  duplicity  and  defection.  For,  as  long  as  the 
Judaeans  believed  that  he  was  buried  under  the 
ruins  of  Jotapata,  his  name  was  mentioned  with 
reverence,  but  as  soon  as  the  tidings  spread  that  he 
was  in  the  Roman  camp,  and  treated  with  consid- 
eration by  the  Roman  generals,  their  feelings  of 
pity  were  changed  into  violent  hatred.  The  ultra- 
Zealots  were  filled  with  suspicion  and  distrust,  and 
they  looked  upon  all  who  were  not  in  favor  of  ex- 
treme measures  as  traitors  to  the  cause. 

Eleazer  ben  Simon,  the  leader  of  the  Zealots,  and 
a  man  of  great  penetration,  nursed  a  special  feeling 
of  hatred  against  the  Synhedrion,  a  body  that  bound 


294  HISTORY    OF    THE   JEWS.  CH.  XI. 

him,  valiant  and  aspiring  patriot  as  he  was,  to  a  life 
of  inaction.  And  who  presided  in  the  Synhedrion  ? 
Josephus'  friend  and  chosen  companion,  Joshua  ben 
Gamala,  who  had  not  attempted  to  depose  tlie  Gov- 
ernor of  Galilee,  even  when  his  duplicity  was  clearly 
proved.  And  who  was  the  treasurer?  Antipas,  a 
Herodian,  a  near  relative  of  King  Agrippa.  Was  it 
not  more  than  likely  that  the  Synhedrion  and  the 
Herodians  would  throw  open  the  gates  of  their  city 
at  the  approach  of  the  Romans  ?  This  was  the  pre- 
vailing feeling  of  the  Zealots,  and  they  believed 
themselves  strong  enough  to  take  the  government 
into  their  own  hands,  and  by  desperate  exertions  to 
prosecute  the  war  undisturbed. 

It  was  not  surprising  that  from  day  to  day  the 
feeling  of  enmity  between  the  Zealots  and  the  more 
moderate  Synhedrists  should  grow  in  intensity,  for 
it  was  a  war  of  life  and  death  in  which  they  were 
engaged.  Matters  were  brought  to  a  crisis  by  the 
Zealots  falling  upon  and  imprisoning  those  persons 
whose  relationship  to  the  royal  house  and  whose 
doubtful  opinions  seemed  to  proclaim  them  to  be 
secret  conspirators.  But  they  did  not  halt  at  this 
step.  They  degraded  those  belonging  to  the  family 
of  the  high-priest  from  their  position,  and  replaced 
them  by  representatives  chosen  from  the  people. 
They  determined  upon  divesting  the  high-priest  of 
his  office  (of  late  years  the  Romans  had  held  the 
conferring  of  this  dignity  in  their  own  hands),  and 
raising  to  this  exalted  rank  an  unknown  priest  of 
the  name  of  Phineas  ben  Samuel,  of  the  city  of 
Aphta.  It  was  said  of  Phineas,  probably  to  dis- 
parage him,  that  he  had  originally  been  a  stone- 
mason or  an  agriculturist.  He  was  brought  by  the 
Zealots  with  due  solemnity  from  his  homely  sur- 
roundings, was  invested  with  the  priestly  garments, 
and  was  materially  aided  by  his  rich  friends  to  main- 
tain the  dignity  of  his  state,  whilst  Matthias  ben 
Theophilus,  who  had   been    chosen    high-priest  by 


CH.  XI.  CIVIL    WAR.  295 

Agrippa,  was  deposed.  The  Synhedrists,  whose 
leaders  belonged  principally  to  the  high-priesthood, 
and  who  looked  upon  the  instalment  of  Phineas  as 
an  outrage  to  their  sacred  calling,  were  beside  them- 
selves with  indignation  at  this  step.  Anan,  whose 
audacity  of  speech  and  great  wealth  entitled  him 
to  a  prominent  position  in  the  Synhedrion,  induced 
the  citizens  of  Jerusalem  to  rebel,  and  to  attack  the 
Zealots  sword  in  hand,  and  thus  the  civil  war  com- 
menced. The  moderate  party,  who  were  numeri- 
cally the  stronger,  drove  their  antagonists  step  by 
step  out  of  every  district  of  the  city  up  to  the  Mount 
of  the  Temple,  where  they  forced  them  to  take 
refuge  within  the  second  wall  of  the  citadel.  Mean- 
while, a  rumor  spread  that  Anan  had  called  upon 
the  Roman  general  for  help.  This  was  enough  to 
bring  John  of  Gischala  with  his  troops  to  the  gates 
of  the  capital.  Twenty  thousand  Idumaeans,  men 
who  rejoiced  in  an  appeal  to  reckless  and  savage  sol- 
diery, under  the  leadership  of  John,  Simon,  Phineas, 
and  Jacob,  appeared  likewise  before  Jerusalem, 
ready  to  wield  their  swords  in  favor  of  the  Zealots 
who  were  besieged  in  the  Temple.  Anan  prepared 
for  the  assault  by  barring  the  gates  and  doubling  his 
sentinels.  But  in  the  ensuing  night  his  troops 
were  seized  with  a  panic.  A  terrific  storm  of 
thunder,  lightning,  and  drenching  rain  raged  over 
Jerusalem.  The  Idumaeans,  men  of  bold  character 
and  hardy  nature,  did  not  flinch  from  their  posi- 
tion, but  many  of  the  sentinels  en  the  walls  sought 
shelter  from  the  violence  of  the  elements  and  de- 
serted their  posts.  The  ever-watchful  Zealots  within 
the  fortifications  were  thus  able  to  communicate  with 
their  Idumaean  allies  and  to  effect  their  entrance. 
The  besiegers  threw  themselves  upon  some  of  the 
unsuspecting  watch,  whilst  the  Zealots  overpowered 
others.  The  citizens  were  roused  to  arms  and  a 
terrible  battle  ensued.  The  moderate  party  laid 
their  weapons  down  in    despair,  as  the  Idumaeans 


296  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI. 

pouring  into  the  city  massacred  all  those  whom  they 
suspected  of  being  friendly  to  Anan.  The  morning 
sun  dawned  upon  a  hideous  mass  of  corpses,  for 
more  than  8000  dead  bodies  were  found  in  the  city. 

The  Zealots  were  now  the  victors,  and  their 
reign  of  terror  began.  They  committed  to  trial, 
not  without  some  show  of  justice,  and  then  executed, 
all  persons  suspected  of  having  been  concerned  in 
the  conspiracy.  Anan  and  Joshua  ben  Gamala 
were  necessarily  amongst  the  victims,  and  the  bit- 
terness which  was  felt  towards  them  was  so  great 
that  their  unburied  bodies  were  thrown  to  the  dogs. 
The  Synhedrion  naturally  ceased  to  exist,  so  many 
of  its  members  having  been  executed  ;  but  a  new 
Synhedrion  seems  to  have  been  called  into  being 
by  the  Zealots,  no  longer  of  aristocratic  and  high- 
priestly  elements,  but  rather  of  a  democratic  order, 
also  numbering  seventy  members. 

The  Idumseans  were  as  heartily  disliked  by  the 
Zealots  as  they  were  by  the  moderate  party,  and 
many  of  them  were  courteously  persuaded  to  with- 
draw from  Jerusalem.  Meanwhile  the  reign  of 
terror  continued,  and  amongst  others  fell  Niger,  the 
hero  from  Percea,  probably  because  he  had  upheld 
the  Synhedrists.  In  fact,  this  one  case  corroborates 
the  general  rule  that  every  revolution  devours  its 
oriofinators.  For  Nigger  was  one  of  those  who  had 
strained  every  nerve  to  support  the  first  rismg 
amongst  the  Judaeans,  and  his  death  was  a  blot  upon 
the  rule  of  the  Zealots.  In  order  to  check  the 
anarchy  which  followed  the  overthrow  of  the  Syn- 
hedrion, John  of  Gischala  threw  himself  boldly  into 
the  front  ranks,  and  was  warmly  supported  by  the 
Galilsean  fugitives.  His  heroic  bearing  soon  secured 
him  the  following  of  the  most  fiery  of  the  Judaeans, 
whose  devotion  to  himself  rivaled  that  of  his  own 
Galilaeans.  John  was  born  to  be  a  leader  of  men  ; 
for  not  only  was  he  dauntless  as  a  commander,  but 
he  excelled  others  in  penetration  and  fertility  of 


CH.  XI.  POLICY    OF    THE    ROMANS.  297 

invention.  This  superiority  naturally  awakened  the 
jealousy  of  the  Zealot  leaders  in  Jerusalem,  who 
were  not  a  little  afraid  of  his  becoming  sole  dictator 
and  lawgiver. 

Meanwhile  the  Romans  were  remaining  abso- 
lutely quiet.  Vespasian  was  far  too  prudent  to 
attack  the  lion  in  his  lair,  in  spite  of  the  repeated 
assurances  of  his  followers  that  the  conquest  of 
Jerusalem  would  be  an  easy  task.  He  chose  to  wait 
until  the  Judaeans,  weakened  by  their  internal  strife, 
would  be  entirely  at  his  mercy.  His  troops,  after 
spending  an  inactive  winter  (67-68),  opened  a  new 
campaign  in  the  spring  against  Persea  and  many  dis- 
tant parts  of  Judoea,  where  thousands  were  slain 
in  obstinate  and  hard  fighting.  Vespasian  returned 
to  Caesarea  at  the  end  of  this  campaign,  and  left 
Jerusalem  undisturbed  for  two  years.  He  was  led  to 
this  course  by  two  different  events  :  the  fresh  out- 
burst of  civil  war  in  Jerusalem,  the  death  of  Nero, 
and  the  fact  that  his  successor  had  been  chosen  and 
triumphantly  installed  by  the  Spanish  and  Gallic 
legions. 

The  lawless  Simon  Bar-Giora,  who  had  kindled 
the  war  in  Jerusalem,  could  not  rest  in  Masada, 
where  the  Sicarii  had  received  him,  for  he  was 
ambitious  and  eager  for  action.  Thus  he  left  the 
fortress,  and  collecting  a  number  of  slaves,  to  whom 
he  held  out  promises  of  freedom  and  plunder, 
appeared  before  Jerusalem,  ready  to  play  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  war.  But  the  Zealots  were 
afraid  of  him,  and  wished  to  make  him  powerless. 
They  did  not  dare  meet  him  in  open  battle,  for 
he  had  already  been  their  conqueror  ;  so  they 
waited  in  ambush,  and  made  his  wife  and  some 
of  his  soldiery  prisoners,  hoping  to  crush  him  by 
this  cowardly  action.  But  Bar-Giora  was  a  stern- 
hearted  warrior,  and,  in  retaliation,  threw  himself 
upon  the  defenseless  Judaeans  who  ventured  outside 
the  walls  to  procure  the  necessaries  of  life.     The 


298  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH    XI 

Judaeans,  alarmed  at  this  revenge,  sent  back  his 
wife,  while  Bar-Giora  was  more  determined  than 
ever  to  make  himself  master  of  the  capital.  Day 
and  night  he  waited  and  watched  for  some  means 
of  ingress,  and  at  last  he  obtained  what  he  wished 
through  the  party  of  the  aristocrats. 

In  spite  of  the  loss  of  their  most  prominent  men, 
this  party  had  not  really  ceased  to  exist,  but  was 
secretly  working  to  destroy  the  power  of  the  Zealots. 
At  their  head  stood  the  high-priest  Matthias,  the 
son  of  Boethus,  and  others  belonging  to  the  great 
priestly  families.  They  knew  how  to  enlist  upon 
their  side  many  of  the  populace  who  were  unable 
to  leave  the  city,  and  who  were  afraid  of  the  con- 
sequences of  the  civil  war.  In  league  with  the 
Idumaeans,  they  suddenly  made  a  well-directed 
attack  upon  the  Zealots,  over  whom  they  gained  a 
signal,  but  only  a  momentary  advantage,  for,  recov- 
ering themselves  from  this  defeat,  the  Zealots 
assembled  upon  the  Mount  of  the  Temple,  and  pre- 
pared to  show  a  bold  front  to  their  opponents. 
The  latter,  much  discomfited,  appealed  to  Bar- 
Giora  for  assistance,  and  thus  a  fatal  division  was 
brought  within  the  very  walls  of  Jerusalem. 

With  the  entry  of  this  commander,  civil  war 
began  in  its  most  terrible  form.  Bar-Giora  com- 
manded his  followers  to  surround  the  Mount  of  the 
Temple,  where  the  Zealots  lay  entrenched.  From 
the  galleries  and  from  the  roofs  the  besieged  were 
able  not  only  to  defend  themselves,  but  also  to 
repulse  their  assailants.  In  spite  of  his  impatience, 
Bar-Giora  was  obliged  to  withdraw  and  to  take  up 
a  safer  position  in  the  town. 

Vespasian,  who  was  informed  of  all  these  move- 
ments, quietly  bided  his  time,  convinced  that  the 
losing  side  would  sooner  or  later  demand  his  help, 
and  that  then  victory  would  be  easy.  He  felt  indis- 
posed, through  various  circumstances,  to  undertake 
a  long  and  difficult  siege,  but  was  inclined  rather  to 


en.  XI.  OTHO    AND    VITELLIUS.  299 

keep  his  hands  free  for  the  final  struggle.     Nero 
had  ended  his  shameful  life  with  a  shameful  death 
(68),  and   Galba,  who  succeeded  him  as  emperor, 
held  the  reins  of  power  with  an  aged  and  trembling 
grasp.      Old   and   childless,    he    had    to    think    of 
choosing  a  successor.     At  this  critical  time,  when 
every  day  was  pregnant  with  some  important  event, 
Vespasian  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  devote  him- 
self to   the   siege   of  Jerusalem.      He   adopted    a 
waiting,  watchful  policy,  and  sent  his  son  Titus  with 
King  Agrippa  to  Rome  to    receive  the   new  em- 
peror, and,  as  people  said,  to  be  adopted  by  him  as 
heir  to  his  vast   empire.     But  when    Titus    heard, 
upon   arriving  in    Corinth,  that    Galba    had    been 
murdered  (5  Jan.,  69),  and  that  two  emperors  had 
been  elected  by  the  legions  in  his  stead — Otho  in 
Rome,  and  Vitellius  in  Lower  Germany,  he  hurried 
back  to  Judsea,  not  only  buoyed  up  by  the  secret 
hopes   of  seeing   his    father    created    emperor    in 
the  general  confusion  which  was  pending,  but  also 
attracted    by    a    powerful    magnet,    the    beautiful 
Princess  Berenice,  who,  in  spite  of  living  according 
to   orthodox  Judaean    custom,  did    not   hesitate  to 
carry  on  an  intrigue  with  the  heathen  Titus.     Otho 
could   retain   possession    of   the    purple    only   for 
one  hundred  days,   at  the  end  of  which   time   he 
found    himself    forced    to   fight    against    Vitellius, 
whom   the  German  legions  had   borne  upon  their 
shields,   by   way   of  teaching   the  Spanish  legions 
that    they  were   fittest   to    choose   and   instal   an 
emperor.     They  also  wished  to   make  it    evident 
that  the  emperor  need  not  owe  his   election  only 
to  Rome  and  the  Praetorian  Guard,  but  should  be 
the  choice  also  of  the    legions    in   the    provinces. 
Vitellius'  army  gained  the  victory,  and  Otho,  after 
brave  resistance,  fell  by  his  own  hand.     Meanwhile 
Vespasian  was  dreaming  of  the  moment  when  he 
should  drape  himself  in  the  stained  imperial  mantle, 
but  he  hesitated  before  putting  his  scheme  into  exe- 


300  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI. 

cution.  He  wished  to  be  driven  to  it.  Partly,  he 
feared  Licinius  Mucianus,  governor  of  Syria,  who 
commanded  more  legions  than  he  did,  and  with 
whom  he  was  not  on  very  friendly  terms.  But 
Vespasian's  son  Titus,  who  made  no  secret  of  his 
ambition,  won  over  Mucianus  to  urge  his  father 
into  allowing  himself  to  be  proclaimed  emperor. 
It  was  also  absolutely  essential  to  obtain  the  sup- 
port of  Tiberius  Alexander,  the  son  of  the  Alabarch 
and  the  governor  of  that  most  important  province — 
Egypt.  This  move  in  the  great  game  was  due  to 
the  hand  of  a  woman.  The  Princess  Berenice 
was  a  friend  of  the  Egyptian  governor,  and  she 
was  furthering  the  imperial  election  as  an  affair 
of  the  heart.  Titus'  love  for  her  was  so  openly 
avowed  that  all  her  court  were  convinced  that 
he  had  promised  her  marriage.  It  was  therefore 
not  unnatural  that  she  should  employ  all  the  means 
suggested  by  her  imagination,  and  made  possible 
by  her  personal  charms,  to  attain  this  end.  The 
most  important  step  was  to  gain  Tiberius  Alex- 
ander's support  for  Vespasian,  and  in  this  she 
succeeded  admirably.  The  governor  of  Egypt 
responded  to  her  appeal  by  making  his  legions 
swear  fealty  to  him  whom  they  now  called  emperor. 
A  few  days  later  the  legions  stationed  in  Judaea,  and 
the  Syrian  troops  under  the  command  of  Mucianus, 
also  tendered  their  allegiance  to  Vespasian.  The 
possession  of  the  coveted  purple  was  enough  to 
make  Vespasian  for  the  time  being  forgetful  of  the 
conquest  of  Judsea.  Accompanied  by  his  son  Titus, 
he  repaired  to  Egy^pt,  where  they  received  the  news 
of  Vitellius'  death  (Dec,  69),  an  event  which  had 
drawn  forth  but  the  contemptuous  scorn  of  his 
people. 

And  how  did  Jerusalem  spend  the  two  years 
of  peace  that  Vespasian  granted  her  ?  There  were 
originally  four  distinct  factions  in  the  city,  without 
counting   the   more   moderate.      These    were    the 


CH.  XI.  JUD^AN    FACTIONS.  3OI 

Jerusalem  Zealots  under  Eleazer  ben  Simon  and 
Simon  ben  Ezron,  consisting  only  of  two  thousand 
four  hundred  members,  the  Galilaean  Zealots  under 
John,  numbering  six  thousand  armed  men,  the 
Simonists  and  Sicarii  outnumbering  the  rest  by 
their  army  of  ten  thousand,  and  the  Idumaeans 
under  Jacob  ben  Sosa  and  Simon  ben  Kathla,  a 
troop  of  five  thousand  men.  These  twenty-four 
thousand  heroic  patriots  might  have  put  their  valor 
to  some  account  in  one  decisive  battle  could  they 
but  have  acted  in  harmony.  But  not  one  of  their 
leaders  was  capable  of  sacrificing  his  own  ambition 
to  the  general  good.  The  followers  of  Eleazer 
claimed  precedence  on  the  grounds  of  their  being 
natives  of  Jerusalem  and  of  having  thus  given  the 
first  impulse  to  the  movement.  John  insisted  upon 
his  superiority  on  account  of  his  quickness  of  per- 
ception and  readiness  in  action,  and  Simon  felt 
revengeful  towards  the  Zealots,  who  had  dared 
quell  his  disorder.  Members  of  the  four  different 
factions  were  perpetually  meeting  and  fighting  in  the 
streets,  giving  the  enemy  both  the  time  and  the 
opportunity  to  devastate  the  surrounding  country ; 
for  it  was  almost  certain  that  no  one  faction  would 
dare  oppose  the  Romans,  and  equally  certain  that 
the  four  factions  would  not  combine  in  arms  against 
them. 

Titus,  the  new  heir  to  the  imperial  throne,  at  last 
made  his  appearance  before  Jerusalem  (February, 
70),  fully  expecting  that  he  would  be  able  to  force 
the  city  into  submission  ;  for  it  was  almost  a  reproach 
to  the  Romans  that  this  rebellious  capital  should 
have  maintained  her  independence  for  four  years. 
The  prestige  of  the  new  imperial  house  seemed  in 
some  measure  to  depend  upon  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  ; 
a  protracted  siege  would  necessarily  imply  weakness 
in  the  military  power  of  Vespasian  and  his  son. 

Although  Titus  was  eagerly  looking  forward  to 
the  subjection  of  Judaea,  he  could  not  complete  his 


302  HISTORY    OK    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI. 

preparations  for  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  before  the 
spring.  He  collected  an  army  of  not  less  than 
eighty  thousand  men,  who  came,  bringing  with  them 
the  largest  number  of  battering  machines  that  had 
been  used  in  the  warfare  of  that  time.  Three 
traitors  amongst  the  Judaeans  were  most  useful  to 
him  in  his  laborious  undertakings  —  King  Agrippa, 
who  not  only  brought  a  contingent  of  men,  but  who 
also  tried  to  influence  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem 
in  favor  of  the  Romans  ;  Tiberius  Alexander,  who 
sealed  his  apostasy  from  Judaism  by  going  into 
battle  against  his  own  nation  ;  and  Josephus,  the 
constant  companion  of  Titus,  who,  from  being  a 
prisoner,  had  become  a  guide  in  the  country  which 
he  knew  so  well.  Titus  was  not  experienced  enough 
in  the  art  of  war,  and  so  bade  the  Judsean  apostate 
stand  by  his  side,  and  gave  him  the  command  of 
his  own  body-guard  (Prsefectus  prsetorio).  But  the 
hostile  factions  had  drawn  together  when  this  new 
danger  threatened  them.  Shortly  before  the  Pass- 
over festival  numbers  of  devoted  men  streamed  into 
Jerusalem  to  defend  their  holy  city.  The  elders  and 
chiefs  had  sent  messengers  to  the  people  living  in 
the  outlying  provinces,  praying  for  help,  and  their 
request  was  not  made  in  vain.  The  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem were  fortified  more  strongly  than  ever. 

At  last  Titus  assembled  his  huge  army  from  all 
sides  and  encamped  at  Scopus-Zophim,  north  of 
Jerusalem.  He  summoned  in  the  first  instance  the 
inhabitants  to  surrender ;  he  demanded  only  sub- 
mission, acknowledgment  of  the  Roman  rule,  and 
payment  of  the  taxes.  Eager  as  he  was  to  return 
to  Rome,  where  all  the  enjoyments  belonging  to  his 
great  position  were  awaiting  him,  he  was  ready  to 
deal  gently  with  the  Judaeans.  Besides  which,  his 
devotion  to  a  Judaean  princess,  who,  in  spite  of  her 
errors,  still  clung  faithfully  to  the  holy  city,  made 
him  anxious  to  spare  that  city  from  destruction. 
But  the  Judaeans  refused  all  negotiation.    They  had 


CH.  XI.  BEGINNING    OF    THE    SIEGE.  303 

sworn  to  defend  their  city  with  their  Hves,  and  would 
not  hear  of  surrender.  Then  the  siege  began  in 
earnest.  All  the  gardens  and  groves  to  the  north 
and  west  of  Jerusalem,  the  first  points  of  the  attack, 
were  unsparingly  destroyed. 

Titus,  anxious  to  reconnoitre  the  ground,  advanced 
with  a  few  followers  to  the  north  wall,  where  he  nar- 
rowly escaped  being  taken  prisoner.  The  first  feat 
of  arms  upon  the  part  of  the  Judaeans  was  crowned 
with  success,  and  seemed  a  good  omen  for  the 
future.  A  few  days  later  they  surprised  and  totally 
discomfited  the  Tenth  Legion,  who  were  pitching 
their  tents  on  the  Mount  of  Olives.  But,  unfortu- 
nately, this  skirmish  proved  fruitless,  for  the  Ju- 
daeans  were  always  obliged  to  retreat  to  their  fort- 
resses, not,  however,  without  having  convinced  the 
Romans  that  they  would  have  a  desperate  foe  to 
encounter.  The  besiegers  succeeded  in  pitching 
their  camps  on  three  sides  of  the  city,  and  in  raising 
their  engines  against  the  outer  wall.  Titus  com- 
menced operations  during  the  Passover  festival 
(March  or  April,  70),  when  he  believed  that  the 
Judaeans  would  not  be  willing  to  fight.  But  as  soon 
as  the  engines  were  in  working  order,  they  rushed 
like  demons  from  their  retreat,  destroying  the  bat- 
tering-rams, scattering  the  workmen,  and  bringing 
alarm  and  confusion  upon  the  enemy.  Not  only  the 
Zealots,  but  all  who  could  carry  arms  took  part  in 
the  defense,  the  women  setting  splendid  examples 
of  heroism  to  the  men.  The  besieged  threw  masses 
of  stone  upon  their  assailants,  poured  boiling  oil 
upon  their  heads,  seized  the  ponderous  missiles  that 
were  hurled  into  the  city,  and  turned  them  into 
tools  of  destruction  against  the  Romans.  But  the 
latter  succeeded  in  repairing  their  broken  battering- 
rams,  and  in  forcing  the  Judaeans,  after  fifteen  days 
of  conflict,  back  from  the  outer  wall.  This  wall,  the 
scene  of  a  desperate  struggle,  was  at  last  taken  by 
the  Romans,  who,  while  making  themselves  masters 
of  it,  seized  the  suburban  town  of  Bezetha, 


304  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI. 

The  skirmishes  were  now  carried  on  daily,  and 
with  increasing  bitterness.  After  seventeen  days 
of  unremitting  labor,  the  Romans  succeeded  in 
raising  their  banks  opposite  the  Antonine  tower. 
But  John  of  Gischala  and  some  heroic  followers  of 
Bar-Giora,  creeping  through  a  subterranean  pas- 
sage, destroyed  these  works  by  setting  fire  to  them. 
With  the  ever-increasing  danger  grew  the  heroism 
of  the  besieged.  All  Josephus'  persuasive  words, 
prompted  by  Titus,  were  useless.  There  were  but 
two  courses  left  open  to  them — victory  or  death. 
At  the  very  outset  of  the  siege  they  had  learned 
what  they  would  have  to  expect  from  the  Romans. 
Titus,  surnamed  "  Delight  of  all  Mankind,"  crucified, 
at  times,  five  hundred  of  his  prisoners  in  a  day. 
Again,  he  would  send  them  back  into  the  city  after 
cutting  off  their  hands.  He  was,  however,  forced  to 
acknowledge  to  himself  that  the  siege  would  be  one 
of  long  duration.  But  the  horrors  of  famine  were 
soon  to  come  to  his  assistance.  All  egress  from 
and  ingress  into  the  besieged  city  being  rigorously 
prevented,  the  provisions  began  to  fail  amongst  the 
thickly-crowded  populace.  Houses  and  streets  were 
filled  with  unburied  corpses,  and  the  pangs  of  star- 
vation seemed  to  destroy  all  feelings  of  pity  in  the 
unfortunate  survivors.  The  prospect — a  terrible 
one  indeed — of  a  lingering  death  sent  numbers 
of  deserters  to  the  Romans,  where  they  met  with 
a  pitiful  fate.  As  the  number  of  these  unfortunate 
fugitives  increased,  the  Zealots  treated  those  whom 
they  suspected  of  defection  with  still  greater  severity. 
A  conspiracy  being  discovered  amongst  Bar-Giora's 
followers,  that  leader  relentlessly  punished  the  guilty 
with  death.  They  were  all  beheaded  in  full  view  of 
the  Roman  camp,  amongst  them  being  Matthias 
Boethus,  of  priestly  family. 

But  in  spite  of  the  watchfulness  of  the  Zealots, 
they  were  unable  to  circumvent  the  traitors  in  all 
their  designs.      Those  who  were  secretly  friendly 


CH.  XI.  STUBBORN    DEFENSE.  3O5 

to  Rome  shot  off  on  their  arrow-heads  written 
accounts  concerning  the  state  of  the  city,  which 
fell  into  the  enemy's  camp.  The  Zealots  struggled 
manfully  to  prevent  the  Romans  from  completing 
their  earthworks,  but  at  the  end  of  twenty-one 
days,  the  battering-rams  were  again  pointing  at  the 
Antonine  tower.  The  wall  surrounding  the  fortress 
fell  at  length  under  the  tremendous  blows  from  with- 
out. What  was  the  surprise  and  horror  of  the 
Romans,  however,  when  they  discovered  that  a 
second  and  inner  wall  had  been  erected  behind  the 
one  they  had  succeeded  in  destroying.  They  tried 
in  vain  to  storm  it,  the  Judaeans  repulsing  a  noc- 
turnal attack.  The  battle  lasted  until  the  following 
morning.  It  was  at  about  this  time  that  the  daily 
sacrifices  ceased,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  the 
animals.  Titus  seized  this  opportunity  again  to 
summon  the  besieged  to  surrender,  but  the  mere 
sight  of  the  interpreter  who  bore  the  message 
aroused  the  Indignation  of  the  besieged.  John  of 
Gischala  replied  that  the  holy  city  could  not  be 
destroyed,  and  that  God  held  her  fate  In  His  hands. 
The  Judaeans  then  withdrew  to  their  last  point  of 
defense,  the  Temple.  The  battering-rams  were 
raised  against  the  sacred  walls.  The  unfortunate 
people  were  compelled  to  destroy  the  colonnades 
leading  to  the  Antonine  tower,  thus  cutting  off"  all 
connection  with  that  fortress.  They  spared  no  craft 
to  tire  out  the  Romans,  even  setting  fire  to  some  of 
the  pillars  attached  to  the  Temple,  and  then  pre- 
tending to  take  flight.  This  stratagem  succeeded 
in  making  the  Romans  climb  over  the  walls,  beyond 
which  the  Judaeans  lay  In  ambush  to  receive  them, 
putting  them  to  the  sword  or  casting  them  into  the 
flames.  But  the  fire  could  not  be  extinguished,  and 
the  beautiful  colonnade  of  the  western  side  was 
entirely  destroyed. 

Meanwhile,  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  were  suf- 
fering cruelly  from  famine,  which  was  sapping  their 


3o6  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI. 

life,  obliterating'  all  distinctions  between  rich  and 
poor,  and  giving  free  scope  to  the  lowest  passions. 
Money  had  lost  its  value,  for  it  could  not  purchase 
bread.  Men  fought  desperately  in  the  streets  over 
the  most  loathsome  and  disgusting  food,  a  handful 
of  straw,  a  piece  of  leather,  or  offal  thrown  to  the 
dogs.  The  wealthy  Martha,  wife  of  the  High  Priest 
Joshua  ben  Gamala,  whose  wont  it  had  been  to  step 
on  carpets  from  her  house  to  the  Temple,  was  found 
searching  the  town  like  the  very  poorest  for  a  mor- 
sel of  food,  of  even  the  most  revolting  description. 
As  if  not  one  line  of  the  old  prophecy  concerning  the 
doom  of  Judaea  was  to  remain  unfulfilled,  a  terrible 
scene  was  enacted,  which  struck  even  the  enemy 
with  horror.  A  woman  by  the  name  of  Miriam,  who 
had  fled  from  Peraea  to  the  capital,  actually  killed 
and  devoured  her  own  child. 

The  rapidly  increasing  number  of  unburied 
corpses  made  the  sultry  summer  air  pestilential, 
and  the  populace  fell  a  prey  to  sickness,  famine, 
and  the  sword.  But  the  army  of  the  besieged 
fought  on  with  unbroken  courage,  they  rushed  to 
the  battlefield,  although  fainting  with  hunger  and 
surrounded  by  grim  pictures  of  death,  as  bravely 
as  had  been  their  wont  in  the  early  days  of  the 
siege.  The  Romans  were  amazed  at  the  unflinch- 
ing heroism  of  the  Zealots,  at  their  devotion  to  the 
Sanctuary  and  to  the  cause  of  their  people.  In  fact, 
they  grew  to  look  upon  them  as  invincible,  and 
stimulated  by  this  belief,  some  few  of  their  number 
were  actually  known  to  desert  their  colors  and  their 
faith  and  to  accept  Judaism,  persuaded,  in  their  turn, 
that  the  holy  city  could  never  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  Proud  as  the  Judseans  well  might  be 
of  these  voluntary  proselytes,  at  this  the  supreme 
moment  of  their  history,  they  volunteered  to  guard 
them  as  best  they  could  from  the  horrors  of 
starvation. 

Meanwhile,  the  Romans  had  begun  to  batter  the 
outer  walls  of  the  courts  of  the  Temple.     For  six 


CH.  XI.  DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEMPLE.  307 

days  they  had  been  working'  in  vain,  and  had  then 
tried  to  fix  their  scaling  ladders  and  storm  the  walls. 
But  as  they  were  repulsed  with  great  loss  of  life, 
Titus  relinquished  his  hope  of  sparing  the  sacred 
edifice,  and  ordered  his  men  to  set  fire  to  the  gates. 
For  a  whole  night  and  the  next  day  the  fire  raged 
fiercely  ;  then  Titus  commanded  that  it  should  be 
extinguished,  and  that  a  road  should  be  leveled  for 
the  advance  of  his  legions.  A  council  of  war  was 
hastily  summoned  to  decide  upon  the  fate  of  the 
Sanctuary.  This  council  consisted  of  six  of  the 
chief  generals  of  the  army,  three  of  whom  advised 
the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  which,  if  spared, 
would  inevitably  remain  as  a  focus  for  rebellion. 
Titus  was  opposed  to  this  decision,  partly  on  ac- 
count of  the  Princess  Berenice's  feelings,  and  three 
of  the  council  agreeing  with  their  leader,  it  was 
decided  to  take  the  Temple,  but  not  to  destroy  it. 

On  the  9th  Ab,  the  Judseans  made  another  des- 
perate sally,  but  were  driven  back  by  an  overpow- 
ering force  of  the  besiegers.  But  the  hour  of  the 
city's  doom  was  about  to  strike,  and  in  striking, 
leave  an  echo  that  would  ring  through  the  centuries 
to  come.  The  besieged  attempted  one  more  furious 
onslaught  upon  their  enemies.  They  were  again 
defeated,  and  again  driven  back  to  their  sheltering 
walls.  But  this  time  they  were  closely  followed  by 
the  Romans,  one  of  whom,  seizing  a  burning  fire- 
brand, mounted  upon  a  comrade's  shoulders,  and 
flung  his  terrible  missile  through  the  so-called 
golden  window  of  the  Temple.  The  fire  blazed 
up  ;  it  caught  the  wooden  beams  of  the  sanctuary, 
and  rose  in  flames  heavenwards.  At  this  sight  the 
bravest  of  the  Judaeans  recoiled  terror-stricken. 
Titus  hurried  to  the  spot  with  his  troops,  and 
shouted  to  the  soldiers  to  extinguish  the  flames. 
But  no  one  heeded  him.  The  maddened  soldiery 
plunged  into  the  courts  of  the  Temple,  murdering 
all  who  came  within  their  reach,  and  hurling  their 


2,oS  HISTORY    OK   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI. 

firebrands  into  the  blazing  building.  Titus,  unable 
to  control  his  legions,  and  urged  by  curiosity,  pene- 
trated into  the  Holy  of  Holies. 

Meanwhile,  the  Judaeans,  desperate  in  their  death 
agonies,  closed  wildly  with  their  assailants.  The 
shouts  of  victory,  the  shrieks  of  despair,  the  fierce 
hissing  of  the  flames,  making  the  very  earth  tremble 
and  the  air  vibrate,  rose  in  one  hideous  din,  which 
echoed  from  the  tottering  walls  of  the  Sanctuary  to 
the  mountain-heights  of  Judaea.  There  were  con- 
gregated clusters  of  trembling  people  from  all  the 
country  round,  who  beheld  in  the  ascending  flames 
the  sign  that  the  glory  of  their  nation  had  departed 
forever.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem, 
unwilling  to  outlive  their  beloved  Temple,  cast 
themselves  headlong  into  the  burning  mass.  But 
thousands  of  men,  women,  and  children,  in  spite  of 
the  fierce  onslaught  of  the  legions  and  the  rapidly 
increasing  flames,  clung  fondly  to  the  inner  court. 
For  had  they  not  been  promised  by  the  persuasive 
lips  of  false  prophets,  that  God  would  save  them  by 
a  miracle  at  the  very  moment  of  destruction  ?  They 
fell  but  an  easier  prey  to  the  Romans,  who  slew 
some  six  thousand  on  the  spot.  The  Temple  was 
burnt  to  the  ground,  and  only  a  few  smouldering 
ruins  were  left,  rising  like  gigantic  ghosts  from  the 
ashes.  A  few  of  the  priests  had  escaped  to  the 
tops  of  the  walls,  wdiere  they  remained  without  food 
for  some  days,  until  they  w^ere  compelled  to  surren- 
der. Titus  ordered  their  instant  execution,  saying, 
"  Priests  must  fall  with  their  Temple."  The  con- 
quering legions  raised  their  standards  in  the  midst 
of  the  ruins,  sacrificed  to  their  gods  in  the  Holy 
Place,  and  saluted  Titus  as  emperor.  By  a  strange 
coincidence  the  second  Temple  had  fallen  upon  the 
anniversary  of  the  destruction  of  the  first  Temple 
(loth  Ab,  70).  Titus,  who  could  no  longer  feel 
bound  to  respect  the  feelings  of  the  Princess  Ber- 
enice, gave  orders  that  the   Acra  and  the  Ophla, 


CH.  XI.  LAST    RESISTANCE.  3O9 

different  parts  of  the  city,  should  be  instantly  set 
on  fire. 

But  the  struggle  was  not  yet  over.  The  leaders 
of  the  rebellion  had  retreated  to  the  upper  city  with 
some  of  their  followers.  There  they  conferred  with 
Titus.  John  and  Simon,  having  sworn  that  they 
would  never  lay  down  their  arms,  offered  to  sur- 
render upon  the  condition  that  they  would  be  per- 
mitted to  pass  armed  through  the  Roman  camp. 
But  Titus  sternly  bade  them  throw  themselves  upon 
his  mercy  ;  and  so  the  fierce  strife  blazed  out  anew. 
On  the  20th  of  Ab,  the  Romans  began  to  raise 
their  embankments,  and  after  eighteen  days  of 
labor  the  siege  of  the  upper  city  commenced. 
Even  then  the  Zealots  would  not  think  of  surrender. 
Discovering  that  the  Idumaeans  were  secretly  making 
terms  with  Titus,  they  threw  some  of  the  ring- 
leaders into  prison,  and  executed  others.  But  the 
Judaean  warriors  were  exhausted  by  their  super- 
human resistance  and  by  the  long  famine,  and  the 
Romans  were  at  last  able  to  scale  the  walls  and  to 
seize  the  fortresses,  a  prelude  to  their  spreading 
through  the  city,  plundering  and  murdering  the 
last  of  the  wretched  inhabitants.  On  the  8th  of 
Elul  they  set  fire  to  all  that  remained  of  Jerusalem, 
the  upper  city,  known  by  the  name  of  Zion.  The 
walls  were  entirely  leveled,  Titus  leaving  only  the 
three  fortresses  of  Hippicus,  Mariamne,  and  Pha- 
sael  to  stand  as  lasting  witnesses  of  his  victory. 
Under  the  ruins  of  Jerusalem  and  her  Temple  lay 
buried  the  last  remnant  of  Judaea's  independence. 
More  than  a  million  of  lives  had  been  lost  during 
the  siege.  Counting  those  who  had  fallen  at  Gali- 
lee, Peraea,  and  the  provinces,  it  may  be  assumed 
that  the  Judaeans  who  inhabited  their  native  land 
were  almost  all  destroyed. 

Once  more  did  Zion  sit  weeping  amongst  the 
ruins,  weeping  over  her  sons  fallen  in  battle,  over 
her  daughters  sold  into   slavery  or  abandoned  to 


3IO 


HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XI. 


the  savage  soldiery  of  Rome  ;  but  she  was  more 
desolate  now  than  in  the  days  of  her  first  captivity, 
for  hushed  was  the  voice  of  the  prophet,  who 
once  foretold  the  end  of  her  widowhood  and  her 
mourning. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE   AFTER-THROES    OF   THE   WAR. 

SufiEerings  of  the  Prisoners — The  Arena— Cruelty  of  Titus— Enmity 
of  the  Antiochians — Triumph  of  the  Emperor  on  the  occasion  of 
the  Conquest  of  Judsa — End  of  Simon  Bar-Giora  and  John  of 
Gischala — Coins  to  Commemorate  the  Roman  Triumph — Fall 
of  the  Last  Fortresses  :  Herodium,  Masada,  and  Machasrus — 
Resistance  of  the  Zealots  in  Alexandria  and  Cyrene — End  of  the 
Temple  of  Onias — The  Last  of  the  Zealots — Death  of  Berenice 
and  Agrippa — Flavius  Josephus  and  his  Writings. 

70-73  C.  E. 

It  would,  indeed,  be  difficult  to  describe  the  suf- 
ferings of  those  who  were  taken  captive  in  the  war, 
estimated  at  the  number  of  nine  hundred  thousand. 
The  surviving  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  were  driven 
into  the  site  of  the  Temple,  and  placed  under  the 
guardianship  of  a  certain  Fronto  and  a  freed  slave. 
All  those  who  were  recognized  as  insurgents  were 
crucified,  the  princes  of  Adiabene  alone  being 
spared  and  sent  as  hostages  to  Rome,  to  secure  the 
loyalty  of  the  king  of  Adiabene.  Seventeen  thou- 
sand prisoners  died  of  hunger,  many  of  them  being 
neglected  by  Fronto,  whilst  others  indignantly  re- 
fused the  food  which  their  conquerors  offered  them. 
From  amongst  the  youths  above  seventeen  years 
of  age,  the  tallest  and  handsomest  were  selected 
for  the  Roman  triumphs,  whilst  others  were  sent 
to  labor  in  the  mines  for  the  rest  of  their  lives,  or 
were  relegated  to  the  Roman  provinces,  to  take 
their  part  in  the  fights  of  the  arena.  Youths  under 
the  age  of  sixteen  and  most  of  the  female  cap- 
tives were  sold  into  slavery  at  an  incredibly  low 
price,  for  the  market  was  glutted.  How  many 
scenes  of  horror  must  have  been  witnessed  and 
enacted  by  those  unfortunate  ones  !  They  had, 
31X 


312  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XII. 

it  is  true,  one  ray  of  comfort  left.  Possibly  they 
might  be  carried  to  some  Roman  town  where  a 
Judaean  community  existed  ;  their  own  people  would 
assuredly  give  any  sum  to  purchase  their  freedom, 
and  would  then  treat  them  with  brotherly  sympathy. 

Vespasian  now  declared  that  all  Judaea  was  his 
property  by  conquest,  and  bade  the  Roman  officials 
divide  the  country  into  lots,  offering  them  to  the 
highest  bidder.  And  why  should  he  not  do  so? 
Had  he  not  fertilized  the  land  with  blood  ?  Be- 
sides which,  the  sale  would  realize  great  profits, 
and  Vespasian  cared  even  more  for  gold  than  for 
honor. 

And  what  was  the  work  of  the  merciful  Titus  after 
ordering  the  execution  of  thousands,  and  consign- 
ing thousands  to  slavery?  In  his  march  through 
Syria  he  was  followed  by  the  most  vigorous  of  his 
captives  in  chains.  When  he  held  his  court  in 
Caesarea,  and  entertained  his  friends  in  true  Roman 
style,  wild  beasts  were  brought  into  the  arena, 
and  Judaean  captives  fought  with  them  until  they 
were  torn  to  death  ;  or  they  were  forced  to  fight 
one  against  another,  dying  by  each  other's  hands. 
Thus  at  Caesarea,  two  thousand  five  hundred 
brave  Judaean  youths  perished  in  this  manner  to 
celebrate  the  birthday  of  Domitian,  the  brother 
of  the  conqueror.  And  at  Caesarea  Philippi,  on 
Mount  Hermon,  the  residence  of  King  Agrippa, 
this  terrible  spectacle  was  renewed  before  the 
eyes  of  that  monarch  and  of  the  Princess  Berenice. 
Vespasian's  birthday  was  honored  in  the  same  way 
at  Berytus,  the  sand  of  the  arena  being  literally 
soaked  with  Judaean  blood.  In  fact,  the  gentle- 
ness and  humanity  of  Titus  were  strangely  dis- 
played in  all  cities  of  Syria  by  a  repetition  of 
these  barbarities.  The  Judaean  communities  in 
Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Alexandria,  and  Rome,  very 
nearly  shared  the  fate  of  their  brethren  in  Judaea. 
For  the  war  had  aroused  the  hatred  of  the  entire 


CH    XII.  DEATH    OF    BAR-GIORA.  313 

heathen  world  against  the  unfortunate  children  of 
Israel — a  hatred  which  was  fanatical  in  its  intensity, 
its  object  being"  the  entire  destruction  of  the  whole 
race.  Titus'  inmost  feelings  must  have  coincided 
with  those  of  his  people.  But  strange  to  say,  his 
love  for  Berenice,  so  deeply  implanted  in  his  heart, 
made  him,  upon  one  occasion,  extend  his  mercy  to 
her  race.  When  he  approached  the  city  of  Antioch, 
the  whole  populace  turned  out  to  meet  him  and 
demanded  nothing  less  than  the  expulsion  of  the 
Judaean  colony.  But  Titus  replied  that  "  The 
Judaeans  having  no  country  left  to  them,  it  would 
be  inhuman  to  expel  them  from  Antioch — they  had 
no  retreat."  He  even  refused  sternly  to  cancel 
their  existing  privileges.  The  Alexandrian  Ju- 
daeans also  were  left  undisturbed  in  their  adopted 
city. 

Titus  determined  to  celebrate  his  triumph  over 
Judaea  in  the  capital  of  the  empire.  For  this  pur- 
pose seven  hundred  of  the  flower  of  the  Judaean 
captives  and  the  two  leaders  of  the  Zealots,  John  of 
Gischala,  who  had  surrendered  to  the  enemy  when 
fainting  with  hunger,  and  Simon  Bar-GIora,  were 
sent  to  Rome.  At  the  close  of  the  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem the  dauntless  Simon  had  leaped,  with  some  of 
his  followers,  into  one  of  the  vaults  beneath  the  city, 
and.  provided  with  workmen's  tools,  had  attempted 
to  hew  his  way  out ;  but  coming  upon  a  great  rock 
he  was  prevented  from  accomplishing  his  purpose, 
and  his  slender  stock  of  provisions  failing  him,  he 
determined  to  die  as  became  a  hero.  In  a  white 
robe,  covered  with  a  purple  mantle,  he  suddenly 
appeared  before  the  Roman  sentinels  who  were 
reposing  amongst  the  ruins  of  the  Temple.  They 
gazed  at  him  with  terror.  He  merely  addressed 
them  with  the  following  words  :  "  Take  me  to  your 
general."  When  Rufus  appeared  at  the  sentinels* 
call,  the  leader  of  the  Zealots  presented  himself 
before  his  astonished  gaze,  saying :  "  I  am  Simon 


314  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XII. 

Bar-Giora."  He  was  instantly  thrown  into  chains, 
and  calmly  awaited  the  fate  that  he  knew  was  in 
store  for  him. 

Vespasian  and  his  two  sons,  Titus  and  Domitian, 
celebrated   their   triumph  over  Judaa,   in  the  im- 
perial   city   of   Rome.     In    front   of   the   emperor 
were  borne  the  vessels  of  the  Temple,  the  seven- 
branched  candlestick,  the  golden  table,  and  a  roll 
of  the  Law.     The  Romans  were  further  gladdened 
by  the  pageant  of  a  long  train  of  Judaean  captives 
heavily  chained,  and  by  the   wonderful    represen- 
tations of  all  the  horrors  and  misery  of  the  war — 
a   kind   of  theatrical    entertainment,   devised  with 
much    ingenuity    for    the    occasion.       Simon    Bar- 
Giora  (the  terrible  foe  of  the  Roman  legions),  with 
a    halter   round    his    neck,   was   dragged    through 
the  streets  of  Rome,  and  finally  hurled  as  a  human 
sacrifice    to    the    gods,    from    the   Tarpeian    rock. 
John  of  Gischala  met  with  his  fate  in  a  dungeon. 
Tiberius  Alexander,  the  conqueror  of  his  own  race, 
shared  in  the  triumph,  and  a  statue  was  erected 
in  his  honor  in  the  Forum,     Josephus  was  but  a 
spectator  of  the  scene.     This  magnificent  triumph, 
the  like  of  which  had  not  been  witnessed  for  many 
years  in  Rome,  was  a  proof  of  the  exultant  joy, 
which  passed  like  a  wave  over  the  heathen  world, 
at  the  fall  of  Judaea,  for  the   Roman  legions  had 
but  rarely  met  with  so  obstinate  a  foe.     To  com- 
memorate   this   great   victory,    coins   were   struck, 
upon  which  Judsea  was  variously  represented,  as 
a    sorrowing    woman    under    a    palm    tree,  either 
standing  with  fettered  hands,  or  seated  in  a  des- 
pairing attitude  upon  the  ground.     The  coins  bore 
these  inscriptions,  "the  Conquered"  or  "the  Cap- 
tive  Judaea"    ("Judaea    devicta,"  "Judaea   capta"). 
Later  on,  a  beautiful  arch   was   erected  to  Titus, 
which  is  still  standing,  and  upon  which  the  carved 
reliefs  of  the  candlestick  and  vessels  of  the  Temple 
are  plainly  visible.     The  Roman  Judaeans,  not  only 


CH.  XII.     FALL    OF    THE    REMAINING    FORTRESSES.        315 

at  that  time,  but  in  years  to  come,  would  take  a 
longer  or  more  circuitous  route,  to  avoid  seeing 
this  trophy.  The  rich  spoils  of  the  Sanctuary  were 
deposited  in  the  Temple  of  Peace,  and  the  roll  of 
the  Law  in  the  imperial  palace  ;  but  at  a  later  time, 
when  Rome  was  expiating  her  heavy  sins,  these 
relics  of  the  glory  of  Jerusalem  were  carried  to 
other  countries. 

Judsea  was  not  yet  entirely  subjugated,  for 
three  strong  fortresses  were  still  in  arms  :  Hero- 
dium,  Machaerus,  and  Masada.  The  governor, 
Bassus,  sent  by  Vespasian  to  Judaea,  was  com- 
manded to  take  them.  Herodium  surrendered 
immediately,  but  Machaerus  offered  a  stubborn 
resistance.  This  fortress,  built  by  Alexander 
Jannaeus,  was  well  defended  from  the  enemy  by 
its  natural  position.  Steep  precipices  and  yawning 
ravines  made  it  impregnable.  But  it  fell — and  in 
this  way :  The  young  commander,  Eleazer,  a  valiant 
hero,  was  captured  by  the  Romans,  whilst  fear- 
lessly standing  without  the  gates,  proudly  reliant 
upon  the  terror  of  his  arms.  Bassus  ordered  him 
to  be  scourged  within  view  of  the  besieged,  and 
then  made  semblance  of  having  him  crucified.  A 
wail  of  despair  went  up  from  the  fortress  ;  the 
besieged,  determined  to  save  their  beloved  com- 
rade, offered  to  give  up  their  citadel  if  his  life  were 
spared.  Bassus  agreed  to  this  proposal,  and  the 
garrison  was  saved ;  but  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
lower  town,  the  men  and  youths  were  inhumanly 
butchered,  to  the  number  of  1 700,  and  the  women 
and  children  sold  into  slavery. 

Three  thousand  Zealots,  under  Judas  ben  Jair, 
who  had  escaped  by  one  of  the  subterranean  pas- 
sages from  Jerusalem,  were  hiding  in  a  wood  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  Jordan.  There  they  were,  however, 
discovered  and  surrounded  by  the  Romans,  who 
mercilessly  destroyed  them.  The  death  of  Bassus, 
taking  place  at  this  time,  caused  the  difficult  task 


3l6  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIl. 

of  the  conquest  of  Masada  to  devolve  upon  his 
successor  Silva.  This  hill-fortress  was,  if  possible, 
still  more  inaccessible  than  that  of  Macha^rus. 
The  garrison  consisted  of  looo  Zealots,  with  their 
wives  and  children,  commanded  by  Eleazer  ben 
Jair,  a  descendant  of  Judas  the  founder  of  the 
Zealots.  They  were  amply  provided  with  pro- 
visions, water  and  weapons,  and  were,  moreover, 
men  of  heroic  resolve.  But  a  Roman  battering- 
ram  destroyed  one  of  the  protecting  walls,  and  a 
second  wall  of  wooden  beams,  built  by  the  be- 
sieged, was  set  on  fire  by  the  assailants.  The 
situation  was  a  hopeless  one.  Eleazer  realized 
this,  and  determined  upon  persuading  the  garrison 
to  die  by  their  own  hands  rather  than  to  fall  into 
the  power  of  the  Romans.  The  heroes  agreed  to 
this  proposal,  even  with  enthusiasm,  and  on  the 
first  day  of  the  great  Feast  of  Passover,  after 
slaying  their  wives  and  children,  they  all  perished 
on  their  own  swords.  When  the  Romans  entered 
the  citadel,  prepared  for  the  last  desperate  struggle 
with  their  victims,  they  stood  amazed  at  the  ominous 
silence,  and  their  shouts  brought  forth  only  two 
trembling  women  and  five  children,  who  came 
creeping  out  from  a  cavern.  And  it  was  thus  that 
the  last  Zealots  fell  on  Judaean  ground. 

The  Judaeans  who  had  tried  to  shake  off  the 
Roman  yoke  had,  indeed,  been  severely  punished. 
Not  only  the  inhabitants  of  Judsea,  but  also  the 
Judaean  community  in  Rome  were  made  answerable 
ifor  the  rebellion.  The  two  drachmae  which  they 
had  annually  given  to  their  Sanctuary  were  now 
demanded  for  the  Capitoline  Jupiter.  Vespasian's 
greed  soon  caused  this  tax  to  be  swept  into  his 
private  treasury  ;  and  this  first  tax.  inaugurated  and 
imposed  by  the  emperor  ujDon  the  Judaeans,  was 
called  the  Judaean  fiscal  tax  (Fiscus  Judaicus).  On 
the  other  hand,  those  Judaeans  who  had  been  friendly 
to    Rome,    and    had    given    Vespasian     assistance 


CH,  XII.  FATE    OF    THE    ZEALOTS.  317 

during  the  war,  were  richly  recompensed.  Berenice 
was  received  with  the  highest  honors  at  the  Im- 
perial court.  Titus'  passion  for  this  beautiful 
woman  was  so  great  that  once,  in  a  fit  of  jealousy, 
he  ordered  the  strangulation  of  a  Roman  Consul, 
Cacina,  his  own  table-companion.  To  flatter  his 
vanity  the  Council  of  the  Areopagus,  the  Six 
Hundred  and  the  people  of  Athens  erected  a  statue 
to  Berenice,  dedicated  to  "  the  great  Queen, 
daughter  of  the  great  King,  Julius  Agrippa." 
He  was  on  the  eve  of  making  her  his  wife,  when 
an  indignant  outburst  from  the  people  of  Rome 
forced  him  to  let  her  depart.  Her  brother  Agrippa 
shared  her  fall. 

More  fortunate  was  Josephus,  whom  Vespasian 
and  Titus  could  not  sufficiently  reward  for  his 
services.  He  accompanied  the  emperors  on  their 
triumphal  processions,  looked  on  the  humiliation  of 
his  nation  with  revolting  coldness,  and  showed 
undisguised  delight  in  the  death  of  her  heroes. 
Vespasian  not  only  granted  him  extensive  landed 
possessions,  but  also  placed  his  private  palace  at 
his  disposal,  and  raised  him  to  the  citizenship  of 
Rome.  So  high  did  he  stand  in  the  favor  of  the 
imperial  house,  that  he  was  anxious  to  adopt  their 
name,  and  is  known  to  posterity  as  "  Flavius  Jose- 
phus." On  the  other  hand,  he  was  hated  by  the 
Judaean  patriots,  who  exerted  themselves  to  disturb 
him  in  the  tranquil  enjoyment  of  his  possessions. 

But  the  war  against  the  Zealots  did  not  terminate 
with  the  fall  of  the  last  fortress.  They  transplanted 
their  hatred  of  Rome  whithersoever  their  flying  feet 
carried  them — to  the  provinces  of  the  Euphrates,  to 
Arabia,  Egypt,  and  Cyrene.  The  Zealots  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  Alexandria  persuaded  their  co- 
religionists of  that  city  to  revolt  against  their  rulers. 
Many  of  the  Alexandrian  Judaeans,  still  smarting 
from  the  severe  persecutions  which  they  had  suffered 
some  years  previously  from  the  Romans,  were  ready 


3l8  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XII. 

for  revolt  ;  but  this  mad  scheme  was  opposed  by  the 
wealthy  members  of  the  community  and  the  Council, 
They  turned  indignantly  upon  the  Zealots,  de- 
livering six  hundred  into  the  hands  of  the  governor, 
Lupus,  who  executed  them  upon  the  spot.  Others 
fled  to  Thebes,  where  they  were  pursued,  seized, 
and  put  to  the  torture  to  make  them  acknowledge 
the  emperor's  authority.  But  unflinchingly  they 
bore  the  most  horrible  agonies,  men  and  boys 
vying  with  each  other  in  steadfast  adherence  to 
their  Zealot  principles,  and  dying  at  last  under 
torture.  Vespasian,  fearing  that  Egypt  might 
become  a  new  center  of  revolt,  ordered  the  Temple 
of  Onias  to  be  closed,  thus  taking  from  the  people 
their  religious  focus.  The  annual  gifts,  dedicated  to 
the  service  of  the  Sanctuary,  found  their  way,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  into  the  imperial  treasury. 

Some  of  the  Zealots  who  had  fled  to  the  towns  of 
Cyrenaica,  now  attempted  to  endanger  their  peace. 
Jonathan,  one  of  their  number,  collected  a  mul- 
titude of  the  lower  classes  about  him,  and  leading 
them  into  the  Lybian  Desert,  announced  some 
miraculous  interposition.  But  here,  again,  the  chief 
Judseans  denounced  their  fanatical  brethren  to  Ca- 
tullus, the  Roman  governor,  who  seized  them,  and 
had  many  of  them  executed.  Jonathan,  however, 
evaded  their  pursuit  for  some  time,  and  at  last, 
when  captured,  revenged  himself  by  accusing  many 
of  the  wealthy  Judaeans  of  being  his  accomplices. 
He  was  thrown  into  chains  and  sent  to  Rome.  In 
the  imperial  city  he  ventured  to  declare  that 
Josephus  and  some  of  the  Roman  Judceans  were 
disloyal  to  the  emperor.  Titus  indignantly  refused 
to  believe  this,  and  appeared  to  defend  his  favorite, 
whose  innocence,  together  with  that  of  his  co-relig- 
ionists, he  clearly  established.  Jonathan  was  then 
scourged  and  burnt  alive. 

Thus  ended  the  Zealot  movement  which  had 
spread  with  evil  results  among  a  large  portion  of 


CH.  Xn.  JOSEPHUS  S    HISTORICAL    WRITINGS.  319 

the  Judsean  people  In  the  Roman  Empire.  But 
the  Zealots  who  had  escaped  to  North  Arabia  to 
the  vicinity  of  Medina  were  the  most  fortunate  ;  for 
they  succeeded  in  founding  a  community  of  their 
own,  which  lasted  until  the  seventh  century.  Upon 
another  occasion,  they  played  no  unimportant  part. 

So  great  was  the  sensation  produced  throughout 
the  Roman  Empire  by  this  long  and  desperate 
resistance  of  the  Judaeans,  that  several  writers  felt 
themselves  called  upon  to  give  a  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  the  war.  The  heathen  authors  were,  of 
course,  partial  in  their  treatment  of  the  subject ; 
and,  with  due  deference  to  the  feelings  of  the 
Roman  generals,  underrated  the  heroism  of  the 
Judaeans.  But  Josephus,  who,  in  spite  of  his 
Roman  proclivities,  had  some  spark  of  patriotism 
left,  could  not  brook  hearing  his  people  stigmatized 
as  cowards  ;  so,  collecting  all  the  facts  of  the  long 
struggle  that  had  come  under  his  own  notice,  he 
wrote  an  account  of  the  war  in  seven  books,  at 
first  in  the  Syro-Chaldaic  tongue,  and  afterwards 
in  Greek  (75-79).  But  this  version  could  not  turn 
out  to  be  any  more  impartial,  seeing  how  deeply 
his  own  interests  had  been  involved.  He  laid  his 
work  before  Titus,  who  gave  him  permission  to 
offer  it  to  the  public,  a  clear  proof  that  the  Emperor 
was  satisfied  with  its  tendency.  Justus  of  Tiberias 
had  preceded  Josephus  with  a  history  of  the  Judsean 
war,  in  which  he  accused  that  historian  of  hostility 
to  Rome,  of  having  been  party  to  the  revolt  in 
Galilee,  and  of  having  invented  his  descent  from  the 
Hasmonsean  house. 

When  the  war  of  the  sword  was  at  an  end,  the 
war  of  the  pen  was  carried  on  by  the  two  writers. 
But  Justus  can  hardly  be  commended  for  exem- 
plary conduct ;  for  he  had  once  led  a  revolt  in 
Galilee,  and  had  then  headed  a  sally  against  the 
neighboring  Greek  population  ;  after  which  he  pre- 
sented  himself  boldly  before    Agrippa.     Berenice 


320  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XII. 

having  obtained  his  pardon,  he  was  taken  into  the 
king's  service  and  most  generously  treated.  But 
for  some  later  offense  he  was  imprisoned,  and  ban- 
ished, then  recalled,  pardoned,  and  made  the  king's 
secretary.  He  was  at  length  banished  again  for 
some  unknown  reason.  Justus,  having  received  a 
thoroughly  Greek  education,  was  able  to  write  the 
history  of  the  war  in  a  more  correct  and  elegant 
style  than  it  was  possible  for  Josephus  to  do. 

Jeremiah,  uttering  his  lamentations  amidst  the 
ruins  of  Jerusalem,  fitly  ends  the  first  period  of 
Jewish  history ;  whilst  Flavius  Josephus,  writing 
the  story  of  his  people  in  the  quiet  of  Caesar's 
palace,  concludes  the  second  period. 


THE  TALMUDIC  EPOCH. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE   SYNHEDRION    AT   JABNE. 

Foundation  of  the  School  at  Jabne — Jochanan  ben  Zakkai — The  Last 
of  the  Herodians — Judseaand  Rome — TheTanaites — GamaUel  II. 
appointed  Patriarch — The  Power  of  Excommunication — Deposi- 
tion and  Restoration  of  the  Patriarch — Steps  towards  Collecting 
the  Mishna — Eliezer  ben  Hyrcanus — Joshua  ben  Chananya — 
Akiba  and  his  System— Ishmael — Condition  of  the  Synhedrion. 

70-117  c.  E. 

The  disastrous  result  of  the  war  which  had  been 
waged  against  the  Romans  during  a  period  of  four 
years,  the  destruction  of  the  State,  the  burning 
of  the  Temple,  the  condemnation  of  the  prisoners 
to  labor  in  the  lead-works  of  Egypt,  to  be  sold  in 
the  slave-markets,  or  to  become  victims  in  the 
fights  with  wild  beasts  in  the  arena — all  these 
calamities  came  with  such  crushing  force  on  the 
remaining  Jews  that  they  felt  utterly  at  a  loss  as  to 
what  they  should  do.  Judaea  was  depopulated  ;  all 
who  had  taken  up  arms,  whether  in  northern  or 
southern,  whether  in  cis-  or  trans-Jordanic  Judaea, 
were  either  dead  or  enslaved  and  banished.  The 
infuriated  conquerors  had  spared  neither  the  women 
nor  the  children.  The  third  banishment — the  Roman 
Exile  (Galut  Edom),  under  Vespasian  and  Titus — 
had  commenced  amid  greater  terror  and  cruelty 
than  the  Babylonian  Exile  under  Nebuchadnezzar. 
Only  a  few  were  spared — those  who  openly  or 
secretly  sided  with  the  Romans,  partisans  of  Rome, 
who,^  from  the  very  commencement,  had  been 
devoid  of  patriotic  feelings  ;  the  friends  of  peace, 
who  thought  that  Judaism  had  a  different  task 
from  that  of  combating  the  Romans  by  force 
331 


32  2  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

of  arms,  thoughtful  and  careful  men,  who  looked 
upon  a  contest  with  Rome  as  national  suicide ; 
and  lastly  those  who,  through  party  strife,  had 
been  forced  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  to  make 
separate  terms  with  the  Romans.  This  small 
remnant  in  the  land  of  Judaea  and  the  Jews  of 
Syria,  who  had  always  hoped  that  Titus  would 
respect  the  Temple  (the  center  of  worship  and 
religion),  were  moved  deeply,  and  thrown  into 
despair  at  the  destruction  of  the  sanctuary  pro- 
tected by  God.  Their  despair  led  to  various 
results.  Some  were  driven  to  lead  an  ascetic 
life,  to  deny  themselves  meat  and  wine  ;  others 
were  led  thereby  to  join  Christianity,  seeking  thus 
to  fill  the  void  in  their  hearts  which  was  caused  by 
the  cessation  of  burnt-offerings.  Judaism  Vvas 
threatened  by  the  greatest  danger ;  deprived,  as 
it  was,  of  its  support  and  rallying-point,  it  appeared 
in  imminent  danger  of  stagnation  or  of  falling  to 
pieces.  The  communities  in  Syria,  Babylon,  and 
Persia,  in  Asia  Minor,  Rome,  and  in  Europe  gen- 
erally, had  until  now  turned  their  eyes  to  Jerusalem 
and  the  Temple,  whence  they  drew  their  instructions 
and  laws.  The  only  independent  congregation, 
that  of  Alexandria,  had  become  helpless  through  the 
destruction  of  the  Temple  of  Onias.  What  was  to 
be  the  future  of  the  Jewish  nation,  of  Judaism  ? 
The  Synhedrion,  which  had  given  laws  to  the  entire 
community,  and  had  regulated  its  religious  life,  had 
disappeared  with  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.  Who  would 
step  into  the  breach,  and  render  a  continued  exist- 
ence a  possibility?  There  now  appeared  a  man 
who  seemed  made  to  save  the  essential  doctrines 
of  Judaism,  to  restore  some  amount  of  strength  to 
the  nation,  so  that  it  might  continue  to  live,  and  the 
threatened  decay  be  averted. 

This  man  was  Jochanan,  the  son  of  Zakkai.  He 
labored,  like  the  prophets  during  the  first  exile  in 
Babylon,  but  by  other  means,  to  maintain  the  life 


CH.  XIII.  JOCHANAN    BEN    ZAKKAI.  323 

of  the  Jewish  nation  ;  he  reanimated  its  frozen  Hmbs, 
and  infusing  fresh  energy  into  its  actions,  consoH- 
dated  its  dispersed  members  into  one  whole.  Joch- 
anan,  if  not  a  disciple  of  Hillel,  was  yet  an  heir  to 
his  mind.  For  forty  years  he  is  said  to  have  been 
a  tradesman.  In  other  cases,  too,  we  shall  see 
that  the  great  leaders  in  Jewish  history  did  not 
follow  the  study  of  the  Law  as  a  means  of  sub- 
sistence or  of  gain.  During  the  existence  of  the 
State,  Jochanan  sat  in  the  Synhedrion,  or  taught 
within  the  shadow  of  the  Temple  :  his  school  at 
Jerusalem  is  said  to  have  been  an  important  one. 
He  was  the  first  man  who  successfully  combated 
the  Sadducees,  and  who  knew  how  to  refute  their 
arguments.  During  the  stormy  days  of  the  revo- 
lution, he,  owing  to  his  peaceful  character,  joined 
the  party  of  peace,  and  on  several  occasions  he 
urged  the  nation  and  the  Zealots  to  surrender  the 
town  of  Jerusalem,  and  to  submit  to  the  Romans. 
"  Why  do  you  desire  to  destroy  the  town,  and  to  give 
up  the  Temple  to  the  flames  ?  "  he  would  say  to  the 
leaders  of  the  revolution. 

Notwithstanding  the  respect  in  which  he  was 
held,  his  well-meant  admonitions  were  ignored  by 
the  Zealots.  The  spies  whom  the  Roman  general 
placed  in  the  besieged  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  who 
reported  to  him  what  took  place,  did  not  fail  to 
announce  that  Jochanan  belonged  to  the  friends  of 
Rome,  and  that  he  counseled  the  chiefs  to  make 
peace.  The  news  from  the  town  was  conveyed  on 
small  pieces  of  paper,  which  were  shot  on  arrows 
into  the  Roman  camp.  Induced  either  by  fear  of  the 
Zealots,  or  by  the  desire  of  obtaining  a  place  of 
safety  for  the  Law,  Jochanan  formed  the  idea  of 
taking  refuge  in  the  camp  of  Titus.  To  depart 
from  the  town  was,  however,  very  difficult,  as  the 
Zealots  kept  up  a  constant  watch ;  Jochanan,  there- 
fore, aided  by  a  leader  of  the  Zealots,  named 
Ben-Batiach,  determined  to  have  himself  conveyed 


324  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

out  of  the  town  as  a  corpse.  Having  been  placed 
in  a  coffin  he  was  carried  out  of  the  city  gates,  at  the 
hour  of  sunset,  by  his  pupils  Eleazer  and  Joshua. 
Titus  received  the  fugitive  in  a  friendly  manner, 
and  gave  him  permission  to  make  some  request  of 
him.  Jochanan  modestly  requested  that  he  might 
be  permitted  to  establish  a  school  at  Jamnia  (Jabne), 
where  he  could  give  lectures  to  his  pupils.  The 
district  in  which  this  town  lay  belonged  to  the 
private  domains  of  the  imperial  house,  to  which  it  had 
been  bequeathed  by  the  last  will  of  Salome,  the  sister 
of  Herod.  Titus  had  nothing  to  urge  against  the 
harmless  wish  of  Jochanan,  for  he  could  not  foresee 
that  by  this  unimportant  concession  he  was  enabling 
Judaism,  feeble  as  it  then  appeared,  to  outlive 
Rome,  which  was  in  all  its  vigor,  by  thousands  of 
years. 

Jochanan  settled  with  his  disciples  in  Jamnia, 
a  city  not  far  from  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and 
situated  between  the  port  Joppa,  and  the  former 
city  of  the  Philistines,  Ashdod.  Jochanan  was 
unable  to  settle  down  to  his  occupation  for  some 
space  of  time,  during  which  the  bitter  strife  was 
raging  before  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  within  its 
streets  and  its  Temple.  When  the  news  arrived 
that  the  city  had  fallen,  and  that  the  Temple  was 
in  flames,  Jochanan  and  his  disciples  mourned  and 
wailed  as  if  they  had  lost  a  dear  relative  through 
death.  Jochanan,  however,  unlike  his  followers,  did 
not  despair,  for  he  recognized  the  truth  that  Judaism 
was  not  indissolubly  bound  up  with  its  Temple  and 
its  altar.  He  rather  consoled  his  mourning  dis- 
ciples for  the  loss  of  the  place  of  expiation  with  the 
fitting  remark  that  charity  and  love  of  mankind 
would  take  the  place  of  burnt-offerings,  as  it  is 
said  in  the  Bible — "  for  I  take  pleasure  in  mercy 
and  not  in  burnt-offerings."  This  liberal  view  of  the 
value  of  burnt-offerinors  made  it  clear,  however,  that 
it  was  absolutely  necessary  for  a  fresh  center  to  be 


CH.  XIII.  SETTLEMENT    AT   JABNE.  325 

established  in  lieu  of  the  Temple.  Jochanan  there- 
fore formed  a  sort  of  Synhedrion  in  Jabne,  of  which 
he  was  at  once  recognized  as  the  President.  The 
newly  created  Synhedrion  was  certainly  not  com- 
posed of  seventy  members,  and  no  doubt  had  a 
totally  different  sphere  of  action  from  the  one  in 
Jerusalem,  which  during  the  revolution  had  exer- 
cised control  over  the  most  important  political 
events.  The  Synhedrion  of  Jamnia  in  the  first 
place  gave  to  its  founder  plenary  power  in  all  reli- 
gious matters  such  as  the  Council  had  possessed  in 
Jerusalem,  and  with  this  were  connected  the  ju- 
dicial functions  of  a  supreme  court.  It  was  only  by 
unbounded  authority  that  Jochanan  could  compass 
the  formation  and  consolidation  of  a  Synhedrion, 
under  the  unfavorable  conditions  of  the  time. 
Jochanan  had  to  oppose  the  general  opinion  that 
the  Synhedrion  as  a  body  should  have  control  only 
in  the  hewn-stone  hall  of  the  Temple,  and  that 
outside  this  spot  it  lost  its  judicial  character  and 
ceased  to  be  the  representative  of  the  nation. 
When,  therefore,  Jochanan  dissociated  the  functions 
of  the  Synhedrion  from  the  site  of  the  Temple,  and 
removed  it  to  Jabne,  he  had  actually  released.  Ju- 
daism from  the  observance  of  the  rite  of  burnt- 
offerings,  and  rendered  it  independent.  Without 
any  opposition  whatsoever,  Jabne  by  this  means 
took  the  place  of  Jerusalem,  and  became  the  re- 
ligious national  center  for  the  dispersed  community. 
The  important  functions  of  the  Synhedrion,  by 
which  it  exercised  a  judicial  and  uniting  power  over 
the  distant  congregations,  such  as  the  fixing  of  the 
time  for  the  new  moon  and  the  festivals,  proceeded 
from  Jabne.  It  enjoyed  some  of  the  religious 
privileges  of  the  Holy  City.  The  Synhedrion  now 
bore  the  name  of  the  Beth-Din  (Court  of  Justice) 
— the  President  was  called  Rosh-beth-din,  and  was 
honored  by  the  title  of  Rabban  (general  teacher). 
Jochanan  gave  over  to   the    Court  of  Justice   the 


326  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XHI. 

supervision  of  arrangements  for  the  calendar, 
which  had  formerly  been  one  of  the  offices  of  the 
President.  By  this  means  the  watchers  who  were 
looking  out  for  the  reappearance  of  the  new  moon 
needed  no  longer  follow  the  President  about  in  order 
to  give  him  the  information,  but  had  only  to  attend 
the  sittings  of  the  assembly.  This  change  was  an 
important  step,  as  it  rendered  the  Synhedrion  inde- 
pendent of  the  person  of  its  President. 

Jochanan  made  altogether  nine  changes,  most 
of  which  affected  such  arrangements  as  had  been 
rendered  valueless  through  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple.  He,  however,  retained  various  religious 
customs  as  a  remembrance  of  the  Temple.  He 
promoted  the  continuance  and  preservation  of 
Judaism  through  the  renewal  of  the  study  of  the 
Law,  and  thus  rendered  firmer  the  weakened 
foundations  of  Jewish  communal  life.  The  school 
at  Jabne  he  influenced  through  his  disciples,  whom 
he  imbued  with  his  spirit  and  his  learning.  Five 
of  his  distinguished  pupils  are  known  to  us  by 
name,  but  only  three  of  them  won  lasting  renown — 
Eliezer,  and  Joshua  (who  had  carried  Jochanan  in 
a  coffin  out  of  Jerusalem),  and  also  Eleazer  ben 
Arach.  The  latter  was  the  most  eminent  and  im- 
portant amongst  them,  and  of  him  it  was  said,  "If 
weighed  in  the  scale,  he  would  outweigh  all  his 
fellow-scholars."  Jochanan  loved  to  incite  them  to 
independent  thought  by  deep-reaching  questions. 
Thus  he  gave  them  as  a  theme  for  thought,  "  What 
should  man  endeavor  most  eagerly  to  obtain?" 
The  one  answered  "  a  genial  manner,"  the  other 
"  a  noble  friend,"  a  third  "  a  noble  neighbor,"  the 
fourth  "the  gift  of  knowing  in  advance  the  result 
of  his  actions."  Eleazer  answered  that  "  man's 
best  possession  is  a  noble  heart."  This  remark 
won  the  approval  of  his  master ;  it  was  an  answer 
after  his  own  mind,  for  in  it  all  else  was  included. 

What  was  the  character  of  the  teachings  which 
Jochanan    imparted    to   his    pupils   in  the   school? 


CH.  XIII.  THE    ORAL    LAW.  327 

Hillel,  the  most  respected  of  the  teachers  of  the 
Law,  the  highly-honored  ideal  in  times  to  come, 
had  given  to  Judaism  a  special  garb  and  form,  or 
rather  had  given  it  the  character  of  the  Law,  which 
had  always  been  peculiar  to  it.  He  was  the  first  to 
develop  and  confirm  a  special  theory,  a  sort  of 
Jewish  theology  or  nomology  (science  of  religious 
laws).  He  was  the  founder  of  Talmudic  Judaism. 
From  the  midst  of  contending  parties,  which  were 
tearing  one  another  to  pieces,  Hillel  had  drawn  the 
Law  into  the  quiet  precincts  of  the  school-house, 
and  had  endeavored  to  bring  into  harmony  those 
precepts  which  were  apparently  opposed  to  the 
Law.  Those  which  had  been  considered  as  only 
customary  and  traditional  were  regarded  as  human 
laws,  and  were  looked  upon  by  the  Sadducees  as 
innovations.  Hillel  had  shown  these  to  be  of  Bibli- 
cal origin.  His  seven  explanatory  rules,  or  laws  of 
interpretation,  had  on  the  one  hand  confirmed  the 
laws  which  had  been  introduced  by  the  Sopheric 
and  Pharisaic  teachers,  and  on  the  other  hand  had 
given  them  new  scope  to  develop. 

The  written  Law  (that  of  the  Pentateuch)  and 
the  oral  Law  (the  Sopheric)  from  his  time  ceased 
to  be  two  widely  sundered  branches,  but  were 
brought  into  close  relations  with  each  other,  al- 
though the  new  rendering  certainly  did  violence  to 
the  words  of  Scripture.  But  as  the  text  was  ex- 
plained, not  on  a  philological  basis,  but  in  order 
to  elucidate  the  laws,  it  was  not  possible  to  keep 
simply  to  the  written  words  ;  it  was  necessary  to  in- 
terpret them  so  as  to  render  them  suited  to  the  new 
conditions  of  life.  Under  the  term  Oral  Law  was 
included  everything  which  had  been  handed  down 
from  the  Fathers,  and  it  formed  to  a  certain  extent  a 
hereditary  law.  The  various  restrictions  which  the 
Sopheric  teachers  had  placed  around  the  Law,  the 
legal  decisions  which  had  been  introduced  by  the 
Synhedrion,  the  customs  which  had  been  observed 


328  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH   XHl. 

from  generation  to  generation,  the  extensions  de- 
duced from  meager  verses  of  the  Pentateuch,  all 
these  elements  were  not  written  down,  but  were 
committed  to  memory.  They  were  put  into  the  form 
of  short  sentences,  called  "  Halacha."  They  were 
not  arranged  or  classified  according  to  subjects,  but 
were  strung  together  without  connection,  or  handed 
down  separately,  sometimes  joined  to  the  name  of 
the  authority  from  whom  they  were  derived.  A 
marvelous  memory  was  needed  to  retain  these 
Halachas  or  oral  teachings.  Jochanan  ben  Zakkai 
was  the  man  who  best  knew  these  laws.  He 
handed  them  down  to  his  pupils,  and  pointed  out 
to  them  their  connection  with  the  written  law  ;  he 
showed  them  how  to  draw  deductions  therefrom, 
the  laws  handed  down  being  the  material,  and  their 
mode  of  treatment  the  form.  These  deductions 
were  obtained  by  two  methods,  the  one  showing 
how  the  ordinances  of  the  Law  were  to  be  obtained 
from  the  words  of  Scripture  (Midrash),  and  the  other 
served  to  apply  the  oral  Law  to  new  questions  as 
they  arose  (Talmud).  Thus  a  fruitful  field  for  the 
extension  of  the  Law  and  for  ingenious  combina- 
tions was  opened,  which  was  later  on  freely  culti- 
vated. Jochanan  ben  Zakkai,  however,  thought 
much  more  of  the  material  of  the  Law  than  of  its 
form. 

He  taught  not  only  those  doctrines  of  Judaism 
which  appertained  to  the  Law,  but  also  those  por- 
tions of  the  Holy  Scriptures  which  had  no  direct 
bearing  on  the  Law.  He  gave  lectures  on  the 
writings  of  the  prophets  and  historians  in  the  form  of 
discourses,  which  had  for  some  time  past  been  in  use 
both  in  and  out  of  the  synagogue.  These  lectures 
were  either  edifying,  comforting,  or  bitter,  sharp, 
and  ironical,  and  applied  the  words  of  the  prophets 
about  Edom  and  Esau,  to  hated  Rome  and  its 
tyranny.  This  kind  of  exposition  of  Scripture 
had    a   name,    "Agada"  or  "  Hagadah."     Its   chief 


CH.  XIII.  TEACHINGS    OF    JOCHANAN.  329 

subjects  consisted  In  explaining  historical  events, 
prophetic  utterances,  and  In  bringing  to  mind  the 
past,  and  treating  of  the  future  of  Judaism.  The 
Agada  investigated  the  meaning  of  the  Law,  ex- 
amined Into  the  general  moral  truths  of  Judaism, 
deftly  united  the  present  with  the  past,  and  shad- 
owed the  present  conditions  of  life  in  past  ex- 
periences. The  Halacha  forms  the  chief  trunk  of 
the  Law,  the  Midrash  the  suckling  roots,  which 
drew  their  nourishment  from  the  words  of  Scripture. 
The  Talmud  formed  the  wide-spreading  branches, 
and  the  Agada  was  the  blossom  which  scented  and 
colored  the  simple  fabric  of  the  laws. 

In  his  Agadic  dissertations  Jochanan  endeavored 
to  illuminate  the  ordinances  of  the  Law  by  the  light 
of  the  understanding,  and  to  combine  them  into 
general  truths,  but  In  a  clear  and  simple  manner, 
utterly  dissimilar  from  the  exaggerated  method  of 
the  Alexandrian-Jewish  teachers,  who  endeavored 
to  extract  the  dazzling  light  of  the  Grecian  mode 
of  thought  from  Holy  Writ. 

Amongst  other  things,  Jochanan  explained  very 
quaintly  why  the  use  of  Iron  Is  forbidden  In  erecting 
an  altar.  Iron  is  the  symbol  of  war  and  dissension  ; 
the  altar,  on  the  contrary,  is  the  symbol  of  peace  and 
atonement ;  therefore  Iron  must  be  kept  away  from 
the  altar.  He  deduced  therefrom  the  high  value  of 
peace,  the  advantages  of  peace  between  man  and 
wife,  between  one  city  and  another,  and  between 
one  nation  and  another.  These  were  the  principles 
which  had  Induced  him  to  side  with  the  Romans 
against  the  revolutionaries.  In  this  way  he  ex- 
plained various  laws,  and  rendered  them  compre- 
hensible, when  they  seemed  obscure  or  In  any  way 
extraordinary.  Jochanan  was  wont  to  hold  converse 
also  with  Pagans  who  had  knowledge  of  the  Jewish 
Law,  either  from  the  Greek  translation  or  from  their 
intercourse  with  the  Jews,  refuting  the  objections 
which  they  raised,  and  dispelling  or  making  clear 


330  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH    XIII. 

by  suitable  comparisons  the  peculiarities  which  occur 
in  the  Moly  Writings. 

Besides  Jochanan,  who  was  the  most  influential  and 
the  chief  personage  of  his  time,  there  was  a  group  of 
teachers  of  the  Law.  They  were  all  at  an  advanced 
age  at  the  period  of  the  destruction  of  the  State, 
and  were  without  doubt  members  of  the  Jamnian 
Synhedrion.  Most  of  them,  of  whom  nothing  im- 
portant is  recorded,  are  known  only  by  name. 
Among  these  were  Chanina,  the  deputy  of  various 
High  Priests  {Segan  ha-Coha?iim),  who  has  pre- 
served for  us  traditions  from  the  time  of  the  Temple. 
He  belonged  to  the  lovers  of  peace,  and  exhorted 
his  contemporaries  to  pray  for  the  well-being  of  the 
ruling  power  (that  of  the  Romans),  "for,  if  no  fear 
thereof  existed,  then  one  man  would  swallow  another 
alive."  Zadok,  another  teacher,  was  a  disciple  of 
Shammai,  and  in  anticipation  of  the  fall  of  the  Tem- 
ple he  fasted  for  forty  years,  whereby  he  ruined  his 
health.  Nachum,  the  Mede,  who  had  been  pre- 
viously member  of  a  college  of  the  Law  in  Jeru- 
salem, Dossa  ben  Archinas,  with  his  brother  Jona- 
than, the  latter  a  clear-headed  and  argumentative 
youth,  and  Abba  Saul  must  also  be  mentioned. 

Lastly,  there  belonged  to  this  circle  Nachum  of 
Gimso  (Emmaus),  and  Nechunya  ben  Hakana.  The 
first  has  been  recorded  by  tradition  as  the  hero  of 
strange  adventures,  and  even  the  name  of  his  birth- 
place Gimso  has  been  explained,  so  as  to  put  into 
his  mouth  the  words  "  This  also  is  for  good  "  (Gam- 
su-l'-toba).  He  is  represented  in  the  world  of 
legend  as  a  scholar  to  whom  many  disagreeable  ex- 
periences happened,  all  of  which  proved  of  good 
to  him.  Nachum  developed  a  special  mode  of 
teaching,  which  consisted  in  explaining  the  oral  law 
from  the  written  text,  according  to  certain  particles 
which  the  lawgiver  had  purposely  used  as  indica- 
tions when  drawing  up  the  Law.  These  particles, 
according  to  his  idea,  not  only  served  as  syntactical 


CH.  XIII.  CHARACTER    OF   JOCHANAN.  33 1 

signs  in  the  sentences,  but  as  signs  for  enlarging 
and  diminishing  the  circle  within  which  each  law 
should  work.  Nachum's  rules  formed  a  new  and 
fruitful  addition  to  those  laid  down  by  Hillel  ;  they 
were  carefully  cultivated  and  developed,  and  re- 
ceived the  name  "  the  rules  of  extension  or  exclu- 
sion" (Ribbuj-u-m'ut).  Nechunya  ben  Hakana  was, 
however,  an  opponent  of  Nachum's  system  ;  he  ap- 
proved only  the  explanatory  rules  as  propounded 
by  Hillel. 

Jochanan  ben  Zakkai,  the  head  not  of  the  State 
but  of  the  community,  appears  to  have  acted  as  a 
shield  from  a  political  point  of  view.      His  kindly 
and  gentle  disposition,  in  which  he  resembled  Hillel, 
he  displayed  even  to  the  heathens.     It  Is  related  of 
him  that  he  always  greeted  them  in  a  friendly  man- 
ner.    Such  friendliness  offers  a  striking  contrast  to 
the  hatred  felt  by  the  Zealots  towards  the  heathens, 
both   before    and   after    the    revolution,   which   in- 
creased after  the  destruction  of  the  Temple.     The 
verse   (Proverbs   xiv.    34),    "The   kindness  of  the 
nations  is  sin,"  was  taken  literally  by  the  people  of 
that  time,  and  was  specially  applied  to  the  heathen 
world.     "  The  heathens  may  do  ever  so  much  good, 
yet  it  Is  accounted  to  them  as  sin,  for  they  do  it 
only  to  mock  us."     Jochanan  alone  explained  this 
verse  in  a  sense  expressive  of  true  humanity :  "As 
the  burnt-offering  atones  for  Israel,  so  mercy  and 
kindness   atone   for   the   heathen    nations."      This 
kindliness  of  Jochanan  may  have  contributed  to  the 
result   that,    notwithstanding    the   fresh   outbreaks 
amongst  the  Jews  in  Cyrene  and  Egypt,  which  the 
Emperors  Vespasian  and  Titus  had  to  put  down, 
they    did    not    persecute    the    Jews    in    any    extra- 
ordinary degree.     It  is  expressly  stated  in  ancient 
records  that  the   Roman  authorities  removed  the 
contempt  which  formerly  attached  to  the  Jews,  and 
that  the  murder  of  a  Jew  was  punished  by  death. 
The  personality  of  Jochanan  may  have  served  them 


1^;^2  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIIL 

as  a  guarantee  for  the  peaceful  disposition  of  the 
mother-country. 

Hope  alone  gave  to  him  and  his  circle  of  fellow- 
pupils  and  disciples  fresh  courage,  the  hope  or  rather 
the  assurance  that  Israel  should  not  be  lost.  The 
dreary  present  did  not  veil  from  him  the  promised 
and  brighter  future.  The  present  was  in  truth 
sufficiently  overcast.  The  pasture  lands  had  been 
taken  away  from  those  who  had  survived  the  national 
disasters,  and  given  to  strangers.  Thereby  those 
who  had  formerly  been  rich  had  fallen  into  poverty. 
The  very  poorest  had  to  pay  the  Jews'  tax  (Fiscus 
Judaicus).  The  land,  which  before  the  war  had 
been  so  flourishing,  was  strewn  with  ruins.  Every 
joy  had  departed  from  Israel ;  even  weddings  were 
performed  in  a  silent  manner.  Jochanan  described 
the  comfortless  position  of  the  times  in  an  address 
to  the  people.  He  once  saw  a  Jewish  maiden  of  a 
rich  house,  picking  up  a  scanty  nourishment  of 
barley-corn  from  amongst  the  horses'  hoofs.  At 
this  he  exclaimed,  "  Unhappy  nation,  you  would  not 
serve  God,  and  therefore  you  must  serve  foreign 
nations  ;  you  would  not  offer  half  a  shekel  for  the 
Temple,  and  therefore  you  must  pay  thirty  times  as 
much  to  the  State  of  your  new  enemies  ;  you  refused 
to  keep  the  roads  and  paths  in  order  for  the  pil- 
grims, and,  therefore,  you  must  now  support  the 
watch-lodges  in  the  vineyards,  which  the  Romans 
have  seized." 

Agrippa  and  Berenice,  the  remaining  members 
of  the  house  of  Herod,  who  kept  up  close  connec- 
tions with  those  in  power,  appear  to  have  contri- 
buted greatly  to  the  alleviation  of  the  sorrows  of 
the  conquered  Jews.  Princess  Berenice,  whose 
beauty  seemed  to  bid  defiance  to  time,  long  held 
Titus  captive  by  her  charms,  and  it  wanted  but 
little  for  the  Jewish  princess  to  become  a  Roman 
empress.  The  prejudice  of  Roman  pride  disturbed 
the   project   of  a    marriage    between    Titus    and 


CH.  XIII.  DEATH    OF    JOCHANAN.  333 

Berenice,  and  compelled  the  Emperor's  son  to 
break  the  bonds  which  had  bound  him  for  years. 
Berenice  had  to  leave  the  royal  palace,  and  proba- 
bly returned  to  her  brother  in  Palestine.  But  as 
Titus  had  not  yet  given  up  the  hope  of  making  her 
his  wife,  her  voice  still  had  weight  with  him,  and  it 
probably  was  often  raised  in  favor  of  her  co-reli- 
gionists, to  whom  she  was  attached.  The  last 
Jewish  king,  Agrippa,  also  stood  in  favor  with 
Vespasian,  for  the  great  services  which  he  had 
rendered  to  his  house.  It  appears  that  the  Em- 
peror had  added  Galilee  to  his  territories  ;  Agrippa 
had  a  Jewish  governor,  whom  he  sent  alternately  to 
the  two  Galilaean  capitals,  Tiberias  and  Sepphoris. 
To  this  ruler  it  was  no  doubt  due  that  the  district 
of  Galilee  recovered  itself  more  rapidly,  and  became 
sooner  repeopled  than  Judaea,  which  was  governed 
by  a  Roman  ruler. 

The  period  during  which  Jochanan  worked  in  his 
new  sphere  of  action  cannot  be  stated  with  cer- 
tainty. He  united  in  himself  the  qualities  of  the 
prophet  Jeremiah  and  the  prince  Zerubbabel,  who  had 
been  in  exile.  Like  Jeremiah  he  mourned  over  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  like  Zerubbabel  he 
unrolled  a  new  future.  Both  Jochanan  ben  Zakkai 
and  Zerubbabel  stood  at  the  threshold  of  a  new 
epoch,  both  laid  the  foundation-stone  of  a  new 
edifice  in  Judaism,  for  the  completion  of  which 
the  subsequent  generations  have  worked.  Joch- 
anan died  on  his  bed  in  the  arms  of  his  pupils.  He 
had  previously  had  a  conversation  with  them,  which 
gives  an  insight  into  his  mind.  His  pupils  were  sur- 
prised to  find  their  courageous  master  frightened 
and  depressed  in  the  hour  of  his  death.  He  re- 
marked that  he  did  not  fear  death,  but  the  having 
to  appear  before  the  Eternal  Ruler,  whose  justice 
was  incorruptible.  He  blessed  his  pupils  before  his 
death  with  these  words  —  "May  the  fear  of  God 
influence  your  actions  as  much  as  the  fear  of  man." 


334  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.   XIII. 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  their  master,  his 
chief  disciples  held  council  as  to  the  place  where 
they  might  continue  the  work  of  teaching  the  Law. 
Most  of  them  thought  of  remaining  in  Jabne,  where 
there  lived  a  circle  of  men  acquainted  with  the 
traditions  of  the  past.  Eleazar  ben  Arach,  the 
favorite  pupil  of  Jochanan,  however,  insisted  on 
removing  the  school  to  Emmaus  (Gimso),  a  healthy 
and  pleasant  town,  three  geographical  miles  distant 
from  Jabne.  Believing  that  he  was  absolutely  need- 
ful to  his  fellow-students,  and  being  persuaded  by 
his  wife  that  they  would  soon  follow  him,  he  sepa- 
rated from  them,  and  remained  in  Emmaus.  Soli- 
tary and  cut  off  from  the  opportunity  of  exchanging 
ideas  with  others,  he  is  said  to  have  so  utterly  for- 
gotten what  he  once  knew,  that  amusing  anecdotes 
are  related  of  his  subsequent  ignorance.  To  Arach 
was  applied  the  saying,  "Repair  to  the  place  of  the 
Law,  and  do  not  fancy  that  thy  comrades  will  follow 
thee,  and  that  they  can  uphold  the  Law  only  through 
thee  ;  do  not  rely  too  much  on  thy  penetration." 
Whilst  Arach,  from  whom  so  much  was  hoped,  was 
thus  forgotten,  his  companions  continued  the  work  of 
their  master,  and  became  renowned  in  generations 
to  come.  Gamaliel,  Joshua,  and  Eliezer  came  to  the 
fore  as  important  personages. 

It  was  first  necessary  to  give  a  chief  to  the  com- 
munity, which,  though  small,  was  yet  respected  by 
the  Jews  of  all  countries.  Gamaliel  was  chosea; 
he  was  the  descendant  of  Hillel,  and  his  ancestors 
had  presided  over  the  Synhedrion  throughout  four 
generations.  It  must  have  been  necessary  to  remove 
political  difficulties  to  enable  the  son  of  the  man 
who  had  been  concerned  in  the  uprising  against  the 
Romans,  to  attain  so  high  a  rank.  Gamaliel  took 
the  title  Nasi  (Prince  —  among  the  Romans,  Pa- 
triarch). He  had  his  seat  in  Jabne,  and  was  also 
sufficiently  versed  in  traditions  to  preside  in  the 
school.     Although  the  town  of  Jabne  was  of  first 


CH.  XIII.  QUARRELS    OF    THE    SCHOOLS.  335 

importance,  the  members  of  the  new  college  esta- 
blished some  schools  outside  of  the  town  of  Jabne, 
but  in  its  neighborhood.  Eliezer  taught  at  Lydda  ; 
Joshua  at  Bekiin,  on  the  plains  between  Jabne 
and  Lydda  ;  other  pupils  of  Jochanan  also  opened 
schools  ;  and  each  attracted  a  circle  of  disciples, 
and  was  called  by  the  title  Rabbi  (Master).  The 
Patriarch  was  called  Rabban  (General  Master),  to 
distinguish  him  from  the  other  teachers.  The  Law 
therefore  was  not  left  unheeded  after  the  death  of 
the  founder  of  the  Jabne  Synhedrion  ;  it  received, 
if  possible,  even  more  attention  ;  but  the  unity  which 
had  hardly  been  established  threatened  to  dis- 
appear altogether.  The  disputes  between  the  ad- 
herents of  the  schools  of  Hillel  and  Shammai,  over 
which  blood  had  been  shed  before  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple,  and  which  had  only  been  quelled  by 
the  war  of  the  revolution,  broke  out  afresh,  and  the 
more  severely,  as  the  uniting  influence  proceeding 
from  the  Temple  now  no  longer  existed.  The  con- 
tentions between  the  schools,  which  extended  to 
various  practical  matters,  brought  about  wide  diver- 
gence in  the  views  with  regard  to  the  Law  and  life. 
One  teacher  held  some  things  to  be  permissible 
which  another  forbade  ;  and  in  one  place  things 
were  done  which  were  not  allowed  in  another.  Thus 
Judaism  seemed  to  have  two  bodies  of  laws,  or, 
according  to  the  words  of  the  Talmud — "The  one 
Law  had  become  two."  Important  questions  of 
life,  sometimes  involving  serious  consequences,  such 
as  those  concerning  marriage,  were  affected  by  these 
differences.  The  younger  generation,  relieved  from 
the  necessity  for  mutual  forbearance  occasioned  by 
the  late  war,  had  no  very  strong  desire  to  make 
peace,  but  contested  the  disputed  questions  with 
great  acrimony.  The  endeavor  to  terminate  these 
quarrels,  which  threatened  the  destruction  of  all 
unity,  was  the  life-task  of  Gamaliel,  but  his  policy 
brought  him   into  open   collision  with  his   friends. 


33<^  HISTORY    OF    THE    JKWS.  CH.  XIII. 

Little  is  known  of  his  private  affairs,  but  this  Httle 
shows  him  to  have  possessed  a  high  moral  character 
and  a  powerful  mind.  Gamaliel  owned  land,  which 
he  lent  to  be  cultivated  on  condition  that  he  received 
a  part  of  the  harvest.  He  also  gave  corn  for  sowing 
purposes,  but  when  he  was  repaid  he  only  accepted 
the  lowest  prices,  in  order  to  avoid  even  the  ap- 
pearance of  taking  interest.  He  displayed  great 
tenderness  to  his  favorite  slave  Tabi,  whom  he  would 
willingly  have  set  free  could  he  have  done  so,  and 
had  not  the  Law  disapproved  of  manumission.  On 
the  death  of  the  slave  he  mourned  for  him  as  for  a 
relative.  Gamaliel  appears  to  have  had  some  math- 
ematical knowledge.  In  fixing  the  new  moon  and 
the  holidays  dependent  on  it,  he  was  guided  more 
by  astronomical  calculations  than  by  the  evidence 
of  witnesses  that  they  had  or  had  not  seen  the  new 
moon.  Such  reckonings,  exact  even  to  a  fraction, 
were  handed  down  in  the  house  of  the  Patriarch. 
Gamaliel  often  made  journeys  in  order  to  visit  the 
various  congregations,  to  be  an  eye-witness  of  their 
condition,  and  to  keep  them  all  in  order.  His  jour- 
neys took  him  over  Judeea,  into  Galilee,  and  as  far 
as  Acco  (Ptolemais).  Although  he  was  not  of  robust 
health,  he  did  not  spare  himself  the  greatest  exer- 
tions, when  he  could  benefit  his  people.  His  rule 
as  Patriarch  occurred  in  a  very  troubled  time,  both 
within  and  without,  and  this  circumstance  caused  him 
to  insist  on  his  dignity  most  strictly.  His  character 
was  thereby  misunderstood,  and  he  was  accused 
of  forming  selfish  and  ambitious  plans.  Gamaliel 
directed  his  chief  energies  to  raise  the  patriarchal 
dignity  that  it  should  become  the  center  of  the 
Jewish  community,  so  as  to  maintain  by  his  authority 
the  threatened  unity  of  the  Law,  and  the  religious 
and  moral  condition  of  the  people.  In  the  contests 
between  the  disciples  of  the  schools  of  Shammai  and 
Hillel  he  decreed  that  votes  should  be  taken  with 
regard  to  each  law  in  question,  and  tha:  the  decision 


CH.  XIII.  GAMALIEL    IL  337 

should  be  determined  by  the  majority  of  votes  in  the 
college,  in  order  to  protect  by  authority  the  threatened 
unity  of  the  Law  against  all  attacks.  The  desire  for 
unity  seems  to  have  been  more  generally  felt,  the 
more  the  opposition  between  the  two  schools  in- 
creased, and  the  more  the  two  sets  of  followers, 
who  clung  to  the  Halachas  bequeathed  to  them  by 
their  teachers,  sought  to  develop  their  doctrines. 
Contemporaries  did  not  disguise  from  themselves 
the  fact  that  the  Law  might  easily  be  subject  to 
confusion  throuofh  these  differences.  A  fear  was 
expressed  that  the  time  would  soon  come  when 
men  would  refer  in  vain  to  the  Holy  Writings  or  to 
the  Oral  Law  for  a  decision,  and  when  one  account 
would  contradict  the  other.  The  Synhedrion  of 
Jabne,  therefore,  once  more  subjected  contested 
matters  to  discussion  and  decision.  It  began  with 
the  fundamental  propositions  of  Hillel  and  Sham- 
mai,  in  order  to  fix  by  voting  such  rules  as  should 
hold  good  in  all  cases.  But  it  was  not  easy  to 
obtain  unity  ;  for  three  and  a  half  years  the  contest 
is  said  to  have  lasted  in  the  vineyards  of  Jabne, 
both  parties  insisting  on  the  exclusive  correctness 
of  their  own  traditions  —  the  Shammaites  being 
especially  stubborn  and  immovable,  and,  like  the 
founder  of  their  school,  not  disposed  to  yield.  Then 
a  voice,  heard  by  chance  (Bath-Kol),  which  was 
usually  considered  as  a  communication  from  heaven 
in  difficult  cases,  is  said  to  have  sounded  through 
the  school-house  in  Jabne  —  a  voice  which  said, 
"The  teachings  of  both  schools  are  the  words  of 
the  living  God,  but  practically  the  laws  of  Hillel 
only  are  to  carry  weight."  Joshua,  a  man  of  calm 
disposition,  alone  expressed  himself  against  any 
decision  arrived  at  by  the  Bath-Kol.  "We  do  not 
require  a  miraculous  voice,"  he  said,  "for  the  Law  is 
not  given  for  heavenly  beings,  but  for  men,  who  in 
questionable  cases  can  decide  by  taking  a  majority, 
and  a  miracle  cannot  in  such  cases  give  the  decision." 


338  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XHI. 

Eliezer  also  was  not  satisfied  with  the  conclusion 
arrived  at,  but  this  opposition  had  only  slight  results. 
Hillel's  expositions,  deductions,  and  explanatory 
rules  at  length  attained  the  authority  due  to  them. 
As  the  followers  of  Shammai  held  with  the  Zealots, 
the  enemies  of  the  Romans,  and  the  Hillelites  with 
the  peace  party,  the  revolution  was  in  some  measure 
ended  by  this  act  of  the  Synhedrion  of  Jabne.  But 
it  was  not  intended  to  exercise  compulsion  against 
the  Shammaites,  and  so  entirely  to  reorganize  their 
religious  life  according  to  the  decision  arrived  at ; 
on  the  contrary  it  permitted  them  to  follow  their 
own  convictions.  "  Every  man  according  to  his 
choice  may  follow  the  school  of  Hillel  or  of  Shammai, 
but  the  decisions  of  the  school  of  Hillel  shall  be  the 
only  accepted  interpretation  of  the  Law."  Rabbi 
Gamaliel  watched  most  carefully  over  the  union 
of  the  two  parties,  which  was  probably  his  work, 
and  withstood  any  attempt  to  oppose  the  decisions 
of  the  Synhedrion  ;  he  was  supported  by  the  venera- 
ble Zadok,  to  whom  he  gave  the  place  of  honor  at 
his  right  hand  at  all  meetings,  and  who,  having 
beheld  the  Temple  in  its  glory,  was  considered  as 
an  authority. 

There  seems  to  have  been  another  regulation  in 
use  besides  the  above,  but  the  connection  of  the 
two  is  not  very  clear.  The  Patriarch  of  Jabne  made 
a  rule  that  only  such  persons  should  be  admitted 
to  the  school-house  whose  uprightness  had  been 
proved  ;  and  for  this  purpose  he  placed  a  porter  at 
the  doors  of  the  school,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
admission  of  those  who  were  unworthy.  It  ap- 
pears that  he  desired  to  exclude  such  as  pursued 
the  study  of  the  Law  with  wrong  intentions  ;  some, 
perhaps,  had  sought  admission  to  the  school  from 
vanity  or  other  Ignoble  motives.  Two  warnings, 
the  one  by  Jochanan  ben  Zakkai,  and  the  other  by 
Zadok,  against  those  who  took  part  in  the  study  of 
the  Law  from  self-interest,  appear  to  confirm  this 


CH.  XIII.  EXCOMMUNICATION.  339 

supposition.  The  former  said,  "  If  you  have  acquired 
much  of  the  Law,  do  not  be  proud  of  it,  for  you  are 
made  for  that  purpose."  The  latter  said,  "  Do  not 
use  the  Law  as  a  crown  in  order  to  shine  with  it, 
nor  as  a  spade  in  order  to  dig  with  it."  Such  low 
ideas  Gamaliel  endeavored  to  keep  out  of  the  circle 
of  the  school. 

Both  arrangements,  the  employment  of  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Patriarch  in  maintaining  the  Halachic 
decisions,  and  the  precautions  for  admitting  mem- 
bers and  disciples,  met  with  opposition,  which  at 
first  was  only  timidly  expressed.  The  Patriarch 
endeavored  to  keep  down  contests  by  the  use  of 
excommunication,  which  he  employed  with  great 
energy,  and  w^ith  that  entire  disregard  of  conse- 
quences which  arises  from  deeply  rooted  conviction. 
The  excommunication  (Nidui)  had  not  at  that  time 
the  gloomy  severity  of  later  ages,  but  was  of  a  mild 
form  ;  forbidding  the  interdicted  man  to  hold  any 
close  intercourse  with  others  until  he  had  penitently 
submitted  to  the  required  demands.  During  the 
interdict,  which  lasted  at  least  thirty  days,  the  sin- 
ner wore  a  black  mourning-garb  and  kept  several 
mourning  observances  ;  if  he  died  during  this  period 
without  having  submitted  or  repented,  the  Court  of 
Justice  had  a  stone  laid  on  his  coffin.  Gamaliel  had 
the  courage  to  excommunicate  several  of  the  most 
important  personages  of  his  time,  whereby  he  made 
many  bitter  enemies.  He  acted  thus  even  towards 
his  own  brother-in-law,  Eliezer  ben  Hyrcanus. 
Deeply  impressed  by  the  unfortunate  results  which 
disunion  must  bring  to  Judaism,  threatened  as  it 
already  was  by  various  half-Jewish,  half-Christian 
sects,  Gamaliel  did  not  hesitate  to  proceed  with 
severity  against  trifling  offenses,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  destruction  of  religious  unity.  There  was  once 
a  discussion  about  an  oven  of  peculiar  struc- 
ture, which  a  decision  of  the  majority  had  pro- 
nounced  liable    to  become  unclean,   like   earthen- 


340  HISTORY    OF     Till-:    J i:\VS.  CH.  XIII. 

ware  vessels.  Eliezer,  following  a  special  tradition, 
did  not  wish  to  yield  to  this  decision,  and  acted  in 
opposition  to  it ;  at  Gamaliel's  instigation,  Eliezer 
was  excommunicated. 

Gamaliel  thought  that  he  had  united  the  two 
schools,  and  had  brought  about  peace,  when  his 
power  was  destroyed  by  a  man  from  whom  he 
had  not  expected  any  energetic  opposition.  Joshua, 
who  was  of  a  yielding  disposition,  and  apparently 
the  least  dangerous  of  the  opponents  of  the  severe 
Patriarch,  became  his  worst  enemy.  Joshua  was 
just  as  discontented  with  some  of  Gamaliel's  regu- 
lations as  Eliezer  had  been,  but  he  did  not  venture 
to  show  his  disapproval  on  account  of  his  poor  and 
miserable  condition,  and  when  he  happened  to  utter 
any  contradictory  opinion  he  quickly  withdrew  it 
again.  Gamaliel  had  received  the  report  of  two  un- 
trustworthy witnesses  in  order  to  fix  the  commence- 
ment of  the  month  of  Tishri,  on  which  depended 
the  dates  of  the  chief  festivals,  including  the  Day 
of  Atonement.  Joshua  showed  that  the  Patriarch 
had  committed  an  error  in  this  act,  and  demanded 
that  the  collegfe  should  chano^e  the  date  of  the  holi- 
day.  Gamaliel  remained  firm,  and  sent  an  order  to 
Joshua  that  on  the  day  which,  according  to  Joshua's 
calculation,  was  the  Day  of  Atonement,  the  latter 
should  appear  before  him  in  workaday  clothes,  with 
his  staff,  knapsack,  and  money-bag.  This  dictatorial 
proceeding  seemed  so  harsh  to  Joshua,  that  he  com- 
plained of  it  to  his  most  important  colleagues,  and 
appeared  determined  to  oppose  it.  Those,  however, 
who  saw  the  necessity  for  unity  persuaded  him  to 
yield.  The  venerable  Dossa  ben  Harchlnas  con- 
vinced him  that  the  arrangements  of  a  religious  chief 
must  be  uncontested  even  if  they  are  erroneous, 
and  that  every  man  must  follow  them.  Joshua 
allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded,  and  submitted  to 
the  Patriarch.  Ills  appearance  filled  Gamaliel  with 
astonishment.     Me  greeted  him  heartily,  and  said 


CH.XIII.  DEPOSITION    OF    GAMALIEL.  34I 

to  him,  ''Welcome,  my  teacher  and  pupil  —  my 
teacher  in  wisdom,  my  pupil  in  obedience,  Happy 
is  the  age  in  which  great  men  obey  inferior  ones." 
But  this  reconciliation  was  not  of  long  duration. 
The  severe  proceedings  of  the  Patriarch  had  raised 
a  hostile  party  against  him,  which  began  secretly 
to  act  in  opposition  to  him.  He  knew  of  this  oppo- 
sition party,  and  referred  to  it  in  public  addresses. 
It  is  related  of  him  that  his  mode  of  opening  the 
sittings  of  the  Synhedrion  varied.  If  none  of  his 
opponents  were  present  he  would  ask  the  assembly 
to  propound  questions  ;  if,  however,  any  of  his 
enemies  were  present  he  would  not  give  this  invita- 
tion. The  opposition  party  seem  therefore  to  have 
put  him  in  a  dilemma  at  these  meetings.  Gamaliel 
may  have  had  reason  to  consider  Joshua  as  the 
chief  of  this  party,  and  often  made  him  feel  the 
power  of  his  own  higher  position  by  offensive 
demeanor  and  severe  treatment.  One  day  the 
mutual  ill-feeling  led  to  an  outbreak,  and  caused  a 
change  in  the  Synhedrion.  The  Patriarch  had  once 
again  offended  Joshua  by  his  severe  manner,  and 
accused  him  of  secret  opposition  to  one  of  the 
Halachas.  As  Joshua  at  first  denied  the  fact, 
Gamaliel  was  so  angered  that  he  cried  out,  "  Then 
stand,  so  that  witnesses  may  give  evidence  against 
you."  This  was  the  form  of  an  indictment.  The 
school-house  was  full  of  people,  amongst  whom 
there  arose  a  tumult  at  this  contemptuous  treatment 
of  a  member  who  was  respected  and  loved  by  the 
people.  The  opposition  party  took  courage,  and 
gave  utterance  to  their  dissatisfaction.  They  called 
out  to  the  Patriarch,  "Who  is  there  that  has  not 
constantly  felt  thy  severity  ? "  The  school  was 
turned  into  a  tribunal,  and  the  college  deposed 
Gamaliel  on  the  spot  from  the  dignity  of  Patriarch. 
With  his  fall  ended  the  regulations  made  by  him. 
The  porter  was  removed  from  the  door  of  the 
school,  to  which  all  could  now  gain   unobstructed 


342  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

admission.  The  members  of  the  Synhedrion  imme- 
diately sought  for  another  Patriarch,  so  that  this 
important  office  might  not  be  unoccupied.  They  had 
too  much  tact  to  heap  fresh  contumely  on  the  late 
Patriarch  by  choosing  Joshua,  his  chief  opponent, 
and  Eliezer,  who  had  a  claim  to  the  honor,  lay  under 
an  interdict.  Akiba  seemed  fitted  for  the  post  by 
his  intellect  and  character.  He  had  quickly  risen 
from  ignorance  and  poverty,  had  rapidly  passed  the 
intervening  steps  between  the  degrees  of  pupil  and 
master,  and  had  obtained  admiration  even  from  the 
profoundest  teachers  of  the  Law.  But  his  greatness 
was  only  of  yesterday ;  he  had  no  distinguished 
ancestors  to  show  that  he  was  worthy  of  the  dignity 
of  Patriarch.  The  college  therefore  chose  a  very 
young  member,  Eleazar  ben  Azariah,  who  at  that 
time  must  have  been  only  in  his  sixteenth  year. 
The  choice  was  made  on  account  of  his  noble 
descent  from  a  long  line  of  ancestors,  w^hich  reached 
to  Ezra,  the  regenerator  of  Judaism,  a  further  motive 
for  his  election  being  his  immense  riches  and  the 
consideration  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  Roman 
authorities.  Eleazar  was  not  wanting  in  character 
and  understanding,  and  was  therefore  considered 
worthy  to  succeed  Gamaliel. 

This  deposition  and  election  had  great  results, 
and  the  day  on  which  these  events  took  place  was 
considered  of  such  importance  by  after-comers  that 
it  was  known  by  the  simple  designation,  "  that  day." 
It  seems  that  the  college  of  the  Synhedrion,  perhaps 
on  the  suggestion  of  Joshua,  again  revised  those 
laws  which,  through  the  influence  of  Gamaliel,  had 
been  decided  according  to  the  spirit  of  the  school 
of  Hillel.  The  collco^e,  which  at  that  time  consisted 
of  the  extraordinary  number  of  seventy-two  mem- 
bers, therefore  undertook  the  revision  of  one-sided 
laws,  and  examined  those  who  were  in  possession 
of  traditions.  More  than  twenty  persons  are 
recorded  to  have  given  testimony  before  the  col- 


CH,  XIII.  JOSHUA    AND    GAMALIEL.  343 

lege  as  to  the  traditions  which  had  been  handed 
down.  In  many  points  the  majority  of  the  college 
took  middle  ground  between  the  opposing  doc- 
trines of  the  schools  of  Shammai  and  Hillel,  and  they 
decided  "  neither  like  the  one  nor  like  the  other." 
With  regard  to  other  contested  questions  it  ap- 
peared that  Hillel  himself,  or  his  school,  had  re- 
nounced their  own  views,  and  had  been  inclined  to 
follow  the  Shammaites.  The  witnesses  with  regard 
to  the  Halachas  seem  to  have  been  formally  ex- 
amined, and  perhaps  their  evidence  was  even  writ- 
ten down.  The  testimony  of  witnesses  on  this  day 
bears  the  name  Adoyot  (evidence  of  witnesses),  or 
Bechirta  (best  choice),  and  the  code  drawn  up  is 
without  doubt  the  earliest  collection.  One  recog- 
nizes in  its  contents  the  ancient  and  primitive  form 
of  the  traditions.  The  laws  are  put  together  quite 
promiscuously,  and  without  any  other  connection 
than  the  name  of  the  person  who  handed  them 
down. 

The  day  of  the  assembly  of  witnesses  was  also  of 
general  importance,  on  account  of  two  questions 
which  were  discussed.  The  first  question  arose 
thus.  A  heathen  of  Ammonite  descent  came  before 
the  meeting,  asking  whether  he  could  be  legally 
accepted  as  a  proselyte.  Gamaliel  had  turned  him 
away  with  the  sentence  of  the  written  law,  "Moab- 
ites  and  Ammonites  may  not  be  received  into  the 
congregation  of  God,  even  in  the  tenth  generation." 
The  disputants  treated  the  question  with  warmth, 
and  Gamaliel  endeavored  to  have  his  view  carried. 
Joshua,  however,  carried  his  view  that  the  sentence 
of  the  Law  no  longer  applied  to  those  times,  as, 
through  the  aggressions  of  their  conquerors,  all 
nations  had  become  mixed  together  and  confused 
beyond  recognition.  The  second  question  concerned 
the  holiness  of  the  two  writings  ascribed  to  King 
Solomon,  Ecclesiastes  (Kohelet),  and  the  Song  of 
Songs  (Shir   Hashirim).     The  school  of  Shammai 


344  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

had  not  recognized  them  as  holy.  This  old  contest 
was  now  taken  up  by  the  College  of  Seventy-two, 
which  had  not  approved  of  the  decisions  of  Hillel, 
but  it  is  not  clearly  known  with  what  result.  Later 
on  these  Halachas  were  included  in  the  collection 
(Canon)  of  the  Holy  Writings,  after  which  the 
Canon  was  completed  and  several  writings  in  the 
Hebrew  language  were  rejected  as  Apocrypha, 
such  as  the  proverbs  of  Sirach,  the  first  book  of  the 
Maccabees,  and  several  others. 

It  is  a  noble  characteristic  of  Gamaliel,  which  his 
contemporaries  readily  recognized,  that  notwith- 
standing the  many  insults  he  received  on  "  that 
day,"  he  did  not  for  one  moment  feel  a  desire, 
from  petty  revenge,  to  retire  from  his  office  of 
teacher.  He  took  part  in  the  discussions  as  before, 
little  prospect  as  there  was  for  him  to  carry 
through  his  ideas  in  the  midst  of  an  assemblage 
which  was  so  opposed  to  him.  But  in  the  eager 
controversies  of  the  day  he  no  doubt  became  con- 
vinced that  his  great  severity  had  estranged  the 
others  from  him,  and  that  he  had  thereby  sup- 
pressed many  a  true  opinion  ;  he  felt  his  courage 
broken  and  he  determined  to  yield.  He  therefore 
went  to  the  most  respected  members  of  the  Syn- 
hedrion,  to  apologize  for  his  offensive  demeanor. 
He  visited  his  chief  opponent,  Joshua,  who  was  fol- 
lowing his  handicraft  of  needle-making.  Gamaliel, 
who  had  grown  up  in  riches,  could  not  suppress  his 
surprise  at  seeing  so  learned  a  man  engaged  in 
such  heavy  work,  and  said,  "  Is  it  thus  thou  makest 
thy  living?"  Joshua  took  the  opportunity  frankly 
to  put  before  him  the  indifference  shown  to  the 
sad  condition  of  several  worthy  men  —  "It  is  bad 
enough,"  said  Joshua,  "  that  thou  hast  only  just  dis- 
covered it.  Woe  to  the  age,  whose  leader  thou  art, 
that  thou  dost  not  know  of  the  cares  of  the  learned 
and  what  difficulty  they  have  to  support  themselves." 
Joshua  had  uttered  the  same  reproach  when  Gama- 


CH.  XIII.  GAMALIEL    REINSTATED.  345 

liel  had  admired  his  astronomical  knowledge  ;  he 
had  modestly  repudiated  his  admiration,  and  pointed 
out  two  pupils  who  possessed  distinguished  mathe- 
matical attainments,  but  who  hardly  had  bread  and 
clothes.  Gamaliel  at  last  besought  his  enraged 
opponent  to  forgive  him,  out  of  consideration  for 
the  highly  honored  house  of  Hillel.  Joshua  there- 
upon expressed  himself  as  satisfied,  and  promised 
to  work  for  Gamaliel's  reinstatement  in  the  posi- 
tion of  Patriarch.  The  next  step  was  to  induce 
the  newly-elected  Nasi  to  give  up  his  dignity,  upon 
which  he  had  only  just  entered.  There  was  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  delicacy  in  making  the  suggestion 
to  him.  Akiba,  who  was  ever  ready  to  be  of  service, 
undertook  the  delicate  commission,  the  execution 
of  which,  however,  was  not  made  at  all  difficult  for 
him.  For  hardly  had  Eleazar,  the  newly-elected 
Patriarch,  heard  that  peace  was  made  between 
Gamaliel  and  his  chief  enemy,  than  he  was  Imme- 
diately prepared  to  return  to  private  life  ;  he  even 
offered  to  pay  a  visit  to  Gamaliel,  attended  by  the 
whole  College.  The  arrangement  made  between 
the  Patriarch  and  Eleazar  was  that  the  former  should 
always  preside  for  the  first  two  weeks,  and  hold  the 
classes,  and  that  the  latter,  as  Vice-President,  should 
do  the  same  in  the  third  week. 

In  this  way  the  strife  ended  ;  it  had  arisen  neither 
from  ambition  nor  pride,  but  only  from  an  erroneous 
view  of  the  Patriarch's  functions.  These  disagree- 
ments were  soon  forgotten,  and  thenceforward  Ga- 
maliel lived  in  peace  with  the  members  of  the  Syn- 
hedrion.  Perhaps  the  position  of  affairs  under  the 
Emperor  Domitian  had  diverted  the  public  attention 
from  internal  matters,  and  caused  the  necessity  for 
union  to  be  felt,  in  order  to  avert  the  dangers  which 
threatened  from  without. 

Gamaliel  represented  in  this  circle  of  scholars 
that  desire  for  unity  and  authority  which  might 
regulate  from  one  center  the  entire  religious    and 


346  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

national  life  of  the  people.  His  brother-in-law, 
Eliezer,  son  of  Hyrcanus,  represented  the  other 
party,  namely,  those  who  maintained  their  own  views 
and  refused  to  submit  to  universally  binding  enact- 
ments. From  his  earliest  youth  Eliezer  had  devoted 
himself  to  the  acquirement  of  Halachas,  and  these  he 
impressed  so  firmly  on  his  memory  that,  as  he  him- 
self said,  not  a  grain  of  them  should  be  lost.  His 
teacher,  Jochanan,  therefore  called  him  "  a  sealed 
cistern  which  lets  no  drop  pass."  It  was  in  accord- 
ance with  this  method  that  Eliezer  taught  at  Lydda 
(Diospolis),  a  place  which  had  formerly  been  a  race- 
course. When  he  was  questioned  as  to  a  law,  he 
either  replied  as  he  had  been  taught  by  his  teachers, 
or  openly  acknowledged  "  I  do  not  know  ;  I  have 
not  been  told."  During  his  stay  once  in  Caesarea 
Philippi  in  Upper  Galilee,  thirty  questions  were 
put  to  him  for  decision,  to  which  he  replied,  "  To 
twelve  of  these  I  can  give  the  decision  which  has 
been  handed  down  to  me  ;  for  the  other  eighteen 
I  have  no  tradition."  Being  asked  whether  he  only 
taught  what  had  been  handed  down  to  him,  he 
replied,  "  You  compel  me  now  to  impart  something 
which  has  not  been  communicated  to  me  ;  for  know 
that  in  my  whole  life  I  have  never  taught  a  single 
word  which  has  not  been  handed  down  to  me  by  my 
teachers."  In  order  to  escape  troublesome  ques- 
tions which  he  did  not  know  how  to  answer,  he 
would  put  cross-questions  from  which  could  be  seen 
his  disinclination  to  discuss  the  matter.  He  was 
once  asked  whether  an  illegitimate  child  could  suc- 
ceed to  property,  and  he  asked  in  return,  "Whether 
it  would  be  legally  considered  as  a  brother."  To 
the  question  whether  one  might  paint  a  house  white 
after  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  he  put  the 
cross-question  whether  one  would  paint  a  grave, 
thus  keeping  firm  to  his  rule  never  to  pronounce  a 
decision  which  had  not  been  made  certain  to  him  by 
oral  tradition.    To  the  keenest  deductions  he  usually 


I 


CH.  XIII.  ELIEZER    BEN    HYRCANUS.  347 

opposed  the  simple  reply,  "  I  have  not  heard  it."  In 
order  to  maintain  this  peculiar  view,  he  seems  to 
have  impressed  on  his  pupils,  "  Keep  your  children 
from  searching  (Higayon)  ;  let  them  rather  be 
brought  up  on  the  knees  of  the  wise." 

Eliezer  was  therefore  the  conservative  element 
in  the  Synhedrion  ;  he  was  the  organ  of  tradition, 
which    retained    the    Halachas    precisely  as    it  re- 
ceived them  ;  he  was  the  "  sealed   cistern  "  which 
did  not  permit  one   drop   of  water  to  run   away, 
nor   one   fresh   drop  to   find   entrance.     His    con- 
temporaries  and   successors   gave    him    the    hon- 
ored name  of  "Sinai,"  a  living  tablet  of  the  Law, 
inscribed  with  unchangeable  precepts.     Greatly  as 
he  was  respected,  however,  as  a  faithful  keeper  of 
the  traditional  Law,  he  nevertheless  was  somewhat 
isolated  on  account  of  his   clinging  exclusively  to 
traditions.      His  colleagues  had  gone   too    far   on 
the  road  pointed  out  by  Hillel  to  be  satisfied  with 
merely  keeping  the  Law ;  they  desired  also  to  ex- 
tend and  develop  it.     Eliezer  necessarily  came  Into 
collision  with  the  tendency  of  the  times.     He  was 
most  strongly  opposed  to  his  brother-in-law,  Gama- 
liel, and  his  method  of  exclusion  in  striving  for  unity. 
On  the  one  side  was  authority  supported  by  a  pow- 
erful will,  which  kept  down  any  revolt  against  the 
law  adopted ;  and  on  the  other  side  was  the  secure 
knowledge    which   finds   its  sanction    in    the    past. 
Such  opposites  could  not  be  easily  reconciled,  nor 
was  Eliezer  the  man  to  give  up  his  convictions.    He 
was  in  fact  reproached  for  his  unbending  character, 
which  refused  to  submit  to  others,  and  which  made 
him  express  his  opinions  in  harsh  terms.     The  res- 
pect which  was  felt  for  him  personally  made  it  diffi- 
cult to  inform  him  of  the  fact  that  he  was  excom- 
municated,  but    Akiba   once   more   undertook    the 
office  of  conveying  the  unpleasant  news.     Dressed 
in  black,  he  went  to  Eliezer  and  gently  broke  to 
him  the  sentence,  and  addressed  him  in  these  words, 


34^  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

"  It  appears  to  me  that  thy  comrades  shun  thee." 
Eliezer  understood  the  hint,  and  took  the  blow 
without  murmuring  ;  he  submitted  to  the  excommu- 
nication, and  Hved  apart  from  his  friends.  He  took 
only  a  distant  interest  in  the  discussions  pursued  in 
Jamnia.  When  he  heard  any  important  decision,  he 
used  to  look  among  the  treasures  of  the  Halachas 
in  order  to  confirm  or  dispute  it. 

Without  exercising  any  influence  over  affairs 
or  taking  part  in  the  development  of  the  Law, 
Eliezer  lived  his  last  years  in  flourishing  material 
circumstances,  but  in  a  dreary  state  of  mind.  In  his 
misery  he  gave  utterance  to  a  sentence  which  is  in 
marked  contrast  to  the  sentiments  of  his  comrades. 
"  Warm  thyself,"  he  said,  "  at  the  fire  of  the  wise, 
but  beware  of  the  coals  that  thou  dost  not  burn 
thyself,  for  their  bite  is  as  that  of  the  jackal,  their 
sting  like  the  scorpion's,  their  tongues  like  the 
tongues  of  snakes,  and  their  words  are  burning 
coals."  These  are  the  bitter  words  of  a  pained 
spirit,  but  they  do  not  deny  to  his  opponents  a 
measure  of  justification. 

A  striking  contrast  to  the  stubbornness  of 
Eliezer,  and  the  no  less  unbending  despotism  of 
Gamaliel,  is  offered  by  Joshua  ben  Chananya.  He 
was  the  yielding,  pliable,  peaceable  element  in  this 
newly  constituted  Jewish  body.  He  protected  the 
Law  and  the  people  from  one-sided  and  exagger- 
ated ideas,  and  became  the  promoter  of  the  study 
of  the  Law  and  the  benefactor  of  his  people.  As 
a  young  Levite  of  the  choir  he  had  seen  the  glory 
of  the  Temple,  and  had  sung  the  psalms  in  its  halls. 
Together  with  his  teacher  he  had  left  Jerusalem, 
and  after  the  death  of  the  latter  had  founded  a 
school  in  Bekiin.  Here  he  taught  his  pupils,  and 
carried  on  the  humble  handicraft  of  making  needles, 
by  which  he  maintained  his  family.  Through  his 
twofold  occupation  Joshua  w^as  brought  into  com- 
munication   both   with    scholars   and  the    common 


CH.  XIII.  JOSHUA    BEN    CHANANYA.  349 

people  ;  and  he  endeavored  to  unite  the  two,  and 
was  the  only  man  who  possessed  power  over  the 
minds  and  will  of  the  masses.  He  was  personally 
so  ugly  that  an  empress's  daughter  once  asked  him 
how  it  was  so  much  wisdom  was  incorporated  in 
so  ugly  a  form.  Whereupon  Joshua  answered  that 
wine  was  not  kept  in  casks  of  gold. 

Besides  an  acquaintance  with  tradition,  he  seems 
to  have  possessed  some  astronomical  knowledge, 
which  enabled  him  to  calculate  the  irregular  course 
of  the  comets.  This  knowledge  was  once  of  great 
use  to  him  when  he  was  on  a  journey.  He  had 
started  on  a  voyage  with  Gamaliel,  and  had 
laid  in  more  provisions  than  were  usually  neces- 
sary for  the  journey.  The  ship  took  an  erratic 
course  for  some  time,  because  its  captain,  deceived 
by  the  sight  of  a  certain  star,  had  steered  in  a 
wrong  direction.  Gamaliel's  provisions  having 
been  consumed,  he  was  astonished  that  this  was 
not  the  case  with  his  companion,  but  that,  in  fact, 
he  could  even  spare  some  for  him.  Thereupon 
Joshua  informed  him  that  he  had  calculated  on  the 
return  of  a  star  (a  comet),  which  reappeared 
every  seventy  years,  and  which  would  mislead  the 
ignorant  sailor,  and  that  therefore  he  (Joshua)  had 
provided  himself  with  extra  food  for  this  emer- 
gency. This  astronomical  knowledge  of  Joshua 
appears  the  more  surprising,  as  the  cycles  of  the 
comets  were  known  not  even  to  the  learned  of 
antiquity.  But  Joshua  was  yet  more  distinguished 
for  his  modesty  and  gentleness  than  for  knowledge 
and  wisdom,  and  these  qualities  he  displayed  also 
in  teaching.  He  was  opposed  to  all  exaggeration 
and  eccentricity,  and  gave  heed  to  the  circum- 
stances of  daily  life  when  making  a  legal  decision. 

Joshua  warmly  expressed  his  disapproval  of 
the  mumerous  measures  which  the  school  of 
Shammai  had  introduced  before  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple,  under  the  name  of  "  the  eighteen 


350  HISTORY    OP^   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

niles,"  and  which  rendered  impossible  all  closer 
relations  or  friendly  communications  with  the 
heathens.  He  said,  "  On  that  day,  the  school  of 
Shammai  went  beyond  all  bounds  in  their  deci- 
sions ;  they  behaved  as  one  who  pours  water  into 
a  vessel  containing  oil ;  the  more  water  one  pours 
in,  the  more  oil  runs  off,"  which  meant  that,  by 
introducing  a  number  of  superfluous  details,  the 
really  important  things  were  lost.  Joshua  seems 
also  to  have  opposed  the  unmeasured  deductions 
of  the  Hillelite  school.  He  said  that  the  regu- 
lations respecting  the  Sabbath,  festive  offerings, 
and  misuse  of  holy  things,  have  but  slight  founda- 
tion in  Holy  Writ,  but  have  many  Halachas  in  their 
support. 

The  balanced  and  calm  character  of  Joshua  ren- 
dered him  especially  fitted  for  the  part  of  inter- 
mediary between  the  Jewish  nation  and  Roman 
intolerance.  He  was  the  only  teacher  who  sought 
and  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  Roman  rulers  ; 
without  betraying  his  trust  to  the  Romans,  he 
yet  persuaded  the  opposing  forces  to  be  mutually 
more  yielding.  The  death  of  Gamaliel,  and  the 
hostile  attitude  of  the  Jews  towards  the  Romans 
during  the  last  years  of  the  Emperor  Trajan  and 
the  early  years  of  Hadrian's  reign,  seem  to  have 
torn  Joshua  away  from  his  petty  trade,  and  to  have 
put  the  public  leadership  into  his  hands.  It  is 
not  improbable  that  he  assumed  the  patriarchal 
position  ;  at  least  the  circumstance  that  he  removed 
the  ban  from  Eliezer  after  the  latter's  death,  an 
act  which  could  be  performed  only  by  a  patriarch, 
or  one  equal  in  authority,  affords  some  ground  for 
this  supposition.  Joshua's  activity  during  the  last 
years  of  his  life  forms  an  important  part  of  the 
history  of  his  times. 

Amongst  the  personages  of  this  period,  Akiba 
ben  Joseph  was  unquestionably  the  most  talented, 
original   and    influential.      His   youthful    days    and 


CH.  XIII.  RABBI    AKIBA.  35 1 

mental  development  are  shrouded  in  darkness,  as 
is  often  the  case  with  characters  who  leave  their 
mark  in  history  ;  but  legends  have  cast  sufficient 
light  to  show  the  obscurity  of  his  descent.  Accord- 
ing to  one  legend,  he  was  a  proselyte,  and  a  descend- 
ant of  Sisera,  who  fell  through  a  woman's  deceit. 
Another  legend  represents  him  as  a  servant  of 
Kalba-Sabua,  one  of  the  three  richest  men  of 
Jerusalem,  who,  by  their  provisions,  wished  to 
prevent  for  many  years  the  famine  occasioned  by 
the  siege.  The  legend  adds  that  the  daughter  of 
one  of  these  wealthy  men  of  Jerusalem,  named 
Rachel,  had  bestowed  her  love  on  Akiba,  on  the 
condition  that  he  should  follow  the  study  of  the  Law. 
In  those  days  this  meant  to  acquire  culture,  and 
thus,  in  his  fortieth  year,  Akiba  entered  a  school, 
in  order  to  take  his  first  lessons  to  obtain  the 
knowledge  in  which  he  was  deficient.  During  the 
period  of  his  studies  the  daughter  of  Kalba-Sabua 
had  remained  faithful  to  him,  living  in  the  greatest 
poverty,  to  which  her  father  in  his  anger  had 
reduced  her  by  casting  her  adrift.  Of  these 
stories  so  much  is  certain,  that  Akiba  was  very 
ignorant  until  he  was  well  advanced  in  years,  that 
he  and  his  wife  lived  under  very  straitened  circum- 
stances, and  he  related  later  on  that  during  the  period 
of  his  ignorance,  he  hated  those  who  were  versed 
in  the  Law. 

Meanwhile  his  slumbering  mind  did  not  develop 
so  quickly  as  the  legend  relates.  One  source 
declares  that  he  was  one  of  the  pupils  of  Eliezer 
during  many  years,  without  ever  showing  him- 
self worthy  of  receiving  an  instructive  reply  from 
him.  His  teacher  appears  to  have  regarded  him  with 
a  certain  amount  of  contempt.  Perhaps  the  peculiar 
system,  pursued  by  Rabbi  Akiba  with  regard  to  the 
newer  Halachas,  also  excited  Eliezer's  disapproval. 
Akiba  had  learned  this  new  system  under  Nachum 
of  Gimso  (or  Emmaus),  under  whom  he  studied,  not, 


35-  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIII. 

indeed,  for  two-and-twenty  years,  as  the  legend 
relates.  Akiba  raised  what  was  incomplete  and 
fragmentary  in  this  school  to  a  complete  system, 
and  thus  he  stands  at  a  turning-point  in  Jewish 
history. 

The  peculiar  system  of  Akiba  was  built  on  certain 
principles,  and  in  fact  he  may  be  considered  as  the 
only  systematic  Tanai.  In  this  system  the  law  was 
not  considered  as  a  dead  treasure  incapable  of 
growth  or  development,  or,  as  it  was  in  the  eyes 
of  Eliezer,  a  wealth  of  mere  memories,  but  it  formed 
an  everlasting  quarry  in  which,  with  proper  means, 
new  treasures  might  always  be  found.  New  laws 
were  also  no  longer  to  be  formulated  by  the  voice 
of  a  majority,  but  were  to  be  justified  by  and  founded 
on  the  written  documents  of  the  Holy  Word.  As 
the  fundamental  doctrine  of  his  system,  Akiba 
maintained  that  the  style  of  the  Torah,  especially 
in  parts  relating  to  the  laws  (Halachas),  was  quite 
different  from  that  of  other  writings.  Human  lan- 
guage, besides  the  indispensable  words  employed, 
requires  certain  expressions,  figures  of  speech, 
repetitions,  and  enlargements  —  in  fact  it  takes  a 
certain  form  which  is  almost  unnecessary  for  convey- 
ing the  writer's  meaning,  but  which  is  used  as  a 
matter  of  taste,  in  order  to  round  off  the  sentences 
and  to  make  them  more  finished  and  artistic.  In 
the  language  of  the  Torah,  on  the  other  hand,  no 
weight  is  put  on  the  form ;  nothing  is  superfluous, 
no  word,  no  syllable,  not  even  a  letter  ;  every  pecu- 
liarity of  expression,  every  additional  word,  every 
sign  is  to  be  regarded  as  of  great  importance,  as  a 
hint  of  a  deeper  meaning  that  lies  buried  within. 
Akiba  added  a  number  of  explanatory  and  deduc- 
tive rules  to  those  of  Hillel  and  Nachum,  and  his 
additions  afforded  fresh  means  of  development  for 
the  traditional  law.  When  a  deduction  had  been 
obtained  by  the  correct  use  of  the  rules,  such  con- 
clusion might  again  be  employed  as  the  foundation 


CH.  XIII.  AKIBA  S    SYSTEM.  353 

for  fresh  deductions,  and  so  on,  in  a  continuous 
chain. 

Akiba  was  not  to  be  restrained  in  this  course  by 
any  consequences  whatsoever.  He  had  opened  up 
a  new  path  with  his  system,  and  a  new  point  of 
view.  The  Oral  Law,  of  which  it  had  been  said  that 
it  hung  on  a  hair  and  had  no  firm  ground  in  Holy 
Writ,  was  thus  placed  on  a  firmer  basis,  and  the 
dissensions  concerning  the  Halachas  were  to  a  con- 
siderable degree  diminished.  Akiba's  contempo- 
raries were  surprised,  dazzled,  and  inspired  by  his 
theories,  which  were  new  and  yet  old.  Tarphon, 
who  had  at  one  time  been  the  superior  of  Akiba, 
said  to  him,  "  He  who  departs  from  thee  departs 
from  life  eternal ;  for  what  has  been  forgotten  in 
the  handing  down,  that  dost  thou  give  afresh  in  thy 
explanations."  It  was  acknowledged  that  the  Law 
would  have  been  forgotten  or  neglected,  had  not 
Akiba  given  it  his  support.  With  exaggerated 
enthusiasm,  it  was  said  that  many  enactments  of 
law,  which  were  unknown  to  Moses,  were  revealed 
to  Akiba. 

Just  as  Akiba  had  recognized  and  confirmed  the 
worth  of  the  traditional  law,  he  also  assisted  in 
reducing  it  to  a  methodical  system  and  order.  He 
laid  the  foundation  for  the  possible  collection  of  the 
rich  material  at  hand.  It  has  already  been  stated 
that  the  Halachas  were  strung  together  without 
connection  or  systematic  grouping ;  it  was  there- 
fore necessary,  in  order  to  retain  the  entire  mass, 
to  maintain  years  of  intimacy  with  those  who  were 
acquainted  with  the  Halachas,  to  be  untiringly 
industrious,  and  to  have  a  faithful  memory.  Akiba, 
however,  facilitated  the  study  of  the  Halachas  by 
arranging  them  in  groups,  and  thus  assisted  the 
memory.  The  arranging  of  the  Halachas  he  carried 
out  in  two  ways.  He  put  them  together  according 
to  their  context,  so  that  all  Halachas  concerning 
the  Sabbath,  marriage  laws,  divorces,  and  property 


354  HISTORY    OF    TIIK     I i:\VS.  CH.  XIII. 

should  form  independent  wholes.  Thus  the  entire 
matter  was  divided  into  six  similar  parts,  each  part 
bearing  the  name  Masechta  (Textus  —  Division). 
These  divisions  he  arranged  according  to  numbers, 
so  as  to  give  a  useful  aid  to  the  memory  ;  thus, 
from  four  causes  injuries  to  property  might  occur  ; 
five  classes  of  men  could  be  excluded  from  the 
tithes  of  the  priests  ;  fifteen  classes  of  women  were 
prevented  by  consanguinity  from  intermarrying  with 
their  brothers-in-law ;  thirty-six  kinds  of  sins  are 
recorded  in  the  Holy  Writings  as  being  punished 
by  extermination.  The  collection  of  the  Halachas, 
instituted  by  Akiba,  was  called  the  Mishna,  or  more 
fully  Mishna  of  Rabbi  Akiba,  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  later  collection  ;  in  Christian  circles  it  was  known 
under  the  name  of  Akiba's  Deuterosis.  It  was  also 
called  Midoth  (Measures),  probably  on  account  of 
the  numbers  which  form  the  basis  of  arrangement. 
This  Mishna  or  Midoth,  though  arranged,  was  not 
written  down ;  the  contents  remained  as  before 
traditional,  but  an  easier  method  was  employed  in 
classifying  them.  It  is  hardly  probable  that  Akiba 
alone  completed  and  arranged  all  this  material. 
His  pupils  no  doubt  assisted  in  this  collection  which, 
later  on,  formed  the  foundation  of  the  code  that 
terminated  the  whole  traditional  system. 

The  older  Mishnas  (Mishna  Rishona)  were  often 
separated  from  the  later  (Mishna  Acharona,  or 
Mishna  of  Rabbi  Akiba),  and  the  latter  were  taken 
as  the  norm.  The  name  of  the  new  founder  of 
the  Oral  Law  became,  through  his  peculiar  mode 
of  teaching,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  in  the 
Jewish  communities  far  and  wide.  His  mysterious 
descent  and  his  lowly  origin  only  heightened  the 
interest  felt  in  him.  The  number  of  his  hearers 
is  exaggerated  by  tradition,  which  fixes  it  at  twelve 
thousand,  and  even  double  that  number,  but  a  more 
modest  record  represents  them  as  amounting  to 
three   hundred.      Accompanied   by  this    numerous 


CH.  XIII.  ISHMAEL    BEN    ELISIIA.  355 

band  of  disciples,  Akiba  again  visited  his  wife 
Rachel,  who  for  some  years  had  lived  apart  from 
him  in  the  greatest  poverty.  The  scene  of  their 
meeting  is  touchingly  described,  and  her  hard- 
hearted father,  Kalba-Sabiia,  proud  of  such  a  son- 
in-law,  is  said  to  have  bequeathed  to  him  his  whole 
property.  From  this  time  Akiba  lived  in  great 
riches  with  his  wife,  who  had  previously  been  so 
poor  that  she  slept  on  a  bed  of  straw.  His  grati- 
tude to  his  sorely  tried  wife  was  in  proportion  to 
the  sacrifices  which  she  had  made  for  him. 

Akiba  had  his  fixed  domicile  in  Bene-Berak, 
where  his  school  was  situated.  The  position  of 
this  spot,  which,  through  him,  became  so  celebrated, 
is  supposed  to  be  southeast  of  Joppa.  Others 
place  it  yet  more  to  the  south,  near  Ashdod  ;  but 
Akiba  was  a  member  of  the  Synhedrion  in  Jabne, 
and  it  was  but  seldom  that  any  measure  was  deter- 
mined without  him. 

In  the  development  of  Jewish  law,  in  which  Akiba 
had  wrought  such  changes,  Ishmael  ben  Elisha  took 
an  important  part.  He  demanded  the  explanation 
of  the  written  law  from  the  common-sense  view, 
and  was  thus  one  of  the  chief  opponents  of  Akiba's 
system.  According  to  Ishmael,  the  divine  precepts 
of  the  Torah  are  expressed  in  human  language,  in 
which  various  figures  of  speech,  linguistic  repetitions 
and  oratorical  modes  of  expression  occur,  on  which, 
however,  no  weight  should  be  laid,  as  they  are  a 
mere  matter  of  form.  He  thus  put  aside  the  various 
deductions  of  Akiba,  which  were  based  on  an  appa- 
rently superfluous  (pleonastic)  word,  or  even  letter 
of  the  alphabet.  Akiba  deduced,  for  example,  the 
punishment  of  death  by  fire  against  the  adulterous 
married  daughter  of  a  priest  from  one  letter  of  the 
alphabet,  on  which  Ishmael  remarked — "  On  account 
of  one  letter  of  the  alphabet  thou  wouldst  inflict 
death  by  burning  !  "  Ishmael  had  his  own  school, 
which  was   known  under  the   name   of  Be-Rabbi 


356  HISTOKV    Ol'     IIIK    JKWS.  CM.  XIII. 

Ishmael.  He  there  developed  the  rules  which  were 
to  be  employed  in  explaining  and  applying  the 
Written  Law.  He  amplified  Hillel's  seven  rules 
of  interpretation  into  thirteen,  by  subdividing  one 
into  several,  while  he  rejected  another,  and  on  his 
own  authority  added  one  which  was  quite  new. 

The  thirteen  deductive  rules  of  Ishmael  are  re- 
cognized as  the  complete  form,  but  the  system  of 
Akiba,  although  partly  opposed  to  it,  was  not  thereby 
excluded  from  use,  for  both  were  equally  employed 
by  succeeding  teachers.  There  is  but  little  else 
known  of  Ishmael.  He  belongs  to  a  circle  which, 
doubtless  for  political  reasons,  was  relegated  by  the 
Synhedrion  from  Jabne  to  Usha.  He  subsequently 
paid  for  his  love  for  his  nation  and  the  Law  with 
his  life.  Akiba,  though  an  opponent  of  the  theories 
held  by  him,  gave  a  funeral  address  in  praise  of 
him,  and  was  impressed  with  the  idea  that  a  similar 
fate  would  soon  befall  himself. 

These  five  men — Gamaliel,  the  arranger  ;  Eliezer, 
the  strict  upholder  of  tradition  ;  Joshua,  the  con- 
ciliator ;  Akiba,  the  systematizer  ;  and  Ishmael,  the 
clear  thinker,  were  the  center-point  of  that  period  ; 
they  formed  the  rays  which,  starting  from  one  point, 
diverge  in  order  to  be  finally  reunited  in  another. 

The  maintaining  and  cultivation  of  the  inherited 
Law  was  a  point  of  union  for  all  men  of  activity  and 
intelligence,  and  to  it  they  turned  all  their  energy, 
mind  and  power.  The  numerous  teachers  of  this 
second  generation  of  Tanaites  were  called  the 
Armed  (Baale  Tressin),  because  the  Synhedrion 
and  schools  constituted  a  battle-field  on  which  the 
combatants  contested  for  the  Law  (machai  nomikai). 
The  group  was  composed  partly  of  members  of  the 
Synhedrion  who  had  a  voice  in  every  decision  ;  partly 
of  ordained  members  who,  through  the  ceremony 
of  "laying  on  of  hands,"  were  elevated  to  the  rank 
of  "wise  men,"  from  whose  midst  the  college  was 
wont  to  fill  up  vacancies  ;  and,  lastly,  there  were 


CH.  XIII.  THE    TANAITES.  357 

disciples  who  sat  on  the  ground  as  listeners  at  "  the 
feet  of  the  masters." 

Amongst  the  most  important  members  was  Tar- 
phon  of  Lydda  ;  he  was  rich  and  generous,  pas- 
sionate and  hasty  —  a  zealous  enemy  of  the  Jewish 
Christians.  F"urther,  there  were  Eliezer  of  Modin, 
an  authority  on  Agadic  explanations  ;  and  Jose,  the 
Galilaean,  whose  heart  was  soft  and  full  of  love  for 
humanity.  There  was  also  Isebab,  the  clerk  of  the 
Synhedrion  ;  Chuzpit,  the  public  orator  or  inter- 
preter ;  Judah  ben  Baba,  the  Chassidsean  (he  proba- 
bly belonged  to  the  order  of  the  Essenes) ;  Cha- 
nanya  ben  Teradion,  who,  together  with  those  just 
named,  suffered  the  death  of  a  martyr.  Besides  these 
were  Eleazar  Chasma  and  Jochanan  ben  Gudgada, 
both  of  whom  were  celebrated  on  account  of  their 
deep  mathematical  knowledge  and  their  poverty, 
but  they  were  put  in  possession  of  lucrative  posts  by 
the  patriarch  at  the  express  intervention  of  Joshua ; 
Jochanan  ben  Nuri,  a  zealous  disciple  of  Gamaliel ; 
Joseph  ben  Kisma,  an  admirer  of  the  Romans  ;  and, 
lastly,  Ilai  and  Chalafta,  both  of  whom  became  better 
known  through  their  sons.  From  the  class  of  dis- 
ciples only  four  distinguished  themselves  in  history, 
Samuel,  the  younger,  and  three  others  —  all  of  whom 
were  named  Simon.  The  disciples  consisted  of  those 
who,  for  some  reason,  had  not  been  amongst  the 
ordained,  and  who  were  thus  excluded  from  certain 
functions,  such  as  membership  of  the  Synhedrion  and 
the  holding  of  certain  judicial  offices.  To  these  was 
denied  the  title  of  Rabbi  —  equivalent  to  the  title  of 
doctor  in  our  times,  but  not  corresponding  to  the 
title  of  Reverend.  The  title  of  Rabbi  was,  in  fact, 
first  used  from  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple,  and  was  probably  introduced  by  the  disci- 
ples of  Jochanan  ben  Zakkai,  who  were  called  master 
by  their  adherents. 

Samuel  the  Younger  (Hakaton)  was  a  man  of 
rare  modesty  and  abnegation,  a  "  true  disciple  of 


358  HISTORY    OK    tup:    jews.  CH.  XIII. 

Hillcl";  ho  was  chiefly  known  for  his  condemna- 
tion of  the  Jewish  Christians,  and  for  the  prophetic 
glance,  which,  when  on  his  death-bed,  he  cast  into  the 
gloomy  future.  He  uttered  the  prophetic  words  : 
"  Simon  and  Ishmael  are  doomed  to  destruction  ; 
the  nation  is  threatened  with  anarchy,  and  heavy 
persecutions  will  follow."  Those  around  knew  not 
what  to  make  of  his  utterances,  but  he  foresaw  the 
coming  troubles  under  Hadrian.  Samuel  died  child- 
less, and  the  Patriarch  himself  delivered  an  address 
in  his  memory. 

Simon  ben  Nanos  was  renowned  on  account  of  his 
intimate  acquaintance  with  the  law  of  the  individual, 
and  Ishmael  recommended  all  those  who  were  learned 
in  the  Law  to  cultivate  an  acquaintance  with  ben- 
Nanos.  Simon  ben  Asai  was  an  enemy  to  marriage, 
and,  together  with  Simon  ben  Zoma,  he  became 
absorbed  in  the  theosophic  speculations  of  the 
times.  Amongst  the  great  number  of  teachers  of 
the  Law,  of  whom  many  lost  their  lives,  only  one  is 
named  as  having  deserted  his  people,  and  thus 
having  attained  to  undesirable  notoriety.  This  was 
Elisha  ben  Abuya,  better  known  by  his  apostate 
name  Acher,  who  became  a  persecutor  of  the  Law 
and  of  those  who  adhered  to  it.  Outside  of  Judaea, 
and  particularly  in  Babylon,  there  existed  centers 
for  the  growth  of  spiritual  activity.  Judah  ben 
Bathyra,  who  taught  in  Nisibis,  a  town  in  Babylon, 
was  probably  a  descendant  of  the  family  Bene 
Bathyra,  which,  in  the  time  of  King  Herod,  had 
been  at  the  head  of  the  Synhedrion.  In  Nahardea, 
Nehemia  is  named  as  the  teacher  of  the  traditional 
Law  in  Beth-Deli.  From  this  center  there  seems  to 
have  originated,  as  will  be  shown  later  on,  the  chief 
opposition  to  Trajan's  plans  for  conquest  in  the  dis- 
trict of  the  Euphrates.  In  Asia  Minor,  likewise,  the 
study  of  the  Halachas  was  pursued,  though  the  names 
of  its  teachers  have  not  been  preserved.  Caesarea, 
the  capital  of  Cappadocia  (also  called  Mazaca),  ap- 


CH.  XIII.  SCHOLASTIC    ACTIVITY.  359 

pears  to  have  been  the  chief  seat  of  this  branch  of 
study.  Rabbi  Akiba,  during  his  journey  in  Asia  Minor, 
found  in  the  latter  place  a  man  learned  in  traditions, 
who  held  a  discussion  with  him  concerning  the  Hala- 
chas.  The  Jews  of  Eg)'pt,  who  had  closed  the  temple 
of  Onias  at  the  command  of  Vespasian,  and  had  thus 
lost  their  seat  of  learning,  appear  to  have  pursued 
their  studies  of  the  Halachas  in  Alexandria.  They 
continued  to  occupy  themselves  with  the  translation 
of  such  writings  as  resembled  the  Holy  Writ  or  the 
Apocryphal  Literature.  Sirach  translated  the  say- 
ings of  his  grandfather  into  Greek,  and  others 
translated  the  book  of  Susannah  and  the  Letter  of 
Baruch.  Additions  were  also  made  to  the  Books 
of  Esther  and  Daniel.  These  later  additions  to 
Hebrew  poetry  were  considered  by  Christians  as 
part  of  the  Bible.  In  Judsea,  however,  no  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  these  foreign  schools,  but  the 
Synhedrion  of  Jabne  was  regarded  as  the  supreme 
authority. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

INNER    LIFE. 

Inner  Life  of  the  Jews — Sphere  of  Action  of  the  Synhedrion  and  the 
Patriarch — The  Order  of  Members  and  Moral  Condition  of  the 
Common  People — Relation  of  Christianity  towards  Judaism — 
Sects — Jewish  Christians — Pagan  Christians — Ebionites — Naza- 
renes — The  Gnostics — Regulations  of  the  Synhedrion  against 
Christianity — Proselytes  at  Rome — Aquilas  and  his  translation 
of  the  Bible— Berenice  and  Titus — Domitian — Josephus  and  the 
Romans. 

The  Synhedrion  of  Jamnia  had  become  the  heart  of 
the  Jewish  nation,  whence  Hfe  and  activity  streamed 
forth  to  the  most  distant  communities.  Thence 
proceeded  all  arrangements  and  decisions  relating 
to  religious  matters,  which  were  to  become  popular, 
and  the  observance  of  which  was  to  be  ensured. 
The  nation  regarded  the  Synhedrion  as  a  remnant 
of  the  State,  and  paid  to  the  Nasi  (the  President),  a 
member  of  the  house  of  Hillel  and  a  descendant  of 
David,  an  amount  of  reverence  such  as  might  be 
shown  to  royalty.  The  Greek  title  Ethnarch,  which 
means  Ruler  of  the  People,  and  which  approaches 
nearest  to  the  description  of  a  king,  seems  to 
show  that  with  the  Patriarchate  was  associated  the 
princely  dignity.  Therefore  the  people  were  proud 
of  the  house  of  Hillel,  because  through  its  mem- 
bers the  ruling  power  remained  in  the  house  of 
David,  and  thus  the  prediction  of  the  patriarch 
Jacob  was  verified,  "that  the  scepter  should  not  de- 
part from  the  tribe  of  Judah."  After  the  Patriarch 
came  his  representative  Ab-beth-din,  and  the 
Chacham  (the  Wise),  whose  special  office  is  not 
known.  The  Patriarch  had  the  right  of  appointing 
judges  and  the  officers  of  the  congregation,  and 
probably  supervised  their  actions.  The  Roman 
360 


CH.  XIV.  AUTHORITY    OF    THE    PATRIARCH.  ^6 1 


J' 


government  had  not  yet  Interfered  with  the  com- 
munal arrangements  of  the  Jews  so  far  as  to  cause 
the  judicial  offices  to  be  performed  by  Romans. 
The  authority  of  the  Patriarch  left  the  power  of  the 
teacher,  however,  undiminished  in  certain  of  the 
schools  ;  they  could  confer  on  their  disciples  the 
dignities  of  judge  or  teacher  of  the  people,  and  the 
assent  of  the  Patriarch  was  not  required.  The 
master  laid  his  hand  on  the  head  of  the  pupil,  and 
this  ordination  was  called  Semicha,  or  Minui,  and 
meant  Nomination,  Ordination,  or  Promotion.  The 
ordained  bore  the  title  Zaken  (Elder),  which  was 
almost  equivalent  to  that  of  Senator,  for  through 
this  ordination  they  obtained  the  right  of  member- 
ship of  the  Council  when  the  choice  should  fall  on 
them. 

The  chief  activity  of  the  Patriarch  was  felt  at  the 
public  meetings  of  the  Synhedrion.  He  occupied 
the  highest  place,  supported  by  the  chief  mem- 
bers who  were  seated  around  in  a  half-circle. 
Behind  these  members,  whose  number  at  this  time 
was  probably  seventy,  there  were  several  rows  of 
the  ordained,  behind  whom  stood  the  pupils,  and 
at  the  back  the  people  seated  on  the  ground  wit- 
nessed the  proceedings. 

The  Patriarch  opened  the  meeting  either  by  intro- 
ducing some  yubject  of  discussion  from  the  Laws, 
or  by  inviting  the  members  to  speak  by  the  for- 
mula "Ask."  If  he  himself  spoke  first,  he  uttered 
some  sentences  softly  to  the  Meturgeman,  who 
then  developed  and  explained  them  in  an  orato- 
rical manner.  Any  person  had  the  right  to  put 
questions  :  while  the  discussion  was  being  held  the 
assembly  would  divide  into  groups  and  debate  on 
the  matter.  The  president  had  the  right  to  close 
the  discussion,  and  to  bring  about  its  conclusion 
by  saying,  "The  subject  has  been  sufficiently  dis- 
cussed." After  the  conclusion  no  one  was  per- 
mitted   to    return    to   theoretical    discussions.       It 


o 


62  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 


appears  that  the  ordained  members  also  had  the 
riofht  of  votinof.  In  votinof  on  criminal  cases  all 
votes  were  taken,  the  youngest  members  begin- 
ning, so  that  they,  by  coming  first,  might  not  be 
guided  by  the  most  influential  men  ;  in  other  mat- 
ters this  method  was  reversed.  Such  was  the 
procedure  at  meetings  of  the  Synhedrion  when 
questions  were  to  be  answered,  disputed  laws  to 
be  settled,  new  arrangements  introduced,  or  old  ones 
to  be  set  aside. 

The  Patriarch  also  exercised  an  important  func- 
tion in  fixing  the  dates  of  the  festivals.  The 
Jewish  Calendar  was  not  permanently  fixed,  but  had 
to  be  regulated  from  time  to  time.  The  year  was 
in  fact  partly  solar,  partly  lunar,  the  festivals  being 
dependent  on  the  course  of  the  moon,  and  on  the 
influence  of  the  sun  on  the  harvests,  and  the  vary- 
ing course  of  the  solar  and  lunar  years  had  to  be 
equalized.  Thus,  when  the  solar  year  exceeded  the 
lunar  by  a  month,  which  occurred  every  two  or 
three  years,  a  month  was  inserted,  and  this  leap- 
year  contained  thirteen  lunar  months.  The  length 
of  the  months  was  also  uncertain  ;  a  month,  ac- 
cording to  tradition,  was  to  commence  when  the 
new  moon  became  visible,  and  this  period  was 
decided  partly  by  astronomical  calculations  and 
partly  by  the  evidence  of  actual  witnesses.  As 
soon  as  the  witnesses  reported  to  the  Synhe- 
drion that  the  first  streak  of  the  young  moon 
was  visible,  that  day  was  fixed  as  the  first  day 
of  the  month,  provided  it  concurred  with  calcu- 
lations made.  If  no  witnesses  presented  them- 
selves, the  doubtful  day  was  counted  in  the  current 
month.  The  month  thus  contained  twenty-nine  or 
thirty  days.  The  new  moon  was  celebrated  in  a 
solemn  manner,  and  was  announced  in  earlier  times 
by  means  of  bonfires,  which  could  easily  be  used 
in  a  mountainous  country  throughout  the  land. 
Burning  torches  were  seen  on  the  Mount  of  Olives, 


CH.  XIV.  PUBLIC    WORSHIP.  363 

as  also  on  Mount  Sartaba  (Alexandrion),  and  on 
Mount  Tabor,  and  so  on,  as  far  as  Beth-Beltis,  on  the 
Babylonian  frontier.  On  the  doubtful  day  between 
the  two  months  the  Babylonian  community  looked 
out  for  the  signal,  and  repeated  it  for  the  benefit  of 
those  who  lived  afar.  The  congregations  in  Egypt, 
in  Asia  Minor  and  in  Greece,  however,  could  not 
use  bonfires,  they  were  uncertain  as  to  the  day  on 
which  the  new  moon  fell,  and,  therefore,  they  kept 
two  days  instead  of  one.  The  intercalary  month 
was  announced  by  the  Patriarch  in  a  circular  letter 
to  the  community. 

The  Patriarch  Gamaliel  introduced  the  use  of 
set  prayers.  Although  some  of  the  prayers  were 
very  ancient,  and  were  used  in  the  Temple  at  the 
time  of  the  burnt-offerings,  yet  the  chief  prayers  of 
those  days  were  not  formulated,  but  each  man 
was  left  to  pray  in  whatever  words  his  feelings 
dictated  to  him.  Gamaliel  introduced  the  daily 
prayers,  the  eighteen  Berachoth  (blessings),  which 
are  used  in  the  synagogues  at  the  present  day.  It 
is  not  known  by  whom  the  prayers  were  introduced 
for  the  Sabbath  and  the  Festivals.  Prayers  were 
universally  considered  as  a  substitute  for  offerings, 
and  were  called  "  the  offerings  of  the  heart."  The 
public  service  was  very  simple  ;  there  were  no  offi- 
cial readers,  any  one  who  had  attained  a  certain 
age  and  was  of  good  repute  could  pray  ;  the  con- 
gregation called  on  him  to  do  so,  and  he  was  named 
"  the  delegate  of  the  community."  He  stood  before 
the  ark  in  which  lay  the  scrolls  of  the  Law,  and, 
therefore,  to  pray  was  called  "  to  go  before  the  ark." 

The  Law,  with  the  exception  of  the  sacrificial  sys- 
tem, was  strictly  enforced.  The  tithes  were  paid  to 
the  descendants  of  Aaron,  the  corners  of  the  fields 
were  left  standing  for  the  poor,  and  every  three  years 
the  poor-tithes  were  paid.  In  remembrance  of  the 
Temple,  for  whose  restoration  the  most  earnest 
hopes    were    awakened,    many   observances    were 


364  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 

retained,  which  could  only  be  of  meaning  there. 
All  those  who  fulfilled  strictly  the  requirements 
of  the  Law,  giving  up  the  tenth  part  of  all  the 
fruits  which  they  possessed,  formed  a  sort  of  order 
[Chabtirah),  the  members  of  which  were  called 
fellows  ( C  haberim) . 

In  contradistinction  to  this  order  were  the  peas- 
ants— the  slaves  of  the  soil.  A  striking  picture  is 
given  of  the  neglected  mental  and  moral  state  of 
these  peasants,  to  which  the  frequent  rebellions 
during  the  last  years  of  the  Jewish  state  no  doubt 
contributed.  They  only  observed  such  laws  as 
appealed  to  their  rude  senses,  and  knew  nothing  of 
a  higher  life.  The  members  of  the  order  would  not 
eat  or  live  with  them,  and  even  kept  aloof  from 
them,  that  their  clothes  might  not  be  made  unclean 
by  contact.  It  was  said  by  contemporaries  that  the 
hatred  between  the  two  classes  was  stronger  than 
that  felt  between  Jews  and  heathens. 

Thus  left  to  themselves  and  cut  off  from  the 
higher  classes  and  from  all  share  in  communal 
life,  without  a  leader  or  adviser,  the  peasants 
easily  fell  under  the  influence  of  young  Chris- 
tianity. Jesus  and  his  disciples  had  especially 
turned  towards  the  unprotected  class,  and  had  there 
found  the  greater  number  of  their  followers.  How 
flattering  it  must  have  been  to  these  neglected 
beings  to  hear  that  on  their  account  the  Messiah 
had  come,  that  he  had  been  executed  so  that  they 
might  have  a  share  in  the  good  things  of  which 
they  had  been  deprived,  more  especially  of  happi- 
ness in  a  better  world.  The  Law  deprived  them  of 
their  rights,  while  Christianity  opened  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  to  them  ! 

The  teachers  of  the  Law,  absorbed  In  the  task  of 
upholding  the  Law  and  Jewish  life,  overlooked  the 
element  from  which  a  mighty  foe  to  the  Law 
would  arise.  Before  they  realized  it  they  found  an 
enemy  on  their  own  ground,  who  was  desirous  of 


CH.  XIV.  JEWISH    AND    PAGAN    CHRISTIANS.  365 

obtaining  the  treasure  which  they  had  watched  with 
such  devotion.  The  development  of  Christianity  as 
a  branch  of  Judaism,  drawing  sustenance  from  its 
roots,  constitutes,  so  long  as  its  followers  belonged 
to  the  Jewish  people,  a  part  of  Jewish  history. 

Of  the  small  group  of  a  hundred  and  twenty 
persons,  who,  after  the  death  of  Jesus,  had  formed 
his  sole  followers,  a  Christian  community  had  been 
formed,  especially  through  the  energy  of  Paul.  He 
endeavored  to  win  over  the  heathens  by  the  belief 
in  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  and  the  Jews  by  the 
belief  that  the  actual  appearance  of  the  Messiah 
had  proved  the  inefficacy  of  the  Jewish  Law. 
Christianity  could  no  longer  be  contemptuously 
overlooked,  but  began  to  be  a  new  element  in 
history.  But  the  doctrine  of  Paul  that  the  Jewish 
Law  was  unnecessary,  had  sown  the  seed  of  dissen- 
sion in  primitive  Christianity,  and  the  followers  of 
Jesus  were  divided  into  two  great  parties,  which 
were  again  divided  into  smaller  sects,  with  special 
views  and  modes  of  life.  Sectarianism  did  not  show 
itself  for  the  first  time  in  Christianity,  as  is  supposed, 
in  the  second  century,  but  was  present  at  its  very 
commencement,  and  was  a  necessary  result  of 
fundamental  differences.  The  two  great  parties, 
which  were  arrayed  in  sharp  opposition,  were,  on 
the  one  hand,  the  Jewish  Christians,  and,  on  the 
other,  the  Pagan  Christians.  The  Jewish  Christians, 
belonging  to  the  original  community,  which  was 
composed  of  Jews,  were  closely  connected  with 
Judaism.  They  observed  the  Jewish  laws  in  all 
their  details,  and  pointed  to  the  example  of  Jesus, 
who  himself  had  lived  according  to  Jewish  laws. 
They  put  these  words  into  the  mouth  of  the  founder 
of  the  religion,  "  Sooner  shall  heaven  and  earth 
disappear,  than  that  an  iota  or  a  grain  of  the 
Law  shall  not  be  fulfilled";  further,  "I  have  not 
come  to  destroy  the  Law  of  Moses,  but  to  fulfil  it." 
They  entertained  a  hostile  spirit  towards  the  Pagan 


366  HISTORY    OK     rilK    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 

Christians,  and  applied  to  them  one  of  the  sayings 
of  Jesus,  "  He  who  alters  any,  even  the  most  trivial 
of  the  laws,  and  teaches  mankind  accordingly,  shall 
be  the  last  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ;  but  he  who 
obeys  them,  and  teaches  them,  shall  be  considered 
ereat  in  the  kincjdom  of  heaven."  Even  the  devo- 
tion  of  Jewish  Christians  to  Jesus  was  not  of  a 
nature  to  separate  them  from  Judaism.  They  con- 
sidered him  as  a  holy  and  morally  great  man,  who 
was  descended  in  the  natural  way  from  the  race  of 
David.  This  son  of  David  had  advanced  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  because  he  taught  men  to  live 
modestly  and  in  poverty,  like  the  Essenes,  from 
whose  midst,  in  fact,  Christianity  had  sprung.  From 
their  contempt  of  riches  and  preference  for  poverty 
they  bore  the  name  of  Ebionites  or  Ebionim  (poor), 
which  was  travestied  by  their  Christian  opponents 
into  a  nickname  meaning  "poor  in  spirit."  Fearing 
to  be  eclipsed  by  the  other  party,  the  primitive 
Jewish  Christian  community  sent  out  messengers  to 
the  foreign  communities,  in  order  to  impress  on 
them  not  only  the  Messianic  character  of  Jesus,  but 
also  the  duty  which  they  owed  to  the  Law,  Thus 
they  founded  Judseo-Christian  colonies,  of  which 
that  at  Rome  in  time  became  the  chief 

In  opposition  to  these  were  the  heathen  Christians. 
As  the  term  "  Son  of  God,"  as  used  in  the  language 
of  the  prophets,  contained  an  idea  entirely  incom- 
prehensible to  them,  they  interpreted  it  according 
to  their  own  mode  of  thought,  as  meaning  God's 
actual  Son,  a  conception  which  was  as  clear  and 
acceptable  to  the  heathen  as  it  was  strange  and 
repulsive  to  the  Jews.  When  once  the  idea  of  a 
Son  of  God  was  accepted,  it  became  necessary  to 
eliminate  from  the  life  of  Jesus  all  those  traits 
which  appertained  to  him  as  a  human  being,  such  as 
his  natural  birth  from  parents,  and  thus  the  state- 
ment developed  that  this  Son  of  God  was  born  of 
a  virgin  through  the  Holy  Ghost.     The  first  great 


CH.  XIV.    EBIONITE  AND  HELLENIC  CONGREGATIONS.     T^Sj 

difference  between  the  Ebionites  and  the  heathen 
Christians  lay  in  their  views  concerning'  the  person 
of  Jesus ;  the  one  honoring  him  as  the  son  of 
David,  the  other  worshiping  him  as  the  Son  of  God. 
The  second  point  turned  on  the  stress  to  be  laid 
on  the  laws  of  Judaism.  The  heathen  party  paid 
but  little  attention  to  the  laws  relating  to  the 
community  of  property  and  contempt  for  riches, 
which  were  the  chief  ends  of  Ebionite  Christianity. 
The  heathen  or  Hellenic  Christians  had  their  chief 
seat  in  Asia  Minor,  namely,  in  seven  cities,  which, 
in  the  symbolical  language  of  that  time,  were  called 
the  seven  stars  and  the  seven  golden  lamps. 
Ephesus  was  the  chief  of  these  heathen  Christian 
coneregfations.  Between  the  Ebionite  and  Hellenic 
congregations,  which  possessed  in  common  only  the 
name  of  the  founder,  there  arose  strained  relations 
and  a  mutual  dislike,  which  became  more  bitter  with 
time.  Paul  and  his  disciples  were  fiercely  hated  by 
the  Jewish  Christians.  They  did  not  cease,  even 
after  his  death,  to  use  expressions  of  contempt 
against  the  circumcised  apostle  who  only  spread 
error.  Admiring  the  unity  and  solidarity  which 
prevailed  in  the  Jamnian  Synhedrion,  in  contrast 
to  the  dissensions  which  reigned  in  the  Christian 
community,  a  Jewish  Christian  wrote :  "  Our  fel- 
low-tribesmen follow  to  the  present  day  the 
same  law  concerning  the  unity  of  God  and  the 
proper  mode  of  life,  and  cannot  form  a  different 
opinion  of  the  meaning  of  the  Scriptures.  It 
is  only  according  to  prescribed  rules  that  they 
endeavor  to  bring  into  agreement  the  sayings  of 
Scripture,  but  they  do  not  permit  a  man  to  teach 
unless  he  has  learnt  beforehand  how  to  explain  the 
Holy  Scriptures.  They  have  but  one  God,  one 
Law,  one  hope.  If  we  do  not  follow  the  same 
course,  our  word  of  truth  will,  through  the  variety 
of  opinion,  be  shattered.  This  I  know,  not  as  a 
prophet,  but  because   I   see  the   root   of  the  evil  ; 


36<S  IIISTORV    OF    THE    JEWS,  CH.  XIV. 

for  some  of  the  heathens  have  put  aside  with  the 
Law  the  prophecies  in  agreement  with  it,  and  have 
adopted  the  unlawful  and  absurd  teachings  of  an 
enemy  (Paul)."  These  words  are  placed  in  the 
mouth  of  Peter,  the  second  of  the  apostles.  But 
the  Ebionites  not  only  called  Paul's  predictions  and 
instructions,  of  which  he  thought  so  much,  unlawful 
and  absurd,  but  gave  him  a  nickname,  which  was 
meant  to  brand  him  and  his  followers.  They  called 
him  Simon  Magus,  a  half-Jewish  (Samaritan)  wizard, 
who  is  said  to  have  bewitched  all  the  world  with  his 
words.  He  was  said  also  to  have  been  baptized, 
but  it  was  asserted  that  he  had  not  received  his 
position  as  apostle  through  the  Holy  Ghost  from 
Jesus'  disciples,  but  had  sought  it  through  bribes  to 
the  Ebionite  community.  The  honor  was  not  only 
absolutely  refused  to  him,  but  Simon  Peter  had 
threatened  him  with  damnation,  for  his  heart  was 
full  of  deceit,  bitterness,  and  injustice.  The  free- 
dom from  the  Jewish  Law  inaugurated  by  Paul  was 
characterized  as  unbridled  license,  as  the  teaching  of 
Balaam,  which  brought  in  its  train  the  worship  of  idols 
and  the  pursuit  of  vice.  The  leaders  of  the  heathens 
did  not  hesitate  to  reply  in  a  similar  strain,  and 
perhaps  repaid  their  opponents  with  even  greater 
hatred  when,  to  religious  opposition,  there  was 
added  the  dislike  of  the  Romans  and  Greeks  to  the 
Jews,  even  after  they  had  become  followers  of 
Jesus.  In  the  larger  Christian  congregations  the 
two  sects  often  fell  into  distinct  groups  and  became 
isolated  from  each  other.  In  the  circular  letters, 
which  the  chiefs  of  the  various  Christian  parties 
were  accustomed  to  send  to  the  communities,  they 
made  use  of  sharp  or  condemnatory  observations 
against  the  opponents  of  the  opinions  which  they 
held  to  be  the  only  true  ones.  Even  the  stories  of 
the  birth  of  Jesus,  his  works,  sufferings,  death  and 
resurrection,  which  were  written  down,  under  the 
title  of  the  Evangels,  only  in  the  first  quarter  of  the 


CH.  XTV.  POLITICS    AND    CHRISTIAN    SECTS.  369 

second  century,  were  colored  by  the  views  of  the 
two  parties,  who  put  teachings  and  sayings  into  the 
mouth  of  the  Founder  of  Christianity,  not  as  he  had 
uttered  them,  but  according  to  their  own  views. 
These  narratives  were  favorable  to  the  Law  of  the 
Jews  and  to  the  Jews  themselves,  when  they  emanated 
from  the  Ebionites,  and  inimical  towards  both  in  the 
accounts  written  by  the  followers  of  Paul,  the  heathen 
Christians.  The  evangelists  were  thus  polemical 
writers. 

The  division  between  the  Ebionites  and  the 
heathen  Christians  was  by  no  means  confined  to 
religious  belief,  but  had  a  political  background. 
The  Jewish  Christians  hated  Rome,  the  Romans, 
the  Emperor,  and  their  officials  as  much  as  the 
Jews  did.  One  of  their  prophets  (said  to  be  John, 
an  imitator  of  the  visions  of  Daniel),  who  had  com- 
posed the  first  Christian  Revelation  or  Apocalypse, 
was  inspired  with  the  deepest  hatred  towards  the 
town  of  seven  hills,  the  great  Babylon.  All  the  evil 
in  the  world,  all  the  depredations  and  plagues,  all 
the  contempt  and  humiliation  were  announced  and 
invoked  in  this  first  Christian  Revelation  against 
sinful  Rome.  They  did  not  imagine  that  she  would, 
at  a  future  time,  become  the  capital  of  Christianity. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  followers  of  Paul  not  only 
recommended  subjection  to  the  Roman  Empire,  but 
even  declared  it  to  have  been  appointed  by  God. 
The  Christian  party,  without  any  regard  for  those 
Jews  who  were  imbued  with  a  love  of  liberty,  con- 
tinually recommended  that  taxes  and  tithes  should 
be  handed  to  the  Romans.  This  submission  to  the 
existing  power,  this  coqueting  with  sinful  Rome, 
which  the  Jewish  Christians  thought  doomed  to 
destruction,  was  another  source  of  disunion  amongst 
various  sects  of  Christians. 

Between  the  Jews  and  the  Jewish  Christians  there 
existed  at  first  tolerable  relations.  The  former 
called  the  latter  Sectaries  (Minim,  Minaeans).    Even 


370  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CJI.  XIV. 

the  Tanaite  and  Ebionite  teachers  mixed  freely  with 
each  other.  The  strict  Rabbi  EHezer,  who  refused  to 
the  heathens  their  share  and  part  in  hfe  everlasting-, 
had  had  an  interview  with  the  Jewish  Christian, 
Jacob  of  Kephar-Samia,  and  quietly  listened  to  his 
version,  as  he  had  received  it  from  Jesus.  Once, 
Bendama,  a  nephew  of  Ishmael,  having  been  bitten 
by  a  snake,  determined  to  let  himself  be  cured  by 
means  of  an  exorcism  uttered  by  Jacob.  The  transi- 
tion from  Judaism  to  Christianity  was  not  a  striking 
one.  It  is  probable  that  various  members  of  Jewish 
families  belonged  to  the  Jewish-Christian  belief 
without  giving  rise  to  dissensions  or  disturbing  the 
domestic  peace.  It  is  related  of  Hanania,  the 
nephew  of  Joshua,  that  he  had  joined  the  Christian 
congregation  at  Capernaum ;  but  that  his  uncle, 
who  disapproved,  removed  him  from  Christian 
influences,  and  sent  him  to  Babylon. 

But  the  Jewish  Christians,  also,  did  not  remain 
content  with  the  simple  idea  of  Jesus  as  the  Mes- 
siah. They  gradually  and  unconsciously,  like  the 
heathen  Christians,  adorned  him  with  God-like  attri- 
butes, and  endowed  him  with  miraculous  powers. 
The  more  the  Jewish-Christian  conception  idealized 
Jesus,  the  more  it  became  separated  from  Judaism, 
with  which  it  still  thought  itself  at  one.  There 
arose  mixed  sects  from  among  the  Ebionites  and 
Hellenites,  and  one  could  perceive  a  gradual  descent 
from  the  law-abiding  Ebionites  to  the  law-despising 
Antitaktes.  The  Nazarenes  came  next  to  the 
Ebionites.  They  also  acknowledged  the  power  of 
the  Jewish  law  in  its  entirety ;  but  they  explained 
the  birth  of  Jesus  in  a  supernatural  manner  —  from 
the  Virgin  and  the  Holy  Ghost  —  and  ascribed  to 
him  God-like  attributes.  Other  Jewish  Christians 
went  further  than  the  Nazarenes,  and  gave  up 
the  Law,  either  in  part  or  altogether.  After  such 
proceedings,  a  total  breach  between  Jews  and 
Jewish  Christians  was  inevitable.     At  length  a  time 


CH  XIV.  SEPARATION    OF    CHRISTIAMI  ^  .  37 1 

arrived  when  the  latter  themselves  felt  that  they  no 
longer    belonged    to    the    Jewish   community,    and 
therefore  they  entirely  withdrew  from  it.     The  letter 
of  separation  which  the  Jewish  community  sent  to 
the  parent  body  is  yet  in  existence.     It  calls  on  the 
Jewish  followers  of  Jesus  to  separate  wholly  from 
their  fellow-countrymen.     In  the  Agadic  method  of 
that  period,  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  sets  forth 
that  the  crucified   Messiah  is  at  the  same  time  the 
expiatory  sacrifice  and  the  atoning  priest.     It  proves 
from  the  Law  that  those  sacrifices  whose  blood  was 
sprinkled  in  the  Holy  of  Holies,  were  considered 
the    holiest,    and    the    bodies    were    burnt    outside 
the    Temple.      "Therefore" — thus    continues    the 
Jewish-Christian    monitor  —  "Jesus,    also,    that    he 
might   sanctify  the  people  through  his  own  blood, 
suffered  without  the  gate  (of  Jerusalem).     Let  us, 
therefore,  go  forth  unto  him  without  the  camp  (the 
Jewish   community),   bearing   his   reproach,   for  we 
have   not  here  an  abiding  city  (Jerusalem  as   the 
symbol  of  the  Jewish  religion),  but  we  seek  after  the 
city  which  is  to  come."     When  once  a  decided  step 
had  been  taken   to  divide  the  Nazarenes  and  the 
cognate  sects  from  the  Jewish  community,  a  deadly 
hate  arose  against  the  Jews  and  Judaism.     Like  the 
heathen  Christians,  the  Nazarenes  reviled  the  Jews 
and  their  ways.     As  the  written  Law  was  holy  to 
them  also,  they  directed    their   shafts    against    the 
study  of  Halachas  amongst  the  Tanaites,  who   in 
those  days  were  the  very  life  of  Judaism.    In  Jewish- 
Christian,  as  in  Jewish  circles,  men  were  accustomed 
to  view  all  events  from  the  point  of  view  of  Holy 
Writ,  and  to   draw  counsel  from  the   explanations 
and  references  in  the  prophecies.     The  Nazarenes, 
therefore,  applied  to  the  Tanaites,  whom  they  called 
Deuterotes,  and  more  especially  to  the  schools  of 
Hillel  and  Shammai,  a  threatening  verse  of  Isaiah 
(viii.  14)  :  "  It  shall  be  a  stone  of  stumbling  and  the 
downfall  of  both  the  houses  of  Israel."     "  By  th^ 


372  HISTORY    OF    TIIK    JEWS.  <  H.  XIV. 

two  houses  the  prophet  meant  the  two  scholastic 
sects  of  Shammai  and  Hillel,  from  whose  midst 
the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  had  arisen,  and  whose 
successors  were  Akiba,  Jochanan,  the  son  of  Zakkai, 
then  EHezer  and  Delphon  (Tarphon),  and  th-:n  again 
[oseph  the  GaUlean  and  Joshua.  These  are  the  two 
houses  which  do  not  recognize  the  Savior;  and 
this  shall,  therefore,  bring  them  to  downfall  and 
destruction."  Yet  another  verse  from  the  same 
prophet,  which  runs,  "  They  mock  the  people  through 
the  word"  (Is.  xxix.  21),  the  Nazarenes  applied  to 
the  teachers  of  the  Mishna,  "who  contemn  the 
nation  through  their  bad  traditions."  They  place 
taunts  in  the  mouth  of  Jesus  against  the  teachers 
of  the  Law,  which  might,  perhaps,  apply  to  one  or 
another  of  them,  but  which  as  applied  to  the  whole 
body  were  a  calumnious  libel.  They  make  him  say, 
"  On  the  seat  of  Moses  (the  Synhedrion)  sit  the 
Scribes  and  Pharisees  ;  all  that  they  say  you  must 
follow  and  do  ;    but   their  works  ye  shall   not  do, 

for  they  speak  and  do  not  act  in  accordance 

All  their  works  they  do  so  that  people  may  notice 
them.  They  use  wide  phylacteries  and  fringes  on 
their  garments.  They  love  to  have  the  chief  place 
at  meals  and  in  the  synagogues,  to  be  greeted  by 
other  men  in  the  public  places,  and  to  be  called 

Rabbi,  Rabbi Woe  to  you,  ye  hypocritical 

Scribes  and  Pharisees,  who  devour  the  substance 
of  the  widow  under  the  pretense  that  ye  pray  long  ; 
therefore  shall  ye  receive  punishment ;  .  .  .  .  woe 
to  you,  that  ye  tithe  the  herbs  of  the  ground  —  both 
dill  and  cummin,  and  that  ye  leave  undone  the 
weightier  matters  of  the  Law,  judgment,  mercy  and 
faith.  The  one  must  be  done,  but  the  other  should 
not  be  omitted.  You  blind  souls  who  strain  at  gnats 
and  swallow  camels,  ....  who  cleanse  the  outside 
of  the  cups  and  platters  and  leave  them  within  full 
to  the  brim  with  extortion  and  corruption." 

Thus  the  leaders  of  the  Jewish  Christians  were 
opposed    to   the   Judaism    of  the   Torah,  and    thus. 


CH.  XIV.  DEVELOPMENT    OF    CHRISTIANITY,  ;^/T, 

without  actually  desiring  it,  they  played  into  the 
hands  of  the  Hellenes.  The  teaching  of  Paul  thus 
gained  more  and  more  ground,  and  came  at  last  to 
be  considered  as  true  Christianity,  as  the  catholic, 
the  universal  religion.  It  was,  therefore,  natural 
that  the  various  sects  of  Ebionites  and  Nazarenes 
should  gradually  disappear  amongst  the  ever-in- 
creasing numbers  of  the  heathen  Christians,  and 
that  they  should  become  few  in  numbers  and  misera- 
ble in  condition  —  an  object  of  contempt  both  to 
Jews  and  Christians.  A  peculiar  phenomenon  was 
offered  in  this  contest  of  opinions,  that  the  further 
the  Jewish  Christians  departed  from  the  Law,  the 
nearer  did  the  Hellenes  approach  to  it.  In  the 
various  epistles  and  letters  which  the  Christian 
teachers  sent  to  the  congregations,  or  to  their 
various  representatives,  they  could  not  sufficiently 
denounce  those  who  sought  to  make  way  for  the 
Law  and  the  Jewish  teachings. 

Meanwhile,  Christianity  developed  a  number  of 
sects  with  most  curious  titles,  and  of  the  most  eccen- 
tric tendency.  Half  a  century  after  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple,  the  two  forms  of  religion  in  the  Old 
World  (Judaism  and  Paganism)  underwent  a  trans- 
formation and  partial  union.  Judaism  being  without 
a  state  or  point  of  centralization,  endeavored  to 
consolidate  itself,  whilst  the  Pagan  world,  in  the  full 
flush  of  its  power,  became  disintegrated,  and  a  dis- 
turbance was  caused  in  men's  minds  which  led  to 
the  most  extraordinary  results. 

To  the  two  elements  borrowed  from  Judaism  and 
Christianity  there  were  added  others  from  the  Ju- 
dsean-Alexandrian  system  of  Philo,  from  Grecian 
philosophy,  and,  in  fact,  from  all  corners  of  the  earth, 
whose  source  can  hardly  be  determined.  It  was  a 
confusion  of  the  most  opposite  modes  of  thought 
and  teachings,  Jewish  and  heathen,  old  and  new, 
true  and  false,  the  lofty  and  the  low,  all  in  close 
juxtaposition  and  fusion.     It  seemed  as  though  on 


374  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV, 

the  advent  of  Christianity  into  the  world,  all  the 
most  decided  teachings  of  ancient  times  had  be- 
stowed a  part  of  their  contents  on  it,  in  order  to 
obtain  thereby  importance  and  duration.  The  old 
question  —  whence  did  evil  arise  in  this  world  — 
and  how  its  existence  could  be  reconciled  with  the 
idea  of  a  good  and  just  providence,  occupied  in  the 
liveliest  manner  all  minds  which  had  been  made 
acquainted  with  Jewish  dogmas  by  means  of  the 
Christian  apostles.  It  was  only  through  a  new  con- 
ception of  God  that  it  seemed  possible  to  solve  this 
question,  and  this  new  belief  was  pieced  together 
from  the  most  varied  religious  systems.  The  higher 
knowledge  of  God,  His  relation  to  the  world  and 
to  religious  and  moral  life,  was  called  Gnosis ; 
those  who  thought  that  they  possessed  it  called 
themselves  Gnostics,  and  understood  thereby  highly 
gifted  beings,  who  had  penetrated  the  secrets  of 
creation. 

The  Gnostics,  or  more  correctly,  the  Theosophists, 
who  hovered  between  Judaism,  Christianity  and 
Paganism,  and  who  borrowed  their  views  and  forms 
of  thought  from  these  three  circles,  were  drawn  also 
from  the  adherents  of  these  three  religions.  So 
powerful  must  have  been  the  charm  of  the  Gnostic 
teaching,  that  the  authorities  of  the  Synagogue  and 
the  Church  enacted  numberless  rules  and  ordinances 
against  it,  and  were  yet  powerless  to  prevent  Gnos- 
tic teachings  and  formulae  from  gaining  ground 
amongst  the  Jews  and  the  Christians.  Gnosticism 
spread  throughout  Judaea,  Egypt,  Syria,  Asia  Minor, 
and  flourished  especially  in  Rome  —  the  capital  of 
the  world  —  where  all  religious  views  and  creeds 
found  followers.  The  language  of  the  Gnostics  was 
of  a  mystic-allegorical  character,  often  borrowed 
from  Jewish  and  Christian  confessions  of  creed,  but 
treated  in  an  entirely  different  manner.  Some  of 
the  Gnostic  sects  exemplified  the  peculiarities  of  the 
tendency  of  those  times.     One  sect  called  them- 


CH.   XIV  GNOSTIC    SECTS.  375 

selves  Cainites,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  its 
disciples,  in  defiance  of  the  Biblical  narrative,  re- 
garded the  fratricide  Cain  as  superior  to  Abel.  The 
Cainites  also  honored  the  depraved  Sodomites, 
Esau,  in  spite  of  his  savagery,  and  the  ambitious 
Korah.  The  Ophites  and  Naasites  were  filled  with 
similar  love  of  opposition  to  the  Biblical  accounts, 
but  they  assigned  to  it  a  better  motive  than  that  of 
the  Cainites.  They  took  their  name  from  the  Greek 
word  Ophis  and  the  Hebrew  Nahash  (Naas)  serpent, 
and  honored  this  animal  very  highly,  because  in  the 
Bible  the  serpent  is  considered  as  the  origin  of  evil, 
and,  according  to  the  ideas  of  those  times,  was  looked 
upon  as  the  symbol  of  evil,  and  as  the  form  taken 
by  Satan.  The  Ophites  gave  thanks  to  the  serpent, 
by  whose  means  the  first  human  pair  were  led  into 
disobedience  against  God,  and  thus  to  the  recog- 
nition of  good  and  evil  and  of  consciousness  in 
general. 

Varied  and  contradictory  as  were  the  tendencies 
of  the  Gnostic  sects,  they  yet  had  doctrines  in  com- 
mon. The  fundamental  Gnostic  doctrines  concerned 
the  actual  knowledge  of  God,  which  its  founders 
developed  in  opposition  to  the  idea  of  God  formu- 
lated by  Judaism.  The  Gnostics  pictured  to  them- 
selves the  Divine  Being  as  divided  into  two  princi- 
ples of  a  God  and  a  Creator,  the  one  subordinate 
to  the  other.  God  they  called  Silence  or  Rest, 
and  depicted  him  as  enthroned  in  the  empyrean 
heights,  without  relation  to  the  world.  His  funda- 
mental attributes  were  grace,  love,  mercy.  From  him 
proceeded  emanations  which  revealed  a  portion  of 
his  essence ;  these  emanations  were  called  ceons 
(worlds).  Beneath  this  highest  of  all  beings  they 
set  the  Creator  of  the  world  (Demiurge),  whom  they 
also  called  Ruler.  To  him  they  assigned  the  work 
of  creation  ;  he  directed  the  world,  he  had  delivered 
the  people  of  Israel,  and  given  them  the  Law.  As 
to  the  highest  God  appertain  love  and  mercy,  which 


3/6  HISTORY    OF    THE    JP:\VS.  CH.  XIV. 

harmonize  with  freedom,  so  to  the  fundamental 
character  of  the  world's  creator  appertain  justice 
and  severity,  which  he  causes  to  be  felt  through  laws 
and  obligations.  According  to  the  usual  practice  of 
the  age,  the  Gnostics  found  a  passage  of  Scripture 
to  illustrate  these  relations  between  the  God  of 
justice  and  the  God  of  grace.  Isaiah  vii.  6  reads  : 
"  We  will  go  up  to  Judah,  and  instal  another  king, 
the  son  of  the  good  God  (Tab-El)."  They  depict 
the  Creator  as  forming  the  world  out  of  primeval 
matter  by  means  of  wisdom  (Achamot).  "  Wisdom," 
as  it  is  expressed  in  their  allegorical  language,  "  be- 
came allied  with  primeval  matter  which  existed  from 
eternity,  and  a  variety  of  forms  were  brought  forth  ; 
but  wisdom  became  thereby  bedimmed  and  dark- 
ened." According  to  this  exposition,  the  Gnostics 
assumed  that  there  were  three  original  Beings  — 
the  highest  God,  the  Creator,  and  Primeval  Matter, 
and  from  these  they  developed  the  various  condi- 
tions and  stages  in  the  spiritual  and  actual  world. 
All  that  is  good  and  noble  is  accounted  an  emana- 
tion from  God  ;  justice  and  law  come  from  the 
Creator ;  but  what  is  imperfect,  bad,  or  crippled  in 
this  world  is  the  result  of  the  primeval  matter. 

In  correspondence  with  this  Gnostic  division  of  the 
three  powers  of  the  world,  there  are  also  amongst 
mankind  three  classes  or  castes,  which  are  in  the 
service  of  these  three  principles.  There  are  spiritual 
men  (Pneumatics) ;  they  are  as  a  rule  and  law  to 
themselves,  and  do  not  need  guidance  or  guardian- 
ship ;  to  this  class  belong  the  prophets,  and  the 
possessors  of  the  true  Gnosis.  There  are,  secondly, 
material  men  (Psychics),  who  are  in  the  service  of 
the  lawgiving  Demiurge ;  they  stand  under  the 
yoke  of  the  Law,  by  means  of  which  they  keep 
themselves  aloof  from  what  is  worldly,  without, 
however,  rising  to  the  height  of  spiritual  men. 
Lastly,  there  are  earthly  men  (Choics),  who,  like  the 
lower  animals,  are  bound  in  the  fetters  of  earth  and 


CII.  XIV.  ELISIIA    BEN    ABL  VA.  T^'J'J 

matter.  As  types  of  these  three  classes  of  men  the 
Gnostics  gave  the  three  sons  of  Adam  ;  Seth  was 
the  origin  of  the  Pneumatic,  Abel  the  type  of  the 
law-abiding  man,  and  Cain  the  picture  of  the  earthly 
man.  Some  of  the  Gnostics  also  classified  the 
three  religions  according  to  this  scheme — Christ- 
ianity was  the  offspring  of  the  highest  God,  Judaism 
of  the  Demiurge,  and,  lastly.  Paganism  was  a 
product  of  earthly  matter. 

A  by  no  means  insignificant  number  of  Jews 
allowed  themselves  to  be  blinded  by  the  uncertain 
light  of  the  new  teachings,  in  which  truth  and  false- 
hood were  so  wonderfully  commingled,  and  to 
be  thus  drawn  away  from  the  parent  body.  The 
secession  of  one  man,  Elisha  ben  Abuya,  subse- 
quently had  very  sad  results.  The  reasons  which 
induced  this  teacher  of  the  Law,  who  was  not 
behind  his  fellows  in  knowledge,  to  fall  away,  give 
proof  of  the  important  influence  exercised  by  the 
false  teachings  of  theosophy  on  Jewish  circles. 
Legend  has,  however,  embellished  the  story,  in 
order  to  explain  how  one  who  was  versed  in  the 
Law  could  take  so  strange  a  step  as  to  despise  the 
Law.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  Elisha  ben  Abuya 
was  well  acquainted  with  Gnostic  literature,  as  also 
with  Grecian  songs,  and  with  the  writings  of  the 
Minaeans.  It  is  also  certain  that  he  knew  of  the 
fundamental  doctrine  of  the  Gnostics,  which  repre- 
sented God  as  a  dual  being,  and  that,  like  the 
Gnostics,  he  despised  the  Jewish  Law.  He  is  also 
said  to  have  adopted  practically  the  evil  Gnostic 
morality,  and  to  have  given  himself  up  to  a  dis- 
solute life.  Having  thus  fallen  away  from  Judaism 
he  received,  as  a  mark  of  his  apostasy,  the  name 
Acher  (another),  as  though  by  going  over  to  other 
principles  he  had  really  become  another  man. 
Acher  was  considered  in  Jewish  circles  as  a  striking 
example  of  apostasy — as  a  man  who  employed  his 
knowledge  of  the  Law  to  persecute  it  the  more 
energetically. 


378  IllSTUKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 

Against  such  incursions  as  were  committed  by 
Christianity  Judaism  had  to  defend  itself,  in  order 
to  maintain  its  existence  and  continuance.  Ini- 
mical powers  thronged  its  Temple,  desecrated  the 
holy  things,  dimmed  its  clear  belief  in  God,  falsified 
and  misapplied  its  teachings,  turned  away  its  dis- 
ciples, and  filled  them  with  hate  and  contempt  for 
what  they  had  formerly  honored.  The  time  of  the 
Hellenists  in  the  Maccabean  period,  who  had  first 
brought  dissension  into  the  house  of  Israel,  seemed 
to  have  returned  with  renewed  horror.  Once 
again  sons  conspired  against  their  own  mother. 
The  narrow  circle  of  the  Tanaites  felt  the  danger 
most  severely ;  it  hoped  for  nothing  good  from 
the  teachings  of  the  Minseans,  and  recognized  that 
their  writings  exercised  a  seductive  influence  on 
the  masses.  Tarphon  (Tryphon)  spoke  of  this 
dangerous  influence  with  the  deepest  conviction. 
"  The  Evangels  (Gilion),  and  all  the  writings  of  the 
Minaeans  deserve  to  be  burnt,  even  with  the  holy 
name  of  God,  which  occurs  therein  ;  for  Paganism 
is  less  dangerous  than  the  Jewish-Christian  sects, 
because  the  former  does  not  recognize  the  truths  of 
Judaism  from  want  of  knowledge,  whilst  the  others, 
on  the  contrary,  deny  what  they  fully  know."  He 
would  therefore  rather  flee  for  safety  to  a  heathen 
temple  than  to  the  meeting-house  of  the  Minaeans. 
Ishmael,  whose  character  was  less  violent  than  that 
of  Tarphon,  displayed  the  same  feeling  against  that 
Jewish  Christianity  which  had  shown  itself  so  false 
to  its  origin.  He  said  that  one  need  not  hesitate 
to  burn  the  name  of  God  in  the  Evangels,  for  these 
writings  only  stir  up  anger  between  the  Jewish 
people  and  its  God.  Those  who  professed  Chris- 
tianity were  also  reproached  with  seeking  to  damage 
their  fellow-countrymen  with  the  Roman  authorities 
by  tale-bearing  and  accusations.  Perhaps  by  this 
means  the  Jewish  Christians  sought  to  recommend 
themselves  to  their  superiors,  and  to  show  that  they 


CH.  XIV.  JEWS    AND    MINi^ANS.  379 

had  no  connection  with  the  Jews.  Their  contem- 
poraries therefore  always  considered  the  name 
Minseans  as  meaning  tale-bearers. 

It  is  related  as  a  fact  that  high  officers  of  one 
of  the  emperors,  probably  Domitian,  came  into 
the  school  of  Gamaliel,  in  order  to  find  out 
what  instruction  was  given  with  regard  to  the 
heathens.  The  Synhedrion  of  Jamnia  must  have 
occupied  itself  with  the  question  what  position  the 
Jewish  Christians  should  occupy  in  the  Jewish  com- 
munity, and  whether  they  should  in  fact  be  con- 
sidered as  Jews  at  all.  There  is  no  resolution  of 
the  Synhedrion  extant  with  regard  to  the  Minaeans, 
but  the  regulations  which  were  introduced  with 
reo^ard  to  them  gfive  evidence  as  to  its  existence. 
An  actual  line  of  separation  was  drawn  between 
Jews  and  Jewish  Christians  ;  the  latter  were  placed 
below  the  sect  of  Samaritans,  and  in  some  respects 
below  heathens.  It  was  forbidden  to  partake  of 
meat,  bread,  and  wine  with  the  Jewish  Christians, 
as  had  been  the  case  shortly  before  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple  with  regard  to  the  heathens,  and  to 
the  same  end — that  of  preventing  closer  inter- 
course with  them.  The  Christian  writings  were 
condemned,  and  were  put  on  a  par  with  books  of 
magic.  Even  to  enter  into  business  relations,  or  to 
receive  menial  services,  was  strictly  forbidden,  es- 
pecially the  use  of  magical  cures  which  the  Chris- 
tians performed  on  animals  or  men  in  the  name  of 
Jesus  was  prohibited.  A  form  of  curse  (which  bore 
the  name  of  Birchath  ha-Minim)  was  likewise  em- 
ployed against  the  Minaeans  in  the  daily  prayers,  as 
also  against  the  informers.  The  Patriarch,  Gamaliel, 
confided  the  composition  of  this  prayer  to  Samuel 
the  Younger.  This  circumstance  confirmed  the  idea 
that  the  various  ordinances  against  the  Jewish 
Christians,  even  if  not  proceeding  direct  from  the 
Patriarch,  yet  had  his  consent.  The  form  of  curse 
appears  to  have  been  a  sort  of  trial  of  faith  in  order 


380  HISTORY    OF    THE     [KWS.  CH.  XIV 

to  recognize  those  who  secretly  adhered  to  Chris- 
tianity. For,  in  connection  with  it,  it  was  decreed 
that  whosoever  refrained  at  the  pubHc  prayers  from 
pronouncing  the  curse,  or  from  praying  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  Jewish  State,  was  to  be  dismissed 
from  his  office  of  precentor.  The  Synhedrion  pub- 
lished all  the  enactments  against  the  Jewish  Chris- 
tian sects  by  circular  letters  to  the  communities. 
On  the  part  of  the  Christians  the  Jews  were  accused 
of  cursing  Jesus  three  times  a  day — namely,  at  the 
morning,  afternoon,  and  evening  prayers.  This  re- 
proach is  quite  unfounded,  and,  like  many  another 
made  against  the  Jews,  is  based  on  a  misunder- 
standing. The  curse  uttered  in  the  prayers  was 
not  directed  against  the  founder  of  the  Christian 
religion,  nor  against  the  entire  body  of  Christians, 
but  against  the  Minaean  informers. 

The  separation  of  the  Jewish  Christian  sects 
from  the  Jewish  community  did  not  efface  the 
results  of  the  influence  which  for  a  time  they 
had  exercised.  Certain  Gnostic,  that  is  to  say 
semi-Christian  views,  had  found  their  way  into 
Jewish  circles.  Ideas  regarding  the  primeval  forces, 
the  seons,  the  predestined  differences  of  caste 
among  men,  even  the  teaching  as  to  the  two-fold 
existence  of  God  as  a  God  of  kindness  and  a  God 
of  justice,  had  been  adopted  by  many,  and  had 
become  so  firmly  fixed  as  to  find  expression  in  the 
prayers.  Certain  expressions  were  employed  in  the 
prayers  which  bore  reference  to  the  Gnostic  or 
Christian  ideas.  Forms  of  prayer  as,  "  The  good 
praise  thee,  O  God ;  Thy  name  is  named  for 
good";  the  repetition  of  the  expression,  "Thee, 
O  God,  we  praise";  the  use  of  two  names, — all 
these  bore  a  reference  to  the  Theosophic  theory, 
which  dwelt  on  the  grace  of  God  at  the  expense  of 
His  justice,  and  thus  endangered  the  fundamental 
principles  of  Judaism.  An  impetus  was  given  to 
this  train  of  thought  by  researches  into  the  chapter 


CH.  XIV.  JUDAISM    AND    GNOSTICISM.  38 1 

concerning  the  creation  of  the  world,  and  the  throne 
of  God  as  described  in  the  Prophet  Ezekiel 
(Maas'se  Bereshith,  Maas'se  Merkabd).  The  explo- 
ration of  this  dubitable  ground  gave  full  scope 
to  the  imagination,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
Agada,  allusions  were  detected  and  made  to  apply 
to  any  subject,  however  far  it  might  lie  outside  the 
true  meaning  of  the  text.  Researches  into  such 
themes,  the  darker  the  more  attractive,  became 
a  favorite  occupation  ;  such  profound  meditations, 
in  the  mystic  language  of  metaphor,  were  called 
"entering  into  paradise."  Various  teachers  of  the 
Law  are  said  to  have  been  admitted  to  this  higher 
wisdom,  but  it  was  not  denied  that  this  occupation 
brought  with  it  many  dangers  for  the  Jewish  religion. 
These  dangers  are  hinted  at  in  the  statement  that 
of  those  who  devoted  themselves  to  the  study, 
Ben  Soma  and  Ben  Asai  brought  upon  themselves 
respectively  the  one  an  attack  of  madness,  the 
other  early  death,  Acher  fell  away  from  Judaism, 
and  Akiba  alone  fortunately  escaped  the  danger,  as, 
in  spite  of  his  theosophic  researches,  he  yet  remained 
on  the  territory  of  Judaism. 

In  point  of  fact  Akiba  had  formed  the  purest  con- 
ception of  God,  of  his  rule,  and  of  the  duty  of  man  ; 
and  thus  offered  a  sharp  contrast  to  the  ideas  of  the 
Gnostics.  He  uttered  a  saying  which  is  noteworthy 
on  account  of  its  comprehensiveness  and  its  brevity. 
He  said:  "  There  is  a  providence  in  all  things ;  free 
will  is  given  to  man ;  the  world  is  ruled  by  kindness, 
and  the  merit  of  man  consists  in  the  multitude  of 
good  deeds  "  (that  is  to  say,  not  merely  in  know- 
ledge). Every  word  in  this  saying  bears  witness 
against  the  errors  of  that  time.  As  the  far-seeing 
Tanaites  did  not  shut  their  eyes  to  the  dangers 
arising  to  Judaism  from  these  inquiries  into  the 
highest  truths,  they  made  preparations  to  avert  the 
same.  Akiba  especially  insisted  on  placing  boun- 
daries to  the  unregulated   theories  which  led  to  a 


382  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 

falling-off  from  Judaism  and  to  the  wildest  immo- 
rality. He  was  of  opinion  that  the  passages  con- 
cerning' the  theory  of  creation  and  the  cloud-chariot 
of  Ezekiel  should  not  be  expounded  before  the 
whole  people,  but  should  be  reserved  for  a  few 
chosen  hearers.  Those  who  could  be  initiated  into 
higher  wisdom  must  have  the  knowledge  to  under- 
stand hints  and  dark  sayings,  and,  above  all,  must 
have  passed  their  thirtieth  year.  Akiba  endeavored 
to  put  an  end  to  the  study  of  literature  which  was 
opposed  to  Judaism,  by  denying  to  those  who  took 
part  in  it  a  portion  in  the  future  world,  as  was  de- 
creed against  those  who  denied  the  resurrection  and 
the  divinity  of  the  Jewish  Law.  The  introduction 
of  such  forms  of  prayer  as  bore  the  impress  of  the 
teachings  of  the  Minaeans  was  wholly  repressed. 
These  measures  against  the  introduction  of  Gnostic 
Christian  theories  bore  fruit  ;  the  pure  beliefs  of 
Judaism,  with  regard  to  God,  His  relation  to  the 
world,  and  the  moral  conditions  of  men,  remained 
in  Jewish  circles  untainted,  as  fruitful  ideas  for  the 
future.  To  the  Tanaites  of  this  period  must  be 
given  the  credit  that,  like  the  prophets  of  old,  they 
protected  Judaism  from  the  falsehoods  and  errors 
which  threatened  to  overwhelm  it.  Following  the 
natural  instinct  of  self-preservation,  they,  on  the  one 
hand,  shut  out  the  Jewish  Christian  sects  from  the 
Jewish  community,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  strength- 
ened Judaism,  and  armed  it  with  a  strong  power, 
which  upheld  it  in  the  storms  which,  through  cen- 
turies, threatened  it  with  destruction. 

Thus  strengthened  and  concentrated,  Judaism 
was  enabled  to  exercise  some  external  influence.  If 
Christianity,  which  had  sprung  from  such  slight 
elements,  was  proud  of  the  vast  number  of  Pagans 
who  had  joined  it,  and  given  up  their  national 
deities  for  the  sake  of  an  unknown  God,  Judaism 
had  yet  more  reason  to  be  proud.  A  great  part 
of  the  conquests  which  Christianity  gained  in  the 


CH.  XIV.  INFLUENCE    OF    JUDAISM.  383 

Pagan  world  were  due  to  the  Jewish  reHgion,  whose 
fundamental  truths  and  moral  teachings  had  often 
facihtated  the  conversion  of  the  heathens.  It  was 
only  through  the  truths  of  Judaism  that  those 
apostles  who  desired  to  convert  the  heathens  laid 
bare  the  inconsistent  perversions  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  for  they  made  use  of  the  words  of  scorn 
employed  by  the  prophets  against  the  worship  of 
idols,  and  the  immorality  arising  therefrom.  But 
Judaism  celebrated  its  independent  triumphs  over 
Paganism,  which  appear  the  more  brilliant  when 
it  is  remembered  that  it  lacked  all  the  means  and 
advantages  which  facilitated  the  conversions  from 
Paganism  to  Christianity.  The  Christians  sent  out 
zealous  messengers,  and,  following  the  example  of 
Paul,  sought  to  make  converts  by  eloquence  and 
so-called  miraculous  cures.  They  imposed  no  heavy 
duties  on  the  newly-made  converts,  and  even  per- 
mitted them  to  retain  their  former  habits  of  life, 
and,  in  part,  their  old  views,  without  separating 
themselves  from  their  family  circle,  their  relations, 
or  from  intercourse  with  those  dear  to  them. 

With  Judaism  it  was  different ;  it  possessed  no 
eloquent  proselytizing  apostle  ;  on  the  contrar}'-  it 
dissuaded  those  who  were  willing  to  come  over,  by 
reminding  them  of  the  heavy  ordeal  through  which 
they  would  have  to  pass.  Jewish  proselytes  had  to 
overcome  immense  difficulties  ;  they  were  not  ac- 
counted converts  unless  they  submitted  to  the 
operation  of  circumcision  ;  they  had  to  separate 
from  their  families  and  from  the  friends  of  their 
youth  in  eating  and  drinking  and  in  daily  inter- 
course. Nevertheless,  it  is  an  extraordinary  fact 
that  during  the  half-century  after  the  destruction  of 
the  Jewish  State,  there  were  everywhere  conver- 
sions of  heathens  to  Judaism,  both  in  the  East  and 
in  Asia  Minor,  but  especially  in  Rome.  The  ques- 
tion arose  as  to  whether  the  Ammonites  could  be 
admitted  to  the  community,  or  whether  the  Biblical 


384  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 

command  with  regard  to  the  Moabltes  and  Ammon- 
ites, which  forbade  their  admission  into  a  congre- 
gation of  God,  still  held  good.  Further,  a  contest 
arose  as  to  whether  proselytes  from  Tadmor  (Pal- 
myra) could  be  admitted,  the  prejudice  against  them 
being  strong.  An  entire  portion  of  the  Law  treats 
of  proselytes  (Masecket-Gerim),  and  in  the  daily 
prayers  the  true  converts  were  included  {Gere-ha- 
Zedek).  Several  converted  Pagans  acquired  a 
knowledge  of  the  Halachas.  Akiba  had  two  prose- 
lytes amongst  his  disciples. 

The  greatest  number  of  converts  were  to  be 
found  in  Rome,  and  this  in  spite  of  the  hatred  felt 
for  the  Jews  by  the  Romans.  The  clear-headed 
historian,  Tacitus,  could  not  explain  the  fact  that 
the  Romans  of  his  time  could  submit  to  circum- 
cision, could  renounce  their  country,  disregard  their 
parents,  their  children  and  relations,  in  order  to  go 
over  to  Judaism.  The  severe  laws  of  the  Emperor 
Domitian  against  proselytes  suggest  an  inference 
as  to  their  frequent  occurrence.  Josephus  relates, 
as  an  eye-witness,  that  in  his  time,  amongst  the 
heathens,  there  arose  great  enthusiasm  for  Jewish 
customs,  and  that  many  of  the  people  observed  the 
Feast  of  Dedication  (Chanuka),  the  Sabbath,  and 
the  dietary  laws,  and  that  a  strong  feeling  existed  in 
favor  of  the  Jewish  religion.  "  If  each  man  thinks 
of  his  own  country  and  his  own  family,"  says  Jose- 
phus, "he  will  find  that  my  assertion  is  correct. 
Even  if  we  do  not  fully  value  the  excellence  of  our 
laws,  we  should  respect  them,  on  account  of  the 
numbers  of  people  who  respect  them."  Different 
opinions  were  held  as  to  the  admission  of  proselytes 
by  the  severe  Eliezer  and  the  mild  Joshua.  Whilst 
the  former  held  circumcision  to  be  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  admission  to  Judaism,  the  latter  considered 
a  baptism,  that  is,  bathing  in  the  presence  of  quali- 
fied witnesses,  to  be  sufficient.  The  milder  view 
seems  to  have  prevailed.     Many  of  those  Romans 


CH.  XIV.  AKYLAS    TIIK    PROSELYTE.  385 

who  joined  Judaism,  probably  did  not  iinderg-o  the 
operation.  The  historian,  Josephus, — who,  in  his 
"  Apology  for  Judaism  and  the  Jewish  Race,"  and, 
perhaps,  also  by  his  intimacy  with  the  higher  grades 
of  Roman  society,  endeavored  to  gain  over  the 
heathens  to  the  Jewish  religion,  and  was,  probably, 
successful  in  his  attempts, —  did  not  consider  cir- 
cumcision as  imperative. 

The  pride  of  Judaism  was  the  proselyte  Akylas 
(Aquila).  He  came  from  the  district  of  Pontus,  and 
owned  rich  estates.  Well  acquainted  with  the  Greek 
language,  and  with  philosophy,  Akylas,  at  a  mature 
age,  forsook  the  heathen  customs  in  order  to  join 
the  heathen  Christians,  who  were  proud  of  such  a 
disciple.  Soon,  however,  he  gave  up  Christianity, 
in  order  to  go  over  to  Judaism.  This  secession  was 
as  painful  an  event  to  the  Christians  as  his  former 
conversion  had  been  a  joyful  one,  and  they  spread 
evil  reports  concerning  him.  As  a  Jew,  Akylas 
associated  with  Gamaliel,  Eliezer  and  Joshua,  and 
with  Akiba,  whose  disciple  he  became.  The  prose- 
lyte of  Pontus  became  strongly  attached  to  Judaism, 
and  observed  a  yet  higher  degree  of  Levitical  purity 
than  even  the  Patriarch.  After  the  death  of  his 
father,  when  the  heritage  was  divided  between  him 
and  his  brothers,  he  would  not  take  the  equivalent 
for  the  idols  which  became  his  brothers'  share,  but 
threw  the  money  into  the  sea. 

Akylas  became  celebrated  through  his  new  Greek 
translation  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  The  license 
with  which  the  Christians  treated  the  old  Greek 
version  appears  to  have  awakened  him  to  the 
necessity  of  a  simple  but  fixed  form  of  transla- 
tion. As  the  Christians  read  the  Holy  Scriptures 
at  their  service,  and  employed  the  Alexandrian 
translation  of  the  so-called  Seventy  (Septuaginta), 
they  were  anxious  to  deduce  from  this  text  nu- 
merous references  to  Christ.  They  changed  various 
sentences    and   added    others,    in    order  to  obtain 


386 


IIISTOKV    UF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 


the  desired  prophecies  about  Christ  from  the 
Greek  text,  which  they  held  sacred.  Several  pas- 
sages may  be  found  employed  by  the  teachers 
of  the  Church  in  confirmation  of  the  teachings  of 
Christ,  which  cannot  be  found  either  in  the  Hebrew 
or  in  the  original  form  of  the  Greek  text.  The 
Gnostic  sects,  for  their  part,  did  not  fail  to  make  the 
needful  additions,  so  as  to  give  their  teachings  the 
authority  of  the  Bible.  The  school  of  one  Artemion 
is  expressly  named  as  having  defaced  the  Greek 
translation.  The  Jews,  on  the  other  hand,  startled 
at  the  alterations  made  in  order  to  confirm  the 
Christian  point  of  view,  did  not  hesitate  to  intro- 
duce changes  of  their  own  in  order  to  remove  all 
apparent  allusions  to  Christ.  The  Septuagint  was, 
therefore,  the  meeting-place  for  violent  encounters, 
and  the  traces  of  the  contest  are  plainly  to  be  seen 
in  the  maimed  condition  of  the  text. 

A  good  Greek  translation  of  the  Bible  was  like- 
wise a  necessity  for  every  Greek-speaking  Jew. 
At  that  time  it  was  a  universal  custom  to  inter- 
pret the  portions  read  from  the  Bible  Into  the 
language  of  the  country.  On  these  grounds,  Akylas, 
who  had  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew  and 
Greek  languages,  began  a  new  translation,  in  order 
to  counteract  the  unlicensed  violence  done  to  the 
text.  For  this  purpose,  while  translating,  he  kept 
strictly  to  the  original  Hebrew  text,  and  with  exces- 
sive caution  rendered  word  for  word,  without  regard 
to  the  fact  that  thereby  the  sense  became  incompre- 
hensible to  the  Greek  readers.  The  llteralness  of 
Akylas'  translation,  which  has  become  proverbial, 
extended  to  such  particles  as  have  a  twofold  sense 
in  Hebrew,  and  these  ambiguities  he  desired  to 
retain  in  his  rendering.  He  wished  to  make  the 
meaning  contained  in  the  Hebrew  perceptible  in 
Its  Greek  form.  It  was  known  in  Greek  as  the 
"  Kat'  akribeian  "  (the  perfect  fitting).  This  transla- 
tion,   on    account    of   its    exactness,    set    at    rest 


CH.  XIV.  CONVERTS    TO    JUDAISM,  387 

all  doubts,  and  comforted  the  consciences  of  the 
pious.  The  teachers  of  the  Law  used  it  universally 
for  public  readings.  The  Ebionites,  to  whom  the 
older  translation  was  also  objectionable,  employed 
that  of  Akylas  in  their  services.  An  Aramaean 
translation  was  made  partly  from  that  of  Akylas  on 
account  of  its  simplicity,  and  was  called  Targum 
Onkelos. 

A  great  sensation  was  at  that  time  created  In 
Rome  by  the  conversion  to  Judaism  of  Flavins 
Clemens  and  his  wife  Flavia  Domitilla,  Flavins  was 
a  cousin  of  the  Emperor  Domitian  ;  he  was  also  a 
member  of  the  Senate,  and  Consul.  His  wife  was 
also  a  near  relative  of  the  Emperor.  Their  two 
sons  had  been  named  as  Csesars  by  Domitian, 
therefore  one  of  them  would  have  become  emperor. 
What  a  brilliant  prospect  for  the  Jews  that  a  near 
relative  of  the  Emperor  Titus  should  reconstruct  the 
Temple  which  the  latter  had  destroyed  !  Although 
Clemens  probably  kept  his  adherence  to  Judaism 
secret,  yet  it  was  known  to  the  Jews  in  Rome,  and 
to  the  leaders  in  Palestine.  On  receipt  of  the  news, 
together  with  the  information  that  a  decree  of 
extermination  had  been  passed  against  the  Jews 
residing  in  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
the  four  chiefs,  the  Patriarch  Gamaliel  and  his 
coadjutor  Eliezer,  the  son  of  Azariah,  Joshua  and 
Akiba,  set  out  on  the  journey  to  Rome.  When  not 
far  from  the  capital  of  the  world  they  heard  the 
thousand-voiced  noises  of  the  city,  and  were  pain- 
fully affected  when  they  thought  of  the  desolate 
silence  which  reigned  on  the  Mount  in  Jerusalem. 
They  shed  tears  at  the  contrast.  Akiba  alone 
maintained  his  cheerful  demeanor,  and  consoled  his 
sorrowing  friends  with  the  words  :  "  Why  do  you 
weep?  If  God  does  so  much  for  His  enemies,  what 
will  He  not  do  for  His  favorites?  " 

In  Rome  they  were  treated  with  great  reverence, 
both  by  the  Jews  and  the  proselytes,  and  they  had  an 


388  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 

opportunity  of  answering  many  religious  questions. 
But  they  had  arrived  at  an  unfavorable  moment. 
Domitian  was  at  the  height  of  his  bloodthirsty 
tyranny. 

The  period  of  favor  towards  the  Jews  on  the  part 
of  the  Flavian  house  was  at  an  end.  Even  Titus, 
Domitian's  predecessor,  had  already  wiped  away 
from  his  mind  the  recollection  of  all  he  owed  to 
them.  His  love  for  the  Jewish  Princess  Berenice 
he  suppressed.  When  Titus  became  sole  ruler, 
Berenice  journeyed  a  second  time  to  Rome  to 
remind  him  of  his  promise  of  marriage  ;  but  she 
came  too  soon  or  too  late.  Titus  at  that  time  played 
the  part  of  a  reformed  sinner,  and  wished  to  show 
the  Romans  that  he  had  put  aside  the  past.  He 
banished  Berenice  from  Rome,  who,  as  was  said, 
left,  but  with  a  broken  heart.  Berenice  personified 
the  relation  of  Rome  to  the  Jewish  people,  who 
were  first  in  high  favor,  and  afterwards  cast  into 
banishment  and  misery.  It  is  not  known  for  how 
long  a  time  the  Jewish  Princess  survived  her  dis- 
grace. Titus  showed  no  more  gratitude  to  her 
brother,  Agrippa  II.  He  left  to  Agrippa  his  king- 
dom or  principality  as  it  had  hitherto  existed,  but 
did  not  enlarge  it  as  his  father  had  done.  Domi- 
tian, the  third  of  the  Flavians,  had  no  reason  for 
displaying  any  favor  to  Agrippa.  When  the  latter, 
the  last  of  the  Judsean  kings,  died  (92),  the  Em- 
peror appropriated  his  territories,  and  made  them 
into  a  province  of  Syria. 

Domitian,  who,  like  Titus  at  his  accession,  had 
promised  to  bring  back  a  golden  era,  became,  during 
the  course  of  his  government,  just  as  sinful  and 
bloodthirsty  as  Tiberius,  Caligula,  and  Nero.  He 
was  worthy  of  his  nation  and  his  times,  of  which 
the  poet  Juvenal  said  —  "It  would  be  difficult  to 
avoid  satirizing  them."  The  Jews  had  to  suffer  bit- 
terly under  this  reign  of  blood.  Domitian  insisted 
on  the  payment  of  the  Jews'  poll  tax,  and  levied  it 


CH.  XIV.  PERSECUTION    UNDER    DOMITIAN.  389 

In  the  most  humiliating  manner,  and  under  circum- 
stances of  peculiar  severity.  Severe,  however,  as 
he  was  towards  the  Jews,  Domltlan  was  doubly  hard 
towards  the  proselytes,  and  suffered  them  to  feel 
the  full  weight  of  his  tyrannical  power.  Those  who 
were  accused  of  a  bias  for  Judaism  were,  by  the 
emperor's  command,  dragged  before  a  tribunal,  and 
if  their  fault  was  proved  against  them,  they  were 
visited  with  the  full  punishment  of  the  Roman  law 
against  irreligion.  Proselytes  were,  therefore,  de- 
spoiled of  their  property,  sent  into  exile,  or  con- 
demned to  death.  Tacitus  relates,  in  his  inimitable 
style,  that  executions  not  only  took  place  from  time 
to  time  and  at  long  Intervals,  but  that  they  occurred 
in  continuous  succession.  At  this  time  (95)  Flavins 
Clemens  was  condemned  to  death,  Domltlan  having 
heard  of  his  leaning  towards  Judaism.  Neither  his 
relationship  with  Domltlan  nor  his  high  rank  could 
protect  him.  The  four  teachers  of  the  Law  from 
Palestine,  who  had  come  to  Rome  on  his  account, 
and  who  expected  a  brighter  future  from  him,  were 
witnesses  of  his  death.  His  wife,  Domltilla,  who 
was  exiled  to  the  island  of  Pandataria,  is  said  to 
have  declared  to  the  teachers  of  the  Law  that 
Clemens  had  been  circumcised  before  his  death. 

Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian,  with  his  friendly 
feelings  towards  Rome,  appears  to  have  taken  part 
in  the  lawsuit  against  Flavins  Clemens  and  the 
other  Jewish  proselytes.  He  stood  In  high  favor 
with  the  Emperor  Domltlan  and  the  Empress  Do- 
mitia  ;  but  owing  to  the  position  which,  during  the 
last  Jewish  war,  he  assumed  towards  the  Romans, 
he  became  so  hated  by  his  countrymen  that  constant 
complaints  about  him  were  made  to  the  emperor. 
Once  he  was  even  accused  of  treason  to  Domltlan 
by  the  teacher  of  his  own  son.  In  his  spare  time 
Josephus  occupied  himself  with  a  comprehensive 
work  on  Jewish  history  from  its  commencement  to 
the  period  before  the  war,  and  this  he  completed  in 


390  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CII.  XIV. 

twenty  books  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  Domitian's 
reig-n  (93).  With  much  trouble  and  at  great  ex- 
pense he  had  collected  and  used  non-Jewish  sources, 
had  brought  them  into  unison  with  the  historical 
accounts  of  Holy  Writ,  and  thus  erected  a  national 
monument,  by  which  the  deeds  and  thoughts  of 
the  Jewish  nation  became  known  to  the  cultured 
world.  But  soon  after  he  erected  for  himself  a 
monument  of  shame.  Justus  of  Tiberias,  his  former 
enemy,  had  meanwhile  written  his  history  of  the 
Judaean  wars,  in  which  he  represented  Josephus  as 
an  enemy  to  the  Romans,  a  statement  which  might 
have  led  to  unpleasant  consequences.  Josephus 
felt  that  his  honor  was  attacked  and  his  life  threat- 
ened. Not  much  was  needed  for  the  suspicious 
tyrant  Domitian  to  cast  a  man  from  the  highest 
grade  of  his  favor  to  the  abyss  of  a  disgraceful  fall. 
In  order  to  justify  himself  against  the  accusations 
of  his  enemy,  Justus  of  Tiberias,  Josephus  appended 
to  his  history  a  description  of  the  events  of  his  own 
life,  describing  his  conduct  during  the  war.  To 
clear  himself  from  the  imputations  cast  on  him,  he 
represents  his  own  character  in  a  most  unfavorable 
light,  as  though  he  had  always  held  with  the  Romans 
and  betrayed  his  own  people.  But  in  his  fourth 
work,  published  in  93  or  94,  Josephus,  though  he 
could  not  entirely  redeem  his  character,  yet  clearly 
evinced  his  deep  love  for  his  religion  and  his  race, 
and  thereby  earned  for  himself  the  thanks  of  his 
people.  In  two  books  against  the  Greeks  and 
against  Apion,  he  opposes,  with  deep  conviction, 
the  accusations  made  against  Judaism  and  the  Jewish 
race,  and  upholds  the  religious  and  moral  superiority 
of  the  Jewish  law.  These  two  books  are  probably 
intended  to  win  over  enlightened  heathens  to  Ju- 
daism. Josephus  points  out  with  joy  that  many  of 
the  heathens  amongst  the  Greeks  and  Romans 
already  honored  the  God  of  Israel  and  followed  His 
laws.     These   books  were  dedicated  to  his  friend 


CH.  XIV.  JOSEPIiUS  S    END.  39 1 

Epaphroditos,  a  learned  Greek,  who  was  strongly 
inclined  towards  Judaism.  No  doubt  Josephus 
endeavored  personally  to  win  over  proselytes.  He 
must  have  associated  with  Flavius  Clemens,  as  he 
lived  in  the  Flavian  palace.  When  Domitian  carried 
into  effect  the  sentences  pronounced  against  his 
cousin  Clemens  and  the  followers  of  Judaism,  it  is 
probable  that  a  prosecution  was  commenced  against 
Josephus  for  having  led  them  astray.  A  philosophi- 
cal essay  concerning  the  laws  of  Judaism,  which  he 
promised  to  publish  in  his  last  books,  remained  un- 
written, as  his  thread  of  life  was  cut  short  probably 
by  Domitian.  The  Jewish  patriots,  however,  were 
so  embittered  against  Josephus  that  they  did  not 
express  any  sorrow  at  his  death,  which  was  probably 
that  of  a  martyr.  Nor  was  it  referred  to  by  the 
four  teachers  of  the  Law,  who  left  oral  traditions  as 
to  the  death  of  Flavius  Clemens. 

A  complete  contrast  to  the  character  of  Domitian 
was  presented  by  his  successor  Nerva.  Just,  wise 
and  humane,  he  was  only  wanting  in  the  freshness 
and  courage  of  youth,  in  order  to  give  effect  to  his 
wise  ordinances,  and  to  restore  the  Roman  empire, 
shattered  as  it  had  been  by  Domitian's  cruelty  and 
caprice. 

The  Jews  and  proselytes  immediately  felt  the 
effect  of  the  change  of  ruler.  During  the  short 
period  of  his  reign  —  which  only  lasted  sixteen 
months,  from  September  96,  till  January  98  — 
Nerva,  who  had  to  put  an  end  to  various  perversions 
and  abuses  in  the  constitution,  yet  found  time  to 
occupy  himself  with  the  Jews.  He  permitted  every 
man  to  acknowledge  his  faith  as  a  Jew,  without 
thereby  incurring  the  punishment  of  an  atheist. 
The  Jews'  tax  also,  if  not  quite  set  aside,  was 
levied  with  kindness  and  forethought,  and  accusa- 
tions against  those  who  avoided  this  tax  were  not 
listened  to.  This  act  of  toleration  on  Nerva's  part 
appears  to  have  been  of  so  great  importance  that  a 


392  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIV. 

coin  was  struck  in  order  to  commemorate  it.  This 
coin,  which  is  still  preserved,  represents  on  the  one 
side  the  Emperor  Nerva,  and  on  the  other  a  palm- 
tree  (symbol  for  Jews),  Avith  the  inscription,  "  Fisci 
[udaici  calumnia  sublata  "  ("Accusations  on  account 
of  the  Jews'  tax  are  at  an  end").  It  is  probable 
that  the  four  Tanaites,  who  were  still  in  Rome  at 
the  time  of  the  death  of  Domitian  and  the  accession 
of  Nerva,  had  furthered  this  favorable  turn  of  events 
by  opposing  the  complaints  against  Judaism,  and  by 
inducing  those  in  power  to  form  a  better  opinion  of 
it.  This  reign,  which  was  of  but  too  short  duration, 
terminated  the  period  of  favor  shown  towards  the 
Jews,  and  with  Nerva's  successor  there  began  afresh 
the  old  hatred  between  the  Romans  and  the  Jews, 
and  soon  both  nations  again  stood,  sword  in  hand, 
arrayed  against  one  another. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

REVOLT    OF  THE  JEWS   AGAINST  TRAJAN   AND  HIS  SUCCESSORS. 

Trajan  and  Asia — Revolt  of  the  Jews — Hadrian — The  Jewish  Sibyl- 
line Books — The  Attempted  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple — The 
Ordinances  of  Usha — Bar-Cochba — Akiba's  Part  in  the  War— 
Bar-Cochba's  Victories — Suppression  of  the  Revolt— Siege  and 
Fall  of  Bethar. 

96 — 138  c.  E. 

Nerva  had  chosen  the  Spaniard  Ulpianus  Trajan 
as  his  successor.  This  emperor,  who  was  nearly 
sixty  years  old,  set  about  realizing  his  favorite 
idea  of  annexing  the  territories  lying  between  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris  and  the  Indus  and  Ganges  to 
the  Roman  Empire,  so  as  to  win  laurels  similar  to 
those  obtained  by  Alexander  the  Great.  In  the 
Parthian  lands  he  had  an  easy  conquest ;  for  this 
ancient  kingdom — partly  of  Greek  and  partly  of 
Persian  origin — was  torn  asunder  by  the  various 
pretenders  to  the  throne,  and  offered  but  little  resist- 
ance to  the  conqueror.  Only  the  Jews,  who  lived 
in  great  numbers  in  this  district,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity,  possessed  a 
certain  amount  of  independence,  and  offered  resist- 
ance to  the  Roman  conqueror.  The  Babylonian 
Jews  beheld  in  Trajan  the  descendant  of  those  who 
had  destroyed  the  Temple  and  condemned  their 
brethren  to  miserable  slavery,  and  armed  them- 
selves as  if  for  a  holy  war.  The  town  of  Nisibis, 
which  had  always  possessed  a  numerous  Jewish 
population,  displayed  such  obstinate  resistance  that 
it  could  be  subdued  only  after  a  lengthy  siege.  The 
district  of  Adiabene,  on  the  center  branch  of  the 
Tigris,  obeyed  a  ruler  whose  ancestors,  scarcely  a 
century  before,  had  adopted  Judaism.  Mebarsapes, 
393 


394  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  (H.  XV. 

who  was  now  on  the  throne  of  Adiabene,  was, 
perhaps,  also  inclined  towards  Judaism.  He  fought 
bravely  against  Trajan,  but  was  overcome  by  the 
Roman  forces.  Trajan,  unlike  any  of  his  predeces- 
sors, witnessed  after  a  very  short  space  of  time  the 
glorious  results  of  his  campaign.  Conquests  seem 
to  have  met  him  half-way.  When  he  withdrew  into 
his  winter  quarters  in  Antioch  (i  15-1 16),  in  order 
to  receive  homage,  the  chief  campaign  was  almost 
at  an  end.  In  the  spring  he  again  set  forth,  in 
order  to  crush  any  opposition,  and  to  carry  into 
effect  the  long-cherished  plan  of  conquering  the 
Jews.  But  hardly  had  Trajan  set  out  when  the 
conquered  people  on  the  twin  rivers  revolted  again. 
The  Jews  had  a  great  share  in  this  uprising ;  they 
spread  anarchy  through  a  great  portion  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  Not  alone  the  Babylonian  Jews, 
but  also  the  Jews  of  Egypt,  Cyrenaica,  Lybia,  and 
those  in  the  island  of  Cyprus  were  seized  with  the 
idea  of  shaking  off  the  Roman  yoke.  As  if  pos- 
sessed by  an  overwhelming  power,  the  Jews  of  this 
far-lying  district  seized  their  weapons,  as  though  to 
show  the  enemy  that  their  power  was  not  destroyed 
nor  their  courage  broken,  and  that  they  were  not 
willing  to  share  the  weakness  and  degradation  of 
the  times,  and  to  sink  without  an  effort  amongst 
the  masses  of  enslaved  nations.  Such  unanimous 
action  presupposes  a  concerted  plan  and  a  powerful 
leader.  From  Judaea  the  rebellion  spread  through 
the  neighboring  countries  to  the  Euphrates  and 
Egypt  (116-117).  In  half  a  century  after  the  fall 
of  the  Jewish  State  a  new  race  had  arisen,  who 
inherited  the  zealous  spirit  of  their  fathers,  and  who 
bore  in  their  hearts  a  vivid  remembrance  of  their 
former  independence.  The  hope  of  the  Tanaite 
teacher,  "  Soon  the  Temple  will  be  rebuilt,"  had 
kept  alive  a  love  of  freedom  in  the  Jewish  youths, 
who  had  not  lost  the  habit  of  using  weapons  in 
the  schools.     A  legend  relates  that  Trajan's  wife 


CH.  XV.  REVOLT    OF    THE    JEWS.  395 

(Plotlna)  had  given  birth  to  a  son  on  the  ninth  of 
Ab,  and  lost  it  on  the  feast  of  Dedication,  which 
the  Jews  kept  in  memory  of  the  victory  of  the 
Hasmonaeans,  and  she  had  interpreted  their  sorrow- 
ing as  the  hatred  of  an  enemy,  and  their  rejoicing 
as  joy  for  her  loss.  The  Empress  therefore  wrote 
to  Trajan,  "  Instead  of  subduing  the  barbarians,  you 
should  rather  punish  the  Jews  who  revolt  against 
you." 

In  Judaea  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  appear  to 
have  been  two  courageous  men  from  Alexandria, 
Julianus  and  Pappus.  The  former  seems  to  have 
been  the  Alabarch  of  Alexandria,  or  his  relative, 
and  a  descendant  of  the  celebrated  Alexander 
Lysimachus.  He  and  his  companion  enjoyed  a 
princely  position  amongst  the  Jews.  The  meet- 
ing place  of  the  revolutionary  troops  in  Judaea 
was  the  plain  of  Rimmon,  or  the  great  plain  of 
Jezreel.  There  exists  but  a  dim  picture  of  the 
proceedings,  and  only  the  issue  of  the  revolt  is 
known  with  certainty.  In  Cyrene,  whose  Jewish 
inhabitants  had  been  encouragfed  to  revolt  acfainst 
the  Romans  immediately  after  their  defeat,  the 
rebellion  was  at  its  height.  They  had  a  leader 
named  Andreias,  also  called  Lucuas,  one  of  whose 
names  was,  perhaps,  of  an  allegorical  nature. 

The  Egyptian  Jews,  who  in  former  times  had 
been  loyal  to  the  Romans,  this  time  made  com- 
mon cause  with  the  rebels,  and  conducted  opera- 
tions as  in  every  other  revolution.  They  first 
attacked  the  neighboring  towns,  killed  the  Romans 
and  Greeks,  and  avenged  the  destruction  of  their 
nationality  on  their  nearest  enemies.  Encouraged 
by  the  result,  they  collected  in  troops  and  attacked 
the  Roman  army  under  the  Roman  general  Lupus, 
who  commanded  the  legions  against  the  Jews.  In 
the  first  encounter  the  wild  enthusiasm  gave  the 
Jews  an  advantage  over  the  Romans,  and  Lupus 
was  defeated.     The    results    of   this    victory   were 


396  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

scenes  of  horror  and  barbarity  on  both  sides,  as 
was  naturally  the  case  in  a  racial  war  between 
people  who  carried  in  their  hearts  an  ancient 
hatred  which,  when  it  came  to  a  fiery  outburst,  could 
only  be  quenched  by  blood.  The  heathens  who 
had  taken  flight  after  the  defeat  of  the  Roman 
army  marched  against  Alexandria.  The  Jewish  in- 
habitants who  could  bear  arms,  and  who  had  joined 
in  the  revolt,  were  taken  prisoners  and  killed 
amidst  fearful  tortures.  The  conquering  Jewish 
troops  felt  themselves  filled  with  a  desire  for  re- 
venge. In  despair  they  invaded  the  Egyptian 
territories,  imprisoned  the  inhabitants,  and  repaid 
cruelties  with  fresh  cruelties.  The  Greek  and 
Roman  fugitives  took  to  their  boats,  in  order  to 
escape  pursuit  on  the  bosom  of  the  Nile  ;  but 
armed  Jews  followed  close  behind  them.  The 
historian  Appian,  at  that  time  an  official  in  Alex- 
andria, sought  safety  by  taking  flight  at  night,  and 
would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  Jewish  pur- 
suers, had  he  not  missed  his  way  along  the  coast. 
The  short  description  of  his  flight  and  his  un- 
expected deliverance  gives  some  idea  of  the  terror 
excited  by  the  Jewish  populations,  who  had  suffered 
so  long  at  the  hands  of  their  enemies.  The  Jews 
are  said  to  have  eaten  the  flesh  of  the  captive 
Greeks  and  Romans,  to  have  smeared  themselves 
with  their  blood,  and  to  have  wrapped  themselves 
in  the  skins  torn  off  them.  These  horrors  are 
quite  foreign  to  Jewish  character  and  customs, 
but  it  is  probably  true  that  the  Jews  made  the 
Romans  and  Greeks  fight  with  wild  animals  or  in 
the  arena.  This  was  a  sad  reprisal  for  the  horrible 
drama  to  which  Vespasian  and  Titus  had  condemned 
the  captive  Jews.  In  Cyrenaica  200,000  Greeks  and 
Romans  were  slain  by  the  Jews,  and  Lybia,  the 
strip  of  land  to  the  east  of  Egypt,  was  so  utterly 
devastated  that,  some  years  later,  new  colonies  had 
to  be  sent  thither. 


CH.  XV.  TURBO.  397 

In  the  Island  of  Cyprus,  which  had  for  a  long 
time  previous  been  inhabited  by  Jews,  who  owned 
synagogues  there,  a  certain  Artemion  headed  the 
uprising  against  the  Romans.  The  number  of  rebels 
was  very  great,  and  was  probably  strengthened 
by  the  discontented  heathen  inhabitants  of  the 
island.  The  Cyprian  Jews  are  said  to  have  de- 
stroyed Salamis,  the  capital  of  the  island,  and  to 
have  killed  240,000  Greeks. 

Trajan,  who  was  then  in  Babylon,  greatly  feared 
the  outbreak  of  a  revolt,  and  sent  an  arniy,  pro- 
portionate in  numbers  to  the  anticipated  danger. 
He  entrusted  an  important  force  by  land  and  sea 
to  Martius  Turbo,  in  order  that  he  might  quell  the 
smouldering  troubles  of  war  which  existed  in  Egypt, 
Cyrenaica,  and  on  the  island  of  Cyprus. 

In  the  district  of  the  Euphrates,  where  the 
Jews,  notwithstanding  the  nearness  of  the  Emperor's 
crushing  army,  had  taken  up  a  threatening  position, 
he  gave  the  chief  command  to  his  favorite  general. 
Quietus,  a  Moorish  prince  of  cruel  disposition,  whom 
he  had  appointed  as  his  successor.  It  is  not  known 
who  led  the  Jews  of  Babylon.  Maximus,  a  Roman 
general,  lost  his  life  in  the  battle  ;  Quietus  had 
received  orders  to  entirely  annihilate  the  Jews  of 
his  district,  so  great  was  the  fear  and  hatred  of 
the  Emperor  of  a  nation  whose  power  he  seems 
in  no  way  to  have  rightly  estimated.  Thus  Trajan 
had  to  oppose  the  Jews  on  three  sides,  and  had 
they  united  and  mutually  supported  each  other, 
the  colossal  Roman  empire  would  perhaps  have 
received  a  deadly  blow.  Martius  Turbo,  who  had 
to  oppose  the  Egyptian  and  Cyrenean  revolts,  went 
himself  in  his  ships  to  the  threatened  spots,  which 
he  reached  in  five  days.  He  avoided  meeting  the 
hostile  forces  in  a  sudden  attack,  coolly  calculating 
that  this  would  only  give  the  victory  to  a  people  who 
were  guided  more  by  enthusiasm  for  an  idea  than 
by  principles  of  military  tactics.     He  preferred  to 


39S  HISTORY  oi'^  THE  ji:\vs.  ch.  xv. 

weaken  the  rebels  by  repeated  onslaughts,  which 
gradually  wearied  thcni  and  thinned  their  ranks. 
The  Jews,  however,  did  not  submit  without  making 
a  brave  defense.  The  heathen  authorities,  who 
were  against  the  Jews,  acknowledge  that  it  was  only 
after  a  contest  of  lono;  duration  that  the  Romans 
became  masters  of  the  situation.  It  was  inevitable 
that  the  Romans  should  conquer  in  the  end,  as  they 
had  greater  multitudes  and  greater  skill  in  war, 
and  especially  as  their  cavalry  had  to  encounter 
only  half-armed  foot-soldiers.  Turbo  displayed  an 
amount  of  cruelty  to  the  captives  which  was  not 
strange  to  the  Romans.  The  legions  surrounded  the 
prisoners  and  cut  them  to  pieces,  the  women  were 
lashed,  and  those  who  offered  resistance  were  killed. 
The  ancient  Alexandrian  synagogue,  a  marvel  of 
Egyptian  architecture,  a  basilica,  was  destroyed. 
From  that  time,  says  a  Jewish  source,  the  glory  of 
Israel  departed.  In  the  massacre  which  Martius 
Turbo  set  on  foot  amongst  the  African  Jews,  the 
same  source  relates  that  the  blood  of  the  slain 
stained  the  sea  to  the  island  of  Cyprus.  This 
refers  to  the  sea  of  blood  which  the  Roman  general 
shed  amongst  the  Cyprian  Jews. 

Turbo,  after  the  end  of  this  African  revolt,  led  his 
legions  against  Cyprus.  Concerning  the  particu- 
lars of  this  war,  authorities  are  silent.  The  contest, 
however,  must  have  been  a  bitter  one,  for  a  deadly 
hatred  arose  in  Cyprus  against  the  Jews.  This 
hatred  was  expressed  in  a  barbarous  law,  according 
to  which  no  Jew  might  approach  the  island  of 
Cyprus,  even  if  he  suffered  shipwreck  on  that  coast. 

The  war  of  destruction  waged  by  Lucius  Quietus 
against  the  Babylonian  and  Mesopotamian  Jews  is 
but  little  known  in  its  individual  features.  Only 
so  much  is  certain,  that  he  destroyed  many  thou- 
sands, and  that  he  laid  waste  the  towns  of  Nisibis 
and  Edessa,  which  were  inhabited  by  jews.  The 
houses,  streets  and  roads  were  strewn  with  corpses. 


CH.  XV.  ACCESSION    OF    HADRIAN.  399 

As  a  reward  for  the  great  services  rendered  by  this 
general  in  fighting  the  Jews,  Trajan  named  him 
governor  of  Palestine,  with  unlimited  power,  so  that 
he  might  suppress  the  revolt  in  the  Jewish  father- 
land. Trajan  himself  was  unsuccessful  in  his  en- 
counters ;  he  had  to  leave  Babylon,  give  up  the 
siege  of  the  town  of  Atra,  and  relinquish  the  idea 
of  converting  the  Parthian  land  into  a  Roman  pro- 
vince. 

Through  the  failure  of  his  favorite  plan,  the  em- 
peror fell  ill,  and  was  brought  to  Antioch,  and  he 
died  a  few  months  later  at  Cilicia.  His  desire  that 
his  faithful  general.  Quietus,  should  succeed,  was 
also  not  fulfilled.  His  astute  wife,  Plotina,  set  aside 
his  last  wishes,  and  assured  the  army  that  Trajan 
had,  before  his  death,  accepted  his  near  relation, 
y^lius  Hadrian,  as  his  son  and  successor. 

Hadrian,  at  his  accession  (August,  117),  found 
that  various  nations  were  on  the  eve  of  a  rebellion, 
and  that  others  were  taking  measures  to  break  the 
fetters  of  all-powerful  Rome.  Hardly  had  the  report 
of  Trajan's  death  been  spread  than  the  flames  of 
rebellion  burst  forth  both  in  the  East  and  the  West, 
and  the  wish  of  the  nations  to  free  themselves  from 
the  Roman  yoke,  in  a  violent  manner,  made  itself 
known. 

The  Parthian  lands,  where  Trajan  had  just  estab- 
lished the  semblance  of  the  Roman  rule,  some  of 
the  districts  of  Asia  Minor,  whose  agricultural 
wealth  had  been  appropriated  by  the  officers  of 
the  emperor,  Mauritania  and  Sarmatia,  and  distant 
Britain  —  all  seized  upon  this  moment  of  weakness 
to  strive  for  independence. 

The  Jews  of  Palestine,  whose  hatred  towards  the 
Romans  was  yet  stronger,  had  already  organized  a 
rebellion,  for  the  suppression  of  which  Quietus  had 
been  sent  out  by  Trajan,  after  he  had  completed  his 
work  in  the  lands  of  the  Euphrates.  He  had  not 
yet  succeeded  in  mastering  the  revolt  when  Hadrian 


400  HISTORY   OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

became  ruler.  Historians  are  silent  as  to  the  nature 
of  the  war  in  Judcea.  The  Jewish  sources  call  this 
second  rebellion  "  the  war  of  Quietus  "  (Polemos  shel 
Kitos).  It  appears  to  have  taken  an  unfavorable 
turn  for  the  Jews,  for  fresh  signs  of  public  mourning 
were  added  to  those  observed  for  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple  by  the  teachers  of  the  Law.  It  was 
forbidden  that  brides  should  wear  wreaths  on  their 
weddings,  or  that  the  Jews  should  learn  Greek.  It 
is  not  clear  whether  this  prohibition  was  directed 
against  the  Greek  language  or  the  Greek  customs  ; 
as  little  is  it  possible  to  discover  the  connection  be- 
tween this  war  and  a  distaste  for  what  was  Greek. 
Perhaps  the  Greeks  of  Palestine  became  false  to 
their  allies,  and  left  the  Jews  in  the  lurch.  The  Syn- 
hedrion  of  Jamnia  appears  to  have  been  destroyed 
under  Quietus,  but  the  Jewish  people  were  soon 
delivered  from  the  merciless  oppressor,  whose  plans 
for  their  annihilation  could  not  be  carried  into  effect. 
The  new  emperor  himself  put  an  end  to  his  gen- 
eral's career.  Hadrian,  who  had  more  ambition 
than  warlike  courage,  and  whose  innermost  aspira- 
tion was  for  the  nimbus  of  royal  authority  rather 
than  for  a  rough  and  troublesome  military  existence, 
drew  back  at  the  prospect  of  so  many  revolts,  and 
from  the  chance  of  a  long  and  wearisome  war. 
Already  envious  of  the  reputation  of  his  prede- 
cessor, with  whom  he  had  no  sympathy,  and 
whom  the  Senate  had  been  unwearied  in  granting 
triumphs,  Hadrian,  for  the  first  time,  swerved  from 
the  hard  and  fast  line  of  Roman  politics,  and  was 
inclined  to  be  yielding.  In  the  same  spirit,  he  per- 
mitted the  Parthians  to  be  ruled  by  their  own 
prince,  renounced  all  claims  on  them,  and  appears 
to  have  made  concessions  to  the  other  provinces, 
and  to  have  granted  the  Jews  their  apparently 
harmless  requests.  Amongst  these  they  expressed 
a  wish  for  the  removal  of  the  heartless  Quietus  and 
the    restoration  of  the  Temple.     The   all-powerful 


CH.  XV.     AITEMPTKI)  KKIUIILDING  OK  TllK  'I'K.Ml'LE.      4OI 

general  was  deposed  ;  and  though  the  jealousy  of 
the  emperor  with  regard  to  this  great  and  powerful 
ruler  was  a  chief  reason  for  his  removal,  it  yet  was 
made  to  appear  as  if  it  were  done  to  favor  the  Jews, 
and  to  do  away  with  their  chief  grievance.  Before 
Quietus  fell  into  disgrace  he  was  about  to  pronounce 
sentence  of  death  on  the  two  Jewish  leaders,  Julia- 
nus  and  Pappus,  who  had  fallen  into  his  hands  ; 
they  were  to  be  executed  in  Laodicea.  He  had  said 
to  them,  "  If  your  God  is  powerful,  as  you  assert, 
He  may  rescue  you  from  my  hands."  To  which 
they  replied,  "  Thou  art  scarcely  worthy  that  God 
should  perform  a  miracle  for  thy  sake,  who  art  not 
even  an  independent  ruler,  but  only  the  servant  of 
one  higher."  At  the  very  moment  when  the  two 
prisoners  were  being  led  to  a  martyr's  death,  the 
order  came  from  Rome  which  deposed  their  execu- 
tioner from  the  governorship  of  Judsea. 

Quietus  left  Palestine,  and  was  soon  afterwards 
executed  at  the  command  of  Hadrian.  The  day  of 
the  release  of  Julianus  and  Pappus,  12th  Adar  (Feb.- 
March,  118),  was  celebrated  as  a  memorable  event, 
and  the  college  appointed  it  as  a  half-holiday,  under 
the  name  of  Trajan's  day  (Yom  Trajanus).  It  is  not 
to  be  doubted  that  the  Jews  made  the  re-erection  of 
the  Temple  on  its  former  site  a  condition  of  their 
laying  down  arms.  A  Jewish  source  relates  this 
fact  in  clear  terms,  and  Christian  accounts  positively 
aver  that  the  Jews  on  several  occasions  endeavored 
to  restore  the  Temple,  and  this  can  only  refer  to  the 
early  years  of  Hadrian's  reign.  The  superintend- 
ence of  the  building  of  the  town,  Hadrian  is  said  to 
have  entrusted  to  the  proselyte  Akylas.  Great  was 
the  delight  of  the  Jews  at  the  prospect  of  again 
possessing  a  holy  fane.  Fifty  years  had  elapsed 
since  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  just  the  same 
period  as  had  formed  the  interval  between  the  de- 
struction of  the  first  sanctuary  and  the  return  from 
Babylon.      The    keenest   hopes   were   aroused   by 


402  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

Hadrian's  assent.  A  Jewish-Alexandrian  poet  ex- 
presses in  Greek  verse  the  feelings  which  filled 
every  breast.  The  unknown  poet  places  his  words 
in  the  mouth  of  a  heathen  prophetess,  the  Sibyl,  the 
sister  of  Isis.  She  first  recites,  in  enigmatic  refer- 
ences, the  names  of  a  long  line  of  Roman  conquerors 
from  the  time  of  Caesar  — 

•     •     •     •     and  after  him  there  came 
As  king  a  man  who  wore  a  silver  helm  —  the  name 
He  bore  was  of  a  sea  —  a  worthy  man,  far-seeing, 
And  'neath  thee  —  thou  good  and  splendid  raven-locked, 
And  'neath  thy  race,  this  happened  for  all  times. 
That  there  arose  a  god-like  race,  indwellers  of  heaven. 
Who  e'en  on  earth  surround  the  town  of  God, 
And  unto  Joppa  surround  it  with  high  walls, 
And  boldly  raise  their  towers  to  heaven's  heights. 
No  more  the  death  sound  of  the  trumpet's  cry — 
No  more  they  perish  at  the  foe's  rash  hands  ; 
But  trophies  shall  float  in  the  world  o'er  evil. 
Torment  thy  heart  no  more,  nor  pierce  with  sword  thy  breast. 
Thou  godly  one,  too  rich,  thou  much-loved  flower. 
Thou  light  so  good  and  bright,  desired  and  holy  goal ! 
Dear  Jewish  land  !  fair  town,  inspired  of  songs. 
No  more  shall  unclean  foot  of  Greeks  within  thy  bounds 
Go  forth. 

But  in  honor  thy  faithful  ones  shall  hold  thee  ; 
And  they  shall  serve  thy  board  with  holy  words. 
With  varied  offerings,  and  with  welcome  prayers. 
Those  who  remorseless  send  ill  words  to  heaven 
Shall  cease  to  raise  their  voices  in  thy  midst. 
Shall  hide  away  until  the  world  has  changed. 
For  from  the  heavenly  land  a  happy  man  comes  forth, 
Within  whose  hands  a  scepter  given  by  God ; 
And  over  all  he  rules  with  glory,  and  to  the  good 
Again  he  giveth  riches,  bereft  of  them  by  others  gone  before, 
The  towns  by  fire  leveled  to  the  very  earth, 
And  burnt  the  homes  of  men  who  once  did  evil. 
But  the  town  beloved  of  God  he  made 
Brighter  than  stars  or  sun,  and  than  the  moon. 
Adorned  them  brightly,  and  reared  a  holy  Temple. 

The  great  expectations  formed  with  regard  to 
the  restoration,  which  had  appeared  like  a  pleasant 
dream,  paled  before  the  stern  reality.  Scarcely  had 
Hadrian  taken  a  firm  footing  in  his  kingdom  and 
calmed  the  unruly  nations,  when,  like  other  weak 
princes,  he  began  to  diminish  his  promises,  and  to 
prevaricate.     One    report    relates   that  the   Sama- 


I 


CH.  XV.  JOSHUA.  403 

ritans  —  who  were  jealous  that  the  object  of  their 
aversion,  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  should  again  rise 
from  the  dust  —  endeavored  to  represent  to  the 
Emperor  thd  danger  of  such  a  restoration  ;  as  their 
forefathers  had  formerly  demonstrated  to  the  Per- 
sian rulers,  so  they  endeavored  to  prove  to  the 
Roman  emperor  that  the  building  of  the  Temple 
was  a  mere  subterfuge  to  bring  about  a  total  sepa- 
ration from  Rome.  Hadrian,  however,  would  proba- 
bly have  come  to  this  conclusion  without  the  inter- 
position of  the  Samaritans.  In  any  case,  while  he 
did  not  venture  wholly  to  retract  his  word,  he  began 
to  bargain.  It  is  said  by  some  that  he  gave  the 
Jews  to  understand  that  the  Temple  must  be  erected 
on  a  different  place  from  that  on  which  stood  the 
ruins  of  the  former  building,  or  that  it  must  be  built 
on  a  smaller  scale.  The  Jews,  who  well  understood 
this  temporizing,  and  saw  therein  only  a  retracta- 
tion of  the  imperial  promise,  were  not  inclined  to  let 
themselves  be  played  with. 

When  matters  had  reached  this  pass,  many  people 
armed  themselves  and  assembled  again  in  the  valley 
of  Rimmon,  on  the  plain  of  Jezreel.  When  the  royal 
epistle  was  read  out  the  masses  burst  into  tears.  A 
rebellion  and  an  embittered  war  seemed  imminent. 
But  there  were  still  lovers  of  peace  amongst  the 
people,  who  recognized  that  a  rebellion,  under  the 
circumstances  then  existing,  would  be  dangerous. 
At  the  head  of  this  party  was  Joshua.  He  was 
immediately  sent  for  to  tranquillize  the  excited 
populace  by  his  influence  and  eloquence.  Joshua 
addressed  the  people  in  a  manner  which  has  always 
appealed  to  the  masses.  He  related  a  fable,  and 
drew  a  moral  which  applied  to  existing  circum- 
stances :  "A  lion  had  once  regaled  himself  on  his 
prey,  but  a  bone  remained  sticking  in  his  throat. 
In  terror  he  promised  a  great  reward  to  any  one 
who  would  extract  the  bone.  A  crane  with  a  long 
neck  presented    himself,   performed  the  operation 


404  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CII.  XV. 

and  claimed  his  reward.  The  Hon,  however,  said 
mockincrly,  Rejoice  that  thou  hast  withdrawn  thy 
head  unharmed  from  the  lion's  jaws.  In  Hke  man- 
ner," said  Joshua,  "  let  us  be  glad  that  we  have 
escaped  unscathed  from  the  Roman,  and  not  insist 
on  the  fulfilment  of  his  promise."  Through  these 
and  similar  exhortations  he  prevented  an  immediate 
outbreak.  But  the  nation  was  filled  with  the  idea 
of  rebellion,  and  adhered  to  it  in  a  manner  worthy 
of  a  better  fortune. 

Joshua  was  the  chief  leader  of  the  people  in  the 
time  of  Hadrian,  and  appears  to  have  performed 
the  duties  of  Patriarch,  for  Gamaliel  had  probably 
died  at  the  commencement  of  Hadrian's  reign.  The 
honors  paid  to  his  dead  body  show  the  high  esteem 
in  which  he  was  regarded  by  the  people.  Joshua, 
Eliezer,  and  his  disciples  mourned  for  him  ;  Akylas 
the  proselyte  —  as  was  customary  at  royal  funerals — 
burnt  clothes  and  furniture  to  the  amount  of  seventy 
minas.  When  reproached  for  this  extravagance  he 
said,  "  Gamaliel  is  worth  more  than  a  hundred  kings, 
from  whom  the  world  gains  nothing."  A  striking 
contrast  to  this  display  was  afforded  by  the  simplicity 
of  the  shroud  which  Gamaliel  had  expressly  ordered 
before  his  death.  It  was  customary  at  that  time  to 
clothe  the  corpse  in  costly  garments,  an  expense 
which  fell  so  heavily  on  those  of  small  means,  that 
many  deserted  their  dead  relations  in  order  to  avoid 
the  outlay.  To  prevent  such  expense,  Gamaliel 
ordered  in  his  last  will  that  he  should  be  buried  in 
simple  white  linen.  From  that  time  greater  sim- 
plicity was  observed,  and  it  became  the  custom  at 
funeral  feasts  to  drink  a  cup  to  the  memory  of  Ga- 
maliel. He  left  sons,  but  the  eldest,  Simon,  appears 
to  have  been  too  young  to  undertake  the  patriarchate, 
which,  therefore,  devolved  on  Joshua  probably  (as  his 
representative,  Ab-bet-din).  After  Gamaliel's  death 
Joshua  was  desirous  of  abolishing  various  ordinances 
which  the  former  had  enforced,  but  he  was  opposed 


CH.  XV.  SYNHEDRION    OF    USHA.  405 

by  Jochanan  ben  Nuri,  who  was  supported  by  most 
of  the  Tanaites. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  doubt  that  the  Jamnian 
Synhedrion  removed  to  Upper  Galilee  after  the 
death  of  Gamaliel,  and  Usha  (El-Uz)  in  the  vicinity 
of  Shefaram  (Shefa-Amar),  between  Acco  and  Safet, 
became  the  seat  of  the  Synhedrion.  Ishmael  is  men- 
tioned amongst  those  who  emigrated  to  Usha. 
Here  the  Synhedrion  made  various  enactments  of 
high  moral  and  historical  importance,  which  took 
the  form  of  laws,  under  the  title  of  Ordinances  of 
Usha  (Tekanoth  Usha).  One  of  these  laws  decreed 
that  a  father  must  support  his  young  children  —  the 
boys  until  their  twelfth  year,  and  the  girls  until  they 
married.  Before  this  time  the  provision  for  children 
had  been  left  to  the  option  of  parents.  Another 
law  enacted  that  if  a  father  during  his  own  lifetime 
gave  up  all  his  property  to  his  son,  it  followed,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  that  the  son  must  support  both 
his  father  and  the  wife  of  his  father.  A  third  law 
limited  the  reckless  devoting  of  the  whole  of  a  man's 
property  to  charitable  purposes,  which  custom  pre- 
vailed at  that  time.  This  law  prescribed  that  only 
a  fifth  part  of  the  property  might  be  given  away. 
Isebab,  who  afterwards  died  the  death  of  a  martyr, 
was  desirous  of  dividing  his  whole  property  amongst 
the  poor,  but  Akiba  opposed  him,  referring  him  to 
this  law  respecting  property.  One  decision  of 
Usha  seems  to  have  been  directed  against  Gama- 
liel's severe  employment  of  the  interdict.  It  decreed 
that  no  member  of  the  College  should  in  future  be 
excommunicated  unless  he  actually  despised  and 
revolted  against  the  whole  Law,  like  King  Jero- 
boam. This  circumstance  shows  that  the  unity  of 
the  Law  was  so  established  that  a  difference  of 
opinion  no  longer  implied,  as  formerly,  a  total  break, 
and  Joshua,  no  doubt,  had  contributed  to  this  result. 

The  tolerable  relations  between  Hadrian  and 
the  Jews  did  not  last  much  more  than  a  decade. 


406  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

He  could  not  forget  that  he  had  been  compelled 
to  make  concessions  to  the  despised  nation,  and 
the  latter  could  not  forget  that  he  had  broken  faith 
with  them,  and  had  deprived  them  of  their  fairest 
hopes.  This  mutual  antipathy  displayed  itself 
during  Hadrian's  journey  through  Judaea.  The 
emperor,  urged  by  vanity,  and  a  desire  to  be 
called  the  father  of  his  country,  and  impelled  by  a 
restlessness  and  want  of  occupation,  which  drove 
him  from  one  spot  to  another,  had  visited  nearly 
all  the  provinces  of  the  great  Roman  empire,  for 
the  purpose  of  seeing  everything  with  his  own 
eyes.  Hadrian's  petty  curiosity  led  him  to  concern 
himself  with  all  manner  of  things,  to  desire  to  be 
considered  as  a  philosopher,  and  better  informed 
than  his  contemporaries  in  all  matters.  Whether 
he  judged  the  condition  of  other  provinces  correctly 
may  be  doubted ;  he  certainly  was  deceived  in  his 
hasty  judgment  of  the  Jews.  During  his  visit  to 
Judaea  (130),  it  is  probable  that  those  people, 
such  as  the  Romans,  Samaritans,  and  Christians, 
who  disliked  the  original  inhabitants  (the  Jews), 
approached  him  with  subservience,  in  order  to  greet 
him  as  a  demi-god,  or  even  as  a  god.  A  panto- 
mimic conversation,  which  was  held  between  a 
Christian  and  a  representative  of  Judaism,  Joshua 
ben  Chananya,  in  Hadrian's  presence,  describes 
their  respective  positions.  The  former  showed  by 
gestures  that  the  God  of  Israel  had  hidden  His 
face  from  the  Jews  ;  the  latter  showed,  by  a  move- 
ment of  the  arm,  that  God  still  stretched  forth  His 
hand  to  protect  Israel,  and  this  pantomime  Hadrian 
desired  to  have  explained  to  him.  He  seems  to 
have  had  many  interviews  with  Joshua.  Several 
conversations  between  Hadrian  and  the  Tanaite 
have  been  handed  down,  of  which  one  appears  to 
be  credible.  He  asked  him,  "  If  you  are  as  wise  as 
you  assert,  tell  me  what  I  shall  behold  this  night 
in  my  dreams."     Joshua  replied,  "  Thou  wilt  dream 


CH.  XV.  HADRIAN    AND    THE    JEWS.  407 

that  the  Persians  (Parthians)  will  subdue  thee,  and 
compel  thee  to  guard  low  animals  with  a  golden 
scepter."  This  retort  was  well  chosen,  for  the 
superstitious  emperor  feared  the  Parthians  beyond 
all  nations,  and  did  his  utmost  to  maintain  peace 
with  them. 

Hadrian  thought  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
Judzea.  He  informed  the  Roman  Senate  of  the 
peaceful  disposition  of  the  Jews,  and  they  perpetu- 
ated their  credulity  by  various  coins,  in  which  the 
emperor  is  represented  dressed  in  a  toga,  raising 
a  kneeling  Jew  from  his  humble  position.  Three 
boys  (probably  emblematic  of  the  districts  of  Judaea, 
Samaria,  and  Galilee)  hand  him  palm  branches.  He 
thus  cherished  the  expectation  that  racial  and  re- 
ligious differences  would  soon  disappear,  and  that 
the  inhabitants  would  merge  their  identity  in  that 
of  the  Romans.  In  order  to  induce  such  a  state  of 
things  he  drew  up  a  plan,  which  could  not  have 
been  more  unfortunately  conceived.  Jerusalem  was 
to  be  rebuilt,  but  as  a  pagan  city.  Whilst  he 
repaired  to  Egypt  to  commit  other  follies,  the 
desecration  of  the  holy  city  was  commenced.  The 
Jews  naturally  did  not  remain  unmoved  at  this 
act,  which  was  to  erase  their  name  as  a  nation 
and  a  religious  body  from  the  book  of  the  living, 
and  a  bitter  feeling  overcame  them.  Joshua  again 
appears  to  have  endeavored  to  bring  about  a 
reconciliation  in  order  to  frustrate  the  thoughtless 
plan  of  the  emperor,  and  to  allay  the  discontent  of 
the  people.  Though  an  aged  man,  he  traveled  to 
Egypt  in  order  to  induce  the  emperor  to  alter  his 
mind. 

But  his  prudent  suggestions  were  ridiculed ;  the 
emperor  would  only  mock  at  the  Jewish,  Samaritan, 
and  Christian  religions,  with  which  he  thought 
himself  thoroughly  acquainted.  He  wrote  at  this 
time  to  his  brother-in-law,  "  No  president  of  the 
synagogue  (Rabbi)  of  the  Jews,  no  Samaritan,  no 


408  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

Christian  priest,  honors  anything  but  Serapis.  Even 
that  patriarch  who  has  come  to  Egypt  [probably 
Joshua]  was  compelled  by  some  to  worship  Serapis, 
and  l:)y  others  to  worship  Christ."  Joshua  returned 
to  JudcL-a  after  his  fruitless  visit,  and  appears  to 
have  died  soon  after  of  grief  and  old  age.  It 
was  justly  said  of  him  that  with  his  death  wisdom 
and  prudent  moderation  came  to  an  end.  After 
his  decease  there  occurred  wide-spread  movements 
and  contests  in  Judaea,  which  were  among  the  most 
memorable  in  its  history,  and  there  was  no  one  to 
stem  the  tide. 

So  long  as  Hadrian  remained  in  Syria  (130-13 1) 
the  malcontents  did  not  commence  the  revolt  for 
which  they  had  probably  been  long  preparing.  The 
weapons  prepared  by  the  Jewish  smiths  for  the 
Romans  were  made  (in  anticipation  of  their  being 
used  against  themselves)  weak  and  useless.  In  the 
hollow  chalk  mountains  of  Judaea  the  insurgents 
silently  prepared  underground  passages  and  refuges, 
which  were  used  as  secret  armories  before  the  war, 
and  afterwards  as  secret  ambushes,  from  which  the 
enemy  could  be  attacked.  Akiba  seems  to  have 
developed  a  silent  but  effective  activity  in  his 
preparation  for  a  revolt.  After  the  death  of  Joshua 
he  was  recognized  as  the  head  of  the  Jewish 
community.  Hadrian,  lulled  into  security,  discov- 
ered the  conspiracy  only  when  it  broke  out  at  the 
various  points  of  the  Roman  empire,  so  skilfully 
had  the  Roman  spies  been  deceived.  When  the 
revolt  was  about  to  commence  everything  was  in 
readiness.  There  were  stores  of  arms,  means  of 
communication,  warriors,  and  even  a  powerful  leader, 
who,  through  his  strange  position,  infused  religious 
enthusiasm  and  warlike  courage.  It  was  considered 
as  a  favorable  sign  for  their  daring  undertaking 
that  two  of  the  stations  of  the  Roman  legions  had 
been  destroyed.  Csesarea  and  Emmaus  had  been 
swallowed  up  some  years  before  by  an  earthquake. 


CH    XV.  BAR-COCHBA.  4O9 

Csesarea  was  the  Roman  capital  of  Judcua,  the 
dwelling-place  of  the  governor,  and,  like  Rome,  it 
brought  down  the  hatred  of  the  Jews  on  itself. 
The  peculiar  idea  was  entertained,  that,  as  the 
greatness  of  Caesarca  had  dated  from  the  time  of 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  so  from  the  fall  of 
Caisarea  Jerusalem  would  again  attain  to  power. 
Emmaus  had  been  the  dwelling-place  of  eight 
hundred  soldiers  of  Vespasian  who  had  served 
there ;  it  therefore  had  been  used  as  a  second 
citadel. 

The  chief  hero  of  the  revolt  was  Bar-Cochba, 
who  inspired  the  Roman  empire  in  its  then  state  of 
weakness  with  as  much  terror  as  Brennus  and 
Hannibal  had  formerly  done. 

Not  a  trace,  however  slight,  can  be  found  of 
the  descent  and  early  life  of  this  much  reviled 
and  misunderstood  personage.  Like  the  hero  of 
every  revolution,  he  suddenly  appeared  as  the 
perfect  incarnation  of  the  nation's  will  and  the 
nation's  hate,  spreading  terror  around,  and  standing 
as  the  center-point  of  an  eventful  movement.  His 
real  name  was  Bar-Kosiba,  doubtless  from  the  town 
of  Kosiba,  and  was  not  a  nickname  meaning  "son 
of  lies."  Bar-Cochba  was  a  symbolical  Messianic 
name  which  Akiba  had  given  him.  When  Akiba, 
actively  engaged  in  the  deliverance  of  the  Jewish 
people,  first  saw  Bar-Cochba,  he  was  so  impressed 
with  the  appearance  of  the  man  that  he  said,  "  That 
is  a  Messianic  king."  Akiba  applied  to  him  the 
verse  of  Scripture,  "  Kosiba  has  arisen  as  a  star 
(Cochba)  in  Jacob."  Akiba  was  confirmed,  by  the 
imposing  personality  of  Bar-Cochba,  in  his  hopes 
that  the  Roman  power  would  soon  be  overthrown, 
and  that  the  splendors  of  Israel  would  once  more 
shine  forth,  and  he  looked  forward  through  this 
means  to  the  speedy  establishment  of  the  Messianic 
kingdom.  He  cited  the  verse  of  the  prophet 
Haggai  with  regard  to  this  (II.  21),  "Yet  a  little 
and  I  will  shake  heaven  and  earth." 


410  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

All  did  not,  however,  share  Akiba's  pious  enthu- 
siasm. Jochanan  ben  Torta,  a  teacher  of  the  Law, 
replied  dubiously  to  his  high-flying  hopes,  "  Sooner 
shall  grass  grow  from  thy  chin,  Akiba,  than  that 
the  Messiah  will  appear."  The  respect  and  atten- 
tion, however,  which  Akiba  displayed  towards  Bar- 
Cochba  were  sufficient  to  surround  him  with  a  halo, 
as  of  a  higher  God-given  power,  which  gave  him 
unquestioned  authority,  and  increased  the  means 
at  his  disposal. 

There  is  no  record  in  Jewish  sources  of  miracles 
performed  by  the  Messianic  king  for  the  gratifica- 
tion of  the  populace.  But  an  account  of  the  enemy 
relates  how  Bar-Cochba  puffed  forth  burning  tow 
from  his  mouth  to  give  himself  the  appearance  of 
spitting  fire.  The  Jewish  accounts  speak  of  his 
enormous  bodily  strength.  They  relate  that  he 
cast  back  with  his  knees  the  huge  stones  thrown  by 
the  Romans  by  means  of  machines  on  the  Jewish 
army.  There  is  no  hint  given  that  he  pursued  any 
selfish  end  by  his  Messianism  ;  he  was  actuated  only 
by  the  wish  to  win  back  freedom  for  his  people,  to 
restore  the  tarnished  glory  of  the  Jewish  state,  and 
to  throw  off  at  once  and  for  ever  the  foreign  rule 
which,  during  two  centuries,  had  interfered  with 
the  interests  of  Judaism.  So  energetic  a  mind, 
combined  with  great  military  talent,  even  though 
it  failed  to  secure  a  favorable  result,  should  have 
received  juster  recognition  from  posterity,  and  cer- 
tainly does  not  deserve  the  prejudice  which  it  met 
with  from  interested  contemporaries.  The  Jewish 
warriors  from  all  countries  poured  forth  to  aid  the 
Messianic  king,  and  the  revolt  became  one  of 
great  dimensions.  Even  the  Samaritans  joined 
their  former  opponents,  as  the  chronicles  relate. 
Heathens  themselves  made  common  cause  with  the 
Jews,  impelled  by  a  desire  to  shake  off  the  unbear- 
able Roman  yoke.  It  seemed  as  if  the  whole 
Roman  empire  were  about  to  receive  a  heavy  blow, 


CH.  XV  THE    REVOLT.  4II 

by  which  the  various  members  of  its  gigantic  body 
were  to  be  rent  asunder.  From  these  facts  the 
number  of  the  warriors  cannot  be  considered  as 
exaggerated  if  the  Jewish  sources  put  them  down 
as  400,000,  whilst  the  Pagan  historian  Dio  Cassius 
rates  them  even  at  580,000.  Bar-Cochba  felt  so 
confident  in  his  own  courage  and  the  numerous 
warriors  at  his  command,  that  he  is  said  to  have 
uttered  the  blasphemy,  "  Lord,  if  thou  dost  not 
help  us,  at  least  do  not  help  our  enemies,  and  we 
shall  not  be  defeated." 

Tinnius  Rufus,  the  Governor  of  Judaea,  was  not 
prepared  for  the  enormous  military  power  opposed 
to  him,  and  he  soon  had  to  retreat  before  the 
troops  of  the  warlike  Messiah.  Rufus  withdrew 
from  one  citadel  to  another,  and  in  one  year 
(132-133)  fifty  fortified  places  and  985  cities  and 
villages  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  It  appears 
that  the  whole  of  Judaea,  together  with  Samaria 
and  Galilee,  were  evacuated  by  the  Romans,  and 
fell  into  the  possession  of  the  Jews.  When  Hadrian 
received  the  first  news  of  the  revolt  in  Judaea,  he 
laid  no  great  weight  upon  it ;  but  when  one  report 
after  another  of  the  defeat  of  the  Roman  troops 
reached  him,  he  sent  relays  and  his  best  generals 
to  the  scene  of  action  ;  these,  however,  had  no 
better  fortune  than  Rufus.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted 
that  Jerusalem  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Jewish 
victors,  who  may  have  contemplated  the  restoration 
of  the  Temple  ;  but  in  the  midst  of  the  war,  and 
continually  harassed  by  the  Roman  legions,  they 
had  no  time  to  undertake  so  extensive  a  work. 
Bar-Cochba,  in  order  to  announce  national  inde- 
pendence, performed  a  sovereign  act  of  power  by 
causing  Jewish  coins  to  be  struck.  These  were 
called  Bar-Cochba  coins,  and  also  coins  of  the 
Revolution. 

Notwithstanding  the  deep  hatred  entertained  by 
the  Jews   for  their  enemies,  they  did   not   avenge 


412  HISTORY    OF    THE    JKWS.  CII.  XV. 

themselves  upon  such  as  fell  into  their  hands.  It 
was  only  against  the  Jewish  Christians  who  lived 
in  Judaea  that  Bar-Cochba  displayed  his  hostility, 
because  they  were  considered  as  blasphemers  and 
as  spies.  This  hatred  against  the  Jewish  Christians 
was  increased  because  they  refused  to  take  part  in 
the  national  war,  and  were  the  only  idle  lookers-on 
at  the  fearful  spectacle.  One  of  the  oldest  Chris- 
tian sources  relates  that  Bar-Cochba  had  demanded 
of  the  Christians  to  deny  Jesus,  and  to  take  part 
in  the  war  with  the  Romans,  and  that  those  who 
refused  to  do  so  were  punished  with  heavy  penalties. 
When  the  State  was  restored  and  all  laws  again 
came  into  force,  the  Jewish  authorities  felt  them- 
selves justified  in  summoning  those  of  their  country- 
men before  the  justice-seat  who  not  only  denied 
the  Law  but  held  it  up  to  ridicule.  It  is  nowhere 
related  that  the  Christians  were  compelled  to  recog- 
nize and  believe  in  Bar-Cochba  as  a  new  Christ. 
Such  compulsion  seems  to  have  been  foreign  to  the 
new  Jewish  State.  Later  Christian  chronicles,  in 
their  usual  manner,  have  greatly  exaggerated  the 
floggings  to  which  the  Jewish  Christians  were  sub- 
jected, until  they  assumed  the  proportions  of  actual 
persecution,  accompanied  by  death  and  martyrdom, 
for  which  there  is  no  historical  basis.  The  Evan- 
gelists, who,  before  the  appearance  of  Bar-Cochba, 
had  spoken  of  the  warlike  preparations,  and  all 
events  of  the  time,  in  a  veiled  but  perfectly  com- 
prehensible manner,  alone  relate  the  position  of 
the  Jewish  population  towards  the  Christians.  They 
seem  to  hint  that  even  in  the  midst  of  Christianity 
there  was  great  dissension,  and  that  some  who  were 
eager  for  the  cause  of  liberty,  reported  their  more 
indifferent  coreligionists  with  much  zeal  to  the 
Jewish  authorities.  These  Evangelists  make  Jesus 
utter  a  prophecy  which  foretold  a  coming  change, 
as  though  he,  amidst  these  stormy  days,  would  ap- 
pear in  the  flesh  at  the  Last  Judgment. 


CH.  XV.  THE    KINGDOM    OF    BAR-COCHBA.  413 

This  prophecy  of  Jesus  displays  the  gloomy  ten- 
dency of  the  times  of  Bar-Cochba.  The  words 
run  : 

For  many  shall  come  in  my  name,  saying,  I  am  Christ ;  and  shall 
deceive  many.  And  when  ye  shall  hear  of  wars  and  rumors  of  wars, 
be  ye  not  troubled  :  for  such  things  must  needs  be  ;  but  the  end  shall 
not  be  yet.  For  nation  shall  rise  against  nation,  and  kingdom 
against  kingdom  :  and  there  shall  be  earthquakes  in  divers  places, 
and  there  shall  be  famines  and  troubles  :  these  are  the  beginnings  of 
sorrows.  But  take  heed  to  yourselves  :  for  they  shall  deliver  you  up 
to  councils ;  and  in  the  synagogues  ye  shall  be  beaten  :  and  ye  shall 
be  brought  before  rulers  and  kings  for  my  sake,  for  a  testimony 
against  them.  And  the  gospel  must  first  be  published  among  all 
nations.  But  when  they  shall  lead  you,  and  deliver  you  up,  take  no 
thought  beforehand  what  ye  shall  speak,  neither  do  ye  premeditate- 
but  whatsoever  shall  be  given  you  in  that  hour,  that  speak  ye  :  for  it 
is  not  ye  that  speak,  but  the  Holy  Ghost.  Now  the  brother  shall 
betray  the  brother  to  death,  and  the  father  the  son  ;  and  the  children 
shall  rise  up  against  their  parents,  and  shall  cause  them  to  be  put  to 
death.  And  ye  shall  be  hated  of  all  men  for  my  name's  sake  :  but 
he  that  shall  endure  unto  the  end,  the  same  shall  be  saved. 

Thus  a  father  of  the  Church  comforted  the  Chris- 
tian community  in  Judaea.  It  appears  that  the  Syn- 
hedrion  of  the  time  of  Bar-Cochba  introduced  some 
innovations  in  order  to  work  against  the  increasing 
spread  of  the  worship  of  Jesus  amongst  the  Jewish 
Christians,  and  to  promote  a  means  of  recoo-nizino- 
those  who  were  for  them  or  agamst  them.  It  had 
been  the  habit  for  centuries  past  never  to  pronounce 
the  sacred  name  of  God,  IHW,  but  to  substitute 
the  word  Lord  (Adonai).  The  Christians,  however, 
had  accustomed  themselves  to  call  Jesus  "  Lord." 
To  counteract  this,  the  Synhedrion  enacted  that  the 
name  of  God  should  be  used  as  in  ancient  times, 
and  that  this  name  should  be  introduced  even  into 
the  formula  of  greeting. 

The  newly  founded  kingdom  of  Bar-Cochba  had 
already  subsisted  during  two  years  (132-134).  With 
deep  concern  Hadrian  beheld  the  continuous  pro- 
gress of  the  Jewish  revolution.  It  had  taken  a 
-course  and  an  extent  which  opened  up  a  vista  of 
unlooked-for  results.  Every  auxiliary  force  which  he 
had  sent  to  join  in  the  contest  suffered  defeat,  and 


414  HISTORY    OK    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

ever}'  fresh  general  left  his  reputation  on  a  Jewish 
battle-field,  Hadrian  was  obliored  to  summon  his 
i^reatest  general,  who  at  that  time  was  repressing 
the  revolt  of  a  nation  who  loved  freedom  equally 
well,  namely,  the  Britons.  Julius  Severus  was  re- 
called to  Judaea,  as  he  seemed  to  be  the  only  man 
who  could  measure  swords  with  the  great  hero,  Bar- 
Cochba.  Severus,  on  his  arrival,  found  the  military 
position  of  the  Jews  so  secure  and  inaccessible  that 
he  did  not  venture  to  give  them  battle  immediately. 
The  chief  stronghold  of  the  Jews  during  this  war 
was  the  district  around  the  Mediterranean  Sea  which 
had  for  its  central  point  the  town  of  Bethar  (Bither). 
This  fortress,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen, 
is  only  one  Roman  mile  (four-fifths  of  a  geographical 
mile)  distant  from  the  sea. 

Besides  Bethar,  Bar-Cochba  had  fortified  several 
other  towns,  which  were  probably  placed  under 
special  commanders.  In  the  north,  at  the  foot  of 
the  Galilean  highlands,  at  the  entrance  to  the  great 
plain  of  Jezreel  (Esdraelon)  there  were  three  cities, 
which  formed  a  triangle  of  fortresses  from  the  Medi- 
terranean to  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  To  the  west  near 
Acco  there  was  Cabul,  or  Chabulon  ;  three  miles 
from  this,  towards  the  southeast,  there  was  the 
fortified  town  of  Sichin,  near  to  Sepphoris,  in  a 
fruitful  plain.  About  three  miles  further,  to  the 
east  of  Galilee,  and  on  the  lake  of  the  same  name, 
stood  Magdala  (Tarichaea).  All  three  towns,  Cabul, 
Sichin  and  Magdala,  are  described  as  having  been 
densely  populated,  and  they  formed  the  outposts 
which  were  to  prevent  the  invasion  of  the  Romans 
on  the  side  of  Syria  and  Upper  Galilee.  The  in- 
habitants of  Sepphoris  appear  to  have  secretly 
maintained  their  devotion  to  the  Romans,  as  they 
had  form.erly  done  under  Vespasian  and  Trajan. 
Full  confidence  was  not  placed  in  them,  but  the 
more  reliable  towns  of  the  neighborhood  were 
chosen  as  meeting-places.     A  second  line  of  forti- 


CH.  XV  TACTICS    OF    SEVERUS.  415 

fications  was  in  the  middle  of  the  Jewish  territory, 
and  was  greatly  favored  by  the  conformation  of  the 
ground.  One  of  the  chief  fortresses  which  Bar- 
Cochba  probably  again  put  in  a  state  of  defense 
was  Tur-Simon,  doubtless  named  after  Simon  the 
Hasmonasan.  This  fortress  was  also  said  to  have 
so  numerous  a  population  that,  every  Friday,  three 
hundred  large  baskets  of  loaves  were  distributed 
amongst  the  army.  Here,  according  to  legend,  the 
revolt  broke  out,  on  account  of  an  offense  given 
by  the  Romans  to  the  inhabitants. 

Julius,  whose  rapid  glance  no  doubt  perceived  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  a  victory,  owing  to  the  strong 
fortifications,  the  number  of  warriors  and  their  fana- 
tical courage,  avoided  a  decided  battle,  which  would 
have  been  desired  by  Bar-Cochba,  who  relied  on  the 
number  and  devotion  of  his  troops.  Like  Vespa- 
sian, Severus  purposely  prolonged  the  war  by  divers 
attacks.  He  reckoned  more  especially  on  the  scar- 
city of  food  which  must  inevitably  ensue  in  a  land- 
locked territory,  when  the  hands  which  should  hold 
the  plow  were  engaged  with  the  sword.  He  con- 
tented himself  with  depriving  the  enemy  of  food,  with 
attacking  the  separate  bodies  of  Jewish  troops,  and 
harassing  them  with  his  cavalry.  These  tactics  fully 
succeeded,  more  especially  as  all  prisoners  were 
immediately  put  to  death. 

The  particulars  of  this  revolutionary  war  were  no 
doubt  as  memorable  as  those  of  the  war  with  the 
Zealots,  but  no  account  has  been  preserved  to  tell 
posterity  of  the  death-struggle  of  the  Jewish  nation. 
The  heroic  deeds  of  the  Zealots  —  Bar-Giora  and 
John  of  Gischala  —  have  been  immortalized  by  their 
greatest  enemy,  against  his  will,  but  no  pen  was 
found  to  commemorate  on  the  tablets  of  history  the 
warlike  deeds  of  the  last  of  the  Jewish  heroes.  It 
almost  seemed  that  the  remembrance  of  their 
prowess,  destined  as  the  new  generations  were  to 
forget  the  arts  of  war,  was  to  be  totally  forgotten 


4l6  IIISTOKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

Only  a  few  traits  have  been  preserved  to  us  of  the 
war,  which  bear  witness,  not  only  to  the  courage  of 
the  Jews  but  also  to  their  all-defying  enthusiasm  for 
the  cause  of  their  race. 

If,  as    the   geographical    position    of  Judaea   de- 
manded, the  first  attack  of  the  Romans  was  made 
on  the  north,  on  the  Syrian  and  Phctnician  side,  the 
three  northernmost  citadels   of  Cabul,  Sichin  and 
INIagdala  must  have  been  first  attacked.    The  Jewish 
sources  which  have  handed  down  the  details  of  the 
war,  as  given  by  survivors,  relate  the  manner  of  the 
destruction  of  these  three   cities,  and  the  circum- 
stances  which   led   to   their   downfall.     Cabul    fell 
through   internal   dissensions  ;   Sichin  through  sor- 
cery, by  which  an  unlooked-for  attack  was  probably 
meant ;    lastly,    Magdala,    the    birthplace    of    the 
penitent  Mary  Magdalene,  fell,  weakened  through 
the  vices  of  its  inhabitants.     After  the  fall  of  the 
three  strongholds  on  the  borders,  the  war  was  vir- 
tually at  an  end,  just  as  in  the  first  revolution,  after 
the  subjection  of  Jotapata  and  Gischala,  the  land 
was  considered  as  subdued.    The  plain  of  Rimmon 
seems  to  have  been  another  seat  of  the  war,  for  the 
Roman  legions  had  to  traverse  this  plain  in  order 
to  reach  the  interior  of  the  land.     On  this  plain  a 
terrible  battle  seems  to  have    taken    place,  which 
became  the  subject-matter  of  many  a  legend.     The 
next   campaign   of  the   Romans  was  evidently  di- 
rected against  the  cities  in  the  mountains.     Legend 
relates    how    100,000    Romans    marched    into    the 
citadel  of  Tur-Simon  with  drawn  swords,  and  how, 
during  three  days  and  nights,  they  massacred  the 
inhabitants.     The  fifty  fortified  places  occupied  by 
the  Jews  fell  one  after  another  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  Roman  generals  gave  battle  to  the 
Jewish    army  on    fifty-two,  or,  according   to    some 
authorities,    on    fifty-four    occasions.      The    circle 
drawn    round    Bethar,  where   Bar-Cochba  and  the 
flower  of  his  army  had  retreated,  became  ever  nar- 


CH.  XV.  LAST    DAYS    OF    BETHAR,  417 

rower.  All  fugitives  had  betaken  themselves  to  his 
side,  in  order  to  escape  the  sword  of  destruction 
and  to  find  a  place  of  refuge.  On  this  spot,  where 
the  two  greatest  generals  of  the  time  —  Julius 
Severus  and  Bar-Cochba  —  were  opposed,  the  de- 
cisive conflict  was  to  take  place. 

Bethar  was,  no  doubt,  filled  to  overflowing  by  the 
contingents  who  came  in  from  all  sides.  The  sources 
could  not  speak  with  sufficient  hyperbole  of  this 
final  scene  of  the  defense  ;  they  relate,  amongst 
other  things,  that  several  hundreds  of  schools  ex- 
isted in  Bethar,  and  that  the  numbers  of  the  pupils 
were  so  great  that  they  boasted  that  they  could 
overthrow  the  enemy  with  their  writing-reeds.  The 
siege  of  Bethar  probably  lasted  for  a  year,  and  the 
duration  of  the  whole  war  was  about  three  years  and 
a-half.  We  are  left  in  uncertainty  as  to  the  vari- 
ous incidents  of  the  siege,  as  also  regarding  the 
causes  which  led  to  the  fall  of  the  citadel.  A  Jewish 
authority  relates  that  the  river  Joredethha-Zalmon 
faithlessly  deprived  the  besieged  of  its  waters,  which 
may  mean  that  the  summer  heat  dried  it  up.  A 
somewhat  vague  account  from  Samaritan  sources 
recounts  that  the  food-supplies,  which  had  been 
secretly  conveyed  into  the  town,  were  suddenly  cut 
off;  this  agrees  with  the  Jewish  accounts,  which  re- 
late that  Bethar  fell  through  the  stratagems  of  the 
Samaritans.  The  Jewish  sources  assert  that  Eleazar 
of  Modin  prayed  in  sackcloth  and  ashes  that  Bethar 
might  be  spared  ;  and  perhaps  his  piety  inspired 
the  besieged  with  endurance  and  courage. 

Hadrian,  or  his  general,  being  wearied  with  the 
long  contest,  was  about  to  raise  the  siege,  when  a 
Samaritan  promised  to  aid  him,  and  told  him  that 
Eleazar  was  the  guardian  spirit  of  the  citadel,  add- 
ing that  "  so  long  as  that  hen  cackles  in  ashes 
Bethar  is  impregnable."  Thereupon  the  Samaritan, 
passing  through  a  subterranean  passage,  approached 
Eleazar   whilst   he   was    engaged   in    prayer,    and 


4l8  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XV. 

whispered  in  his  ear.  The  spectators,  whose  sus- 
picions were  aroused  by  this  secrecy,  led  him  to 
Bar-Cochba  and  related  the  incident.  The  spy, 
when  questioned,  declared  :  "  If  I  tell  thee  the  truth, 
my  master  will  kill  me  ;  and  if  I  keep  it  from  thee, 
thou  wilt  kill  me  ;  but  I  would  rather  die  by  thy  hand 
than  by  my  master's."  Bar-Cochba,  suspecting  a 
traitorous  understanding  between  Eleazar  and  the 
enemy,  summoned  him  to  appear,  and  questioned 
him  as  to  his  meeting  with  the  Samaritan.  Eleazar, 
who  had  been  absorbed  in  his  devotions,  and  had 
hardly  noticed  the  Samaritan,  could  only  reply  that 
he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter.  Bar-Cochba,  who 
thought  that  he  was  being  deceived,  struck  Eleazar 
a  blow  with  his  foot,  and,  enfeebled  as  he  was  by 
fasting,  Eleazar  fell  down  dead.  Then  a  voice  was 
heard :  "  Thou  hast  lamed  the  arm  of  Israel  and 
blinded  his  eyes  ;  therefore  shall  thine  arm  and  thine 
eye  lose  their  power." 

The  Samaritan  sources  describe  the  conquest  of 
Bethar  as  similar  to  that  of  Jerusalem.  Hadrian,  they 
assert,  who  had  laid  siege  to  the  city,  had  already 
raised  the  siege,  as  the  inhabitants  had  obtained 
supplies,  which  they  showed  to  the  enemy.  Then 
two  Samaritan  brothers,  who  were  held  imprisoned 
by  the  Jews,  contrived  to  throw  over  the  wall  a 
letter  wrapped  in  linen  to  Julius,  saying  that  if  the 
exits  were  guarded  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  would 
certainly  die  of  starvation.  He  followed  their  ad- 
vice, and  entered  the  city  on  a  Sabbath.  So  much 
is  certain,  that  the  Romans,  introduced  by  a  traitor 
into  a  subterranean  way,  massacred  the  people  of 
Bethar.  This  is  described  with  fearful  detail.  Horses 
were  said  to  wade  to  the  nozzle  in  blood — a  river 
of  blood  flowed  into  the  distant  sea,  carrying  bodies 
along  with  it.  One  can  scarcely  credit  the  numbers 
said  to  have  been  slain,  and  yet  they  are  confirmed 
both  by  Jewish  and  by  Greek  historians.  The  au- 
thentic historian  Dio  Cassius  relates   that  besides 


CH.  XV.  MASSACRE    OF    TIIK    FUCITIVES.  4I9 

those  who  died  of  hunger  and  fire,  there  fell  half  a 
million  Jews. 

The  loss  of  the  Romans  was  equally  great,  and 
Hadrian  did  not  dare  employ  in  his  message  to 
the  Senate  the  usual  formula,  "I  and  the  army  are 
well."  The  Senate  did  not  decree  the  Emperor  a 
triumph,  but  a  medal  was  struck  in  commemoration 
of  the  services  rendered  by  the  army.  This  coin 
bore  the  inscription,  "  Exercitus  Judaicus.  Thanks 
to  the  army  victorious  over  the  Jews."  Bethar  fell, 
as  tradition  relates,  on  the  9th  Ab,  the  date  on  which 
the  Temple  had  twice  been  reduced  to  ashes.  The 
end  of  the  mighty  Bar-Cochba  is  not  known.  One 
who  brought  his  head  to  the  Roman  General  boasted 
that  he  had  killed  him.  His  body,  however,  was 
found  crushed  by  a  snake.  On  this  the  conqueror 
said,  "  Had  not  God's  hand  killed  him,  a  human  hand 
could  not  have  injured  him."  Hadrian  established 
three  military  stations  to  capture  the  fugitives,  in 
Chamath  (Ammaus  near  Tiberias),  in  Kephar  Le- 
kitaja,  and  in  Bethel.  Whoever  escaped  the  one 
garrison  was  captured  by  the  other.  Thus  all  the 
warriors  were  destroyed,  all  towns  and  villages  laid 
waste,  and  the  land  was  literally  converted  into  a 
desert.  The  prisoners,  mostly  women  and  children, 
were  dragged  by  thousands  to  the  slave  markets  of 
Hebron  and  Gaza,  where  they  were  sold.  There 
were,  however,  some  fugitives  who  lived  in  caves  in 
order  to  escape  the  enemy.  But  even  this  miser- 
able existence  was  not  permitted  to  them.  Heralds 
announced  that  to  those  who  voluntarily  yielded 
themselves  up,  mercy  would  be  granted.  Many 
listened  to  the  temptation,  but  were  carried  off  to 
the  plain  of  Rimmon,  and  the  victors  were  com- 
manded to  massacre  their  prisoners  before  Hadrian 
tasted  food.  Many  fugitives,  however,  fled  to 
Arabia,  whence  that  country  obtained  its  Jewish 
population,  which  afterward  played  so  important  a 
part  in  its  history.     Hadrian  also    caused    foreign 


420 


HISTORY    OK    THE    JKWS.  CH.  XV. 


Jews  to  feel  the  weight  of  his  anger,  and  imposed 
on  them  a  tax  much  heavier  than  that  exacted  by 
Vespasian.  In  memory  of  this  last  revolt,  the  Jews, 
as  a  sign  of  mourning,  decreed  that  brides  should 
no  longer  be  carried  in  beautiful  sedan-chairs  into 
the  houses  of  their  bridegrooms. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

CONSEQUENCES   OF   THE   WAR   OF   BAR-COCHBA. 

Turnus  Rufus  persecutes  the  Jews — The  Ten  Martyrs — The  Book 
of  Tobit — Relations  between  Judaism  and  Christianity — The 
Return  of  the  Schools  to  Palestine — The  Synod  at  Usha — Meir — 
Simon  hen  Jochai  —  The  Babylonian  Synhedrion  —  Antoninus 
Pius  and  Aurelius  Verus — The  Revolt  against  Rome — The 
Patriarchate  of  Simon. 

135-170  C.E. 

Hadrian,  who  during  the  war  had  lived  in  a  terror- 
stricken  condition,  did  not  content  himself  with 
merely  crushing  all  revolt,  but  he  desired  to  root  out 
the  possibility  of  a  future  uprising.  For  this  pur- 
pose he  caused  a  number  of  laws  to  be  brought  into 
operation,  ever}'  one  of  which  was  intended  to  de- 
stroy Judaism,  the  spiritual  life  of  the  nation,  in  the 
hearts  of  the  survivors.  Hadrian  named  Rufus  as 
the  executor  of  his  edicts — a  man  incapable  of  attack- 
ing an  armed  foe,  but  more  competent  to  carry  on 
a  war  of  petty  persecution  and  spying.  Severus 
having  been  sent  back  to  Britain  at  the  end  of  his 
campaign,  Rufus  had  the  plow  drawn  over  the 
town  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple  Mount,  as  a  sign 
that  another  city  should  be  built  there.  This  oc- 
curred on  the  eventful  9th  Ab,  perhaps  a  year  after 
the  fall  of  Bethar. 

Hadrian  had  the  city  rebuilt  more  towards  the 
north,  where  formerly  the  suburbs  had  been.  He 
populated  the  newly  erected  city  with  a  colony  of 
soldiers  who  had  served  their  time,  Phoenicians 
and  Syrians.  The  city,  yElia  Capitolina,  was  built 
in  the  Grecian  style,  with  two  market-places,  a 
theater,  and  other  public  buildings,  and  was  di- 
vided into  seven  quarters.  Thus  Hadrian  suc- 
491 


422  IIISTOKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

ceeded  in  his  preconceived  plan  of  turning-  Jeru- 
salem into  a  heathen  city.  On  the  Temple  Mount 
a  column  was  erected  in  honor  of  Hadrian,  and 
a  heathen  temple  in  honor  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus. 
Other  statues  of  Roman,  Greek,  and  Phoenician 
gods  adorned,  or  rather  defiled,  Jerusalem.  In  all 
public  edicts  Jerusalem  figured  under  its  new  name 
yElia,  and  so  completely  was  its  identity  forgotten, 
that  a  hundred  years  later  a  governor  of  Palestine 
asked  a  bishop,  who  said  he  came  from  Jerusalem, 
where  that  town  was  situated.  At  the  south  gate 
leading  to  Bethlehem  a  swine's  head  was  erected  in 
half  relief,  as  a  special  annoyance  to  the  Jews,  and 
it  was  forbidden  them  on  pain  of  death  to  pass 
within  the  outer  wall  of  this  city.  Hadrian  erected 
a  shrine  to  Jupiter  on  Mount  Gerizim,  where  the 
Samaritans  formerly  had  had  their  temple,  a  place 
they  considered  as  holy.  On  Mount  Golgotha,  op- 
posite Jerusalem,  a  temple  was  erected  to  Venus, 
and  in  a  cave  at  Bethlehem  a  statue  of  Adonis  was 
worshiped.  Hadrian  followed  the  old  policy  of 
the  Syrian  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  who  desecrated 
the  Jewish  holy  places  from  prejudice  and  revenge, 
and  endeavored  to  graft  Paganism  on  Judaism  by 
force  of  arms.  He  thought  most  effectually  to  break 
down  the  stubborn  independence  of  the  Jews  if  he 
could  succeed  in  weaning  them  from  their  peculiar 
religious  life.  A  decree  was  issued  in  Judaea  which 
inflicted  the  severest  punishments  on  all  those  who 
permitted  themselves  to  be  circumcised,  to  keep  the 
Sabbath,  or  to  follow  the  Jewish  law.  Only  in 
one  point  did  Hadrian  differ  from  Epiphanes — he 
did  not  compel  the  worship  of  the  Roman  gods. 
All  customs  and  habits  which  bore  ever  so  slight  a 
tinge  of  a  religious  character  were,  however,  inter- 
dicted, such  as  the  letter  of  separation  for  divorced 
wives,  marriages  on  Wednesday,  and  other  customs. 
This  extension  of  the  edict  may  have  been  a  com- 
mentary of  the  Roman  authorities   in  Judaea,  who 


CH.  XVI.  ASSEMBLY    AT    LVDDA.  423 

were  better  acquainted  with  the  spirit  of  the  Jews, 
and  determined  to  enforce  the  imperial  command  in 
order  to  attain  the  desired  end.  The  weary  years 
through  which  Judaism  passed,  from  the  fall  of 
Bethar  till  after  the  death  of  Hadrian,  were  called 
the  epoch  of  Religious  Compulsion,  Danger  and 
Persecution.  The  stern  decrees,  and  a  sterner 
enforcement  of  them,  were  a  heavy  blow  for  those 
who  remained.  The  more  conscientious  were  un- 
decided how  to  behave  in  their  critical  position, 
whether  they  should  keep  to  the  hard  and  fast  line 
of  custom,  or  whether,  in  consideration  of  their 
thinned  ranks,  they  should  save  their  own  lives  by 
yielding  to  the  exigencies  of  the  moment. 

There  was  probably  no  actual  Synhedrion  at  that 
time  to  take  up  the  question  and  give  them  the 
guidance  they  desired.  The  surviving  teachers  of 
the  Law  assembled  in  a  garret  in  Lydda,  and  delib- 
erated on  this  question  of  life  and  death.  Amongst 
the  members  present  at  this  assemblage  were  Akiba, 
Tarphon,  and  Joseph  the  Galilean.  Doubtless 
Ishmael,  who  resembled  R.  Joshua  in  character, 
was  also  present  on  that  occasion.  There  was 
a  difference  of  opinion  with  regard  to  this  impor- 
tant question.  The  strict  elements  appear  to 
have  considered  that  every  Jew,  rather  than  become 
guilty  of  the  slightest  infringement  of  a  law, 
however  heavy  (important)  or  light  (less  impor- 
tant), should  be  ready  to  die  the  death  of  a  martyr. 
Ishmael  supported  the  opposite  view.  He  con- 
sidered that,  outwardly  and  under  compulsion,  one 
might  transgress  the  Law  in  order  to  preserve  one's 
life,  for  the  Torah  enacted  that  its  followers  should 
live  by  it  and  not  die  through  it.  The  assembly  at 
Lydda,  as  usual,  adopted  the  middle  course,  that  a 
difference  should  be  made  between  important  pre- 
cepts and  those  which  were  less  weighty.  The 
matter  was  put  to  the  vote,  and  the  decision  was 
reached,  that  in  order  to  avoid  death  by  torture,  all 


424  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

laws  might  be  broken,  with  the  exception  of  those 
prohibiting   idolatry,    adultery,    and  murder.     This 
decision,  which   gives    evidence   of  the   desperate 
condition   in  which  the   Jews   at   that   time    found 
themselves,    appears   also    to    have    contained    a 
secret  clause,  that  in  case  of  need  the  Law  might 
be    evaded   or   neglected,    but  that    it    should    be 
observed  as  far  as  it  was  possible  to  do  so.     There 
were    many  who  obeyed,  but  who  dissimulated  in 
presence  of  the  Roman    spies  and  overseers.     It 
was   touching  to  note  the   petty  tricks   and  pious 
frauds   by  which  they   endeavored  to   avoid  death 
and   yet  to   satisfy  their  conscience.     The   mental 
tortures  which  they  suffered  daily  and  hourly  made 
them    skilful    in    discovering   loopholes    of  escape. 
Even  Akiba  on  one  occasion  when  he  saw  himself  sur- 
rounded by  Roman  spies,  gave  a  sign  to  his  disciples 
to  say  the  Shema  softly  and  almost  inaudibly,  for  the 
Roman  authorities  ruthlessly  fulfilled  the  letter  of 
their  edict.     A   Roman   inspector  (quxsitor),  w^ho 
surprised  a  certain  Artaban,  as  he  was  fastening 
Mezzuzoth  to  the  door-posts,  compelled  him  to  pay 
1000  denars   for  this   act.      Another  man,   Elisha, 
probably  a  survivor  of  the  Essenes,  was  condemned 
to  have  his  skull  broken,  because  he  was  putting  on 
Tephillin.      It   was    dangerous    even    to   wear    the 
Jewish    garb.       Two    pupils    of    Joshua    therefore 
adopted  the  dress  of  the  country,  and  when  ques- 
tioned on  the  subject  they  replied,  "  that  to  oppose 
the  Imperial  behest  would  be  to  commit  suicide." 
Ishmael  describes  this  dreary  time,  when  martyr- 
dom and  death  dogged  their  every  step,  in  the  follow- 
ing words  :    "  Since  sinful  Rome  has  inflicted  severe 
laws  on  us,  disturbed  us  in  the  performance  of  our 
religious  duties,  and  especially  prohibited  the  act  of 
circumcision,    we    really    ought    not    to    marry,    in 
order  that  we  may  not  have  children.     But  then  the 
race   of  Abraham  would  die  out.     Therefore  it  is 
better  that,  for  a  time,  the  religious  laws  should  be 


CH.  XVI.  PERSECUTION   AND    MARTYRDOM.  425 

transgressed,  rather  than  that  a  state  of  thinq^s 
should  be  brought  about  which  the  people  would 
not  submit  to." 

There  were,  however,  many  whose  conscience  did 
not  permit  them  to  make  use  of  the  freedom  per- 
mitted by  the  Lyddan  Assembly,  or  to  employ  the 
subterfuges  which  were  adopted  by  others.  They 
observed  rigorously  the  religious  precepts,  even  at 
the  risk  of  suffering  martyrdom.  One  of  the  younger 
witnesses  of  this  sad  time  describes,  almost  in  a 
dramatic  way,  the  ruthlessness  of  the  Roman  au- 
thorities, who  inflicted  some  cruel  punishment  for 
each  religious  ceremony.  "  Why  shouldst  thou  be 
flogged  ?  Because  I  used  a  lulab.  Why  shouldst 
thou  be  crucified  ?  Because  I  ate  unleavened  bread 
at  Passover.  Why  should  ye  be  condemned  to  death 
by  fire  or  by  the  sword?  Because  we  read  the 
Torah,  and  permitted  our  children  to  be  circum- 
cised." Yet  more  terrible  were  the  deaths  inflicted 
on  the  accused  by  the  Roman  tribunals,  which 
can  only  be  paralleled  by  those  inflicted  by  the 
Inquisition.  Red-hot  balls  were  placed  in  the  arm- 
pits, or  spiked  tubes  passed  under  the  nails,  or  damp 
wool  was  laid  on  the  heart  of  one  who  was  being 
burnt  to  death,  or  the  skin  was  taken  off — horrors 
which  cause  an  involuntary  shudder  at  their  mere 
enumeration. 

Notwithstanding  the  watchfulness  of  the  Roman 
officials,  it  would  have  been  possible  to  deceive  them, 
had  there  not  been  Jewish  renegades  who  betrayed 
to  the  Roman  overseers  the  various  stratagems  and 
devices  employed.  These  spies  probably  belonged 
to  an  unscrupulous  class  of  men,  who  would  do  any- 
thing for  gain,  or  they  were  Jewish  Christians,  who 
by  this  means  thought  to  find  favor  with  the  Roman 
authorities,  and  to  show  that  they  were  distinct  from 
the  Jews.  Lastly,  there  were  those  who  considered 
it  a  good  work  to  assist  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Jewish   Law.     Amongst  these  was  Acher,  who  was 


426  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

imbued  with  contempt  for  the  Law.  It  is  said 
that  he  gave  information  to  the  Roman  authorities 
to  enable  them  to  distinguish  between  religious  cer- 
emonies and  those  which  were  of  no  moment.  I'or 
example,  if  the  Jews  were  compelled  to  work  on  the 
Sabbath,  and  one  had  to  carry  a  load,  in  order  to 
ease  his  conscience,  would  get  an  assistant,  and 
thus  lessen  the  desecration  of  the  Sabbath,  Acher 
would  draw  attention  to  this  ruse.  Thus  the  Roman 
spies,  who  initiated  the  overseers  in  the  various 
rites,  were  keen  to  notice  every  attempt  at  a 
religious  observance. 

Hadrian  or  his  representatives  directed  their 
strictest  attention  to,  and  inflicted  the  severest 
punishments  in,  two  especial  cases — the  assembling 
of  schools  and  the  ordination  of  disciples.  It  may 
have  been  suggested  to  him  that  the  continuance 
of  the  Law  depended  on  these  two  functions.  If 
the  instruction  of  pupils  by  the  teachers  could 
be  stopped,  and  the  ordination  of  pupils  as  inde- 
pendent teachers  could  be  prevented,  then  naturally 
a  stoppage  must  occur  in  the  life-current  of  Judaism. 
It  must  be  confessed  that  the  Roman  policy  was 
well  carried  out  by  its  supporters,  and  that  they  knew 
how  to  strike  at  the  most  vital  point  of  Judaism. 
Severe  sentences  of  death  were  inflicted  upon  those 
teachers  who  maintained  schools,  and  en  those 
who  ordained  disciples  ;  even  the  communities  were 
made  answerable  for  them.  The  town  and  its  envi- 
rons, where  an  ordination  took  place,  were  con- 
demned to  destruction.  It  is  possible  that  Acher 
instigated  this  persecution  ;  at  any  rate,  it  is  related 
of  him  that  he  handed  over  the  teachers  of  the  Law 
to  death,  and  that  he  frightened  away  disciples  from 
the  study  of  the  Law. 

Amongst  the  friends  of  peace  who  even  advised 
subservience  to  these  decrees  was  Jose  ben  Kisma, 
who  honored  patience  as  the  highest  virtue,  and 
hoped  to  effect  more  by  submission  than  by  bold 


CH.  XVI.  THE    MARTYRS.  427 

Opposition  and  useless  self-destruction.  He  once 
met  Chanina  ben  Teradion,  who  belonged  to  the 
party  who  were  determined  to  give  up  their  life  for 
the  Law.  He  was  teaching  his  pupils  from  a  scroll 
of  the  Law,  which  he  held  in  his  lap.  Jose  said 
warningly,  "Seest  thou,  my  brother,  that  even 
Heaven  is  favorable  to  the  Roman  empire.  The 
Temple  is  destroyed  ;  the  pious  are  cut  down,  the 
best  men  are  exterminated,  and  yet  this  empire 
exists  !  How  canst  thou  dare  to  teach  against  the 
Imperial  law?  It  would  not  surprise  me  if  thou 
wert  condemned  to  the  stake  together  with  the 
holy  books,"  Jose  was  in  high  favor  at  the  court  of 
the  Governor  of  Judaea,  and  when  he  died  several 
persons  of  high  rank  followed  his  body. 

Most  of  the  Tanaites  were  of  a  different  opinion, 
and  decided  rather  to  suffer  death  than  to  give  up 
their  meetings  at  the  schools  ;  they  considered  it 
of  greater  importance  to  study  the  Law  than  to 
observe  religious  precepts.  A  special  ordinance 
was  passed  in  the  garret  at  Lydda  that  to  teach 
was  far  more  important  than  to  merely  practise 
the  Law.  As  far  as  compulsory  abstention  from 
religious  observances  was  concerned,  the  teachers 
of  the  Law  had  set  an  example  of  submission  for 
the  time  being  ;  but  in  order  to  preserve  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  Law  itself  they  pressed  forward  to  a 
martyr's  death,  as  though  that  must  be  the  holiest 
part  of  Judaism,  to  be  defended  even  at  the  expense 
of  life. 

An  old  account  speaks  of  ten  martyrs  who  bled 
for  the  Law.  But  the  names  of  only  seven  have 
been  preserved  ;  of  the  others  the  accounts  are  un- 
trustworthy. The  first  to  be  executed  was  Ishmael, 
son  of  the  high  priest  Elisha,  who  formulated  the 
Thirteen  Rules  ;  with  him  was  a  certain  Simon  (of 
which  name  there  were  several).  Elisha  was  un- 
willing to  advise  others  to  undergo  martyrdom,  but 
he  joyfully  underwent  it  himself.     Akiba  gave  ad- 


428  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

dresses,  in  which  he  described  how  Ishmael  and 
Simon,  both  free  from  sin,  had  served  as  examples, 
and  fallen  by  die  hands  of  the  executioner  ;  and 
in  conclusion  he  exhorted  his  scholars  with  these 
words,  "  Prepare  for  death,  for  terrible  days  are 
awaiting  us."  Akiba's  turn  soon  came,  for  he 
held  discourses  in  secret.  On  the  third  day  of 
Tishri  he  was  thrown  into  prison.  In  vain  had 
Pappos  ben  Judah,  one  of  those  who  advised  sub- 
mission at  any  price,  warned  him  to  give  up  his 
meetings  with  his  pupils,  because  the  eyes  of  spies 
were  directed  to  the  most  secret  places.  Chance 
brought  him  and  this  very  Pappos  together  in 
prison.  Pappos  lamented  that  he  was  only  con- 
demned for  a  worldly  matter,  and  that  he  could  not 
comfort  himself  with  the  idea  that  he  was  suffering  for 
a  great  cause.  Rufus,  the  governor  and  executioner, 
acted  towards  Akiba,  whom  he  considered  as  the 
head  and  leader,  with  even  greater  severity  than 
towards  the  others.  He  kept  him  for  a  long  time 
in  the  prison,  which  was  so  securely  guarded  that 
no  one  could  gain  admission.  The  remaining 
teachers  of  the  Law,  who  felt  utterly  deserted  and 
helpless  without  Akiba,  took  all  possible  pains  to 
obtain  his  advice  in  doubtful  cases.  Once  they 
gave  300  denars  to  a  messenger,  who  could  only 
with  great  difficulty  obtain  access  to  Akiba. 

At  last,  however,  the  hour  of  his  execution  came. 
Rufus  inflicted  the  cruelest  tortures  on  him,  and 
caused  his  skin  to  be  torn  off  with  irons.  The 
great  martyr,  whilst  under  torture,  recited  the  Shema 
with  a  peaceful  smile  on  his  face.  Rufus,  astonished 
at  his  extraordinary  courage,  asked  him  if  he  was  a 
sorcerer,  that  he  could  so  easily  overcome  the  pain 
he  was  suffering.  To  which  Akiba  replied,  "  I  am 
no  sorcerer,  but  I  rejoice  that  I  am  permitted  to 
love  God  with  my  life."  Akiba  breathed  forth  his 
soul  with  the  last  words  of  the  prayer  which  contains 
the    essence   of  Judaism — God   is   One.      Akiba's 


CH.XVI.  DEATH    OF    AKIHA.  429 

death,  which  was  as  remarkable  as  his  life  had  been, 
left  a  terrible  void.  His  contemporaries  mourned, 
for  with  him  was  destroyed  the  arm  of  the  Law  and 
the  source  of  wisdom.  He  left  one  son  and  several 
disciples,  who  honored  his  name,  and  considered 
his  mode  of  teaching"  as  the  only  permissible  one. 

The  fourth  martyr  who  heroically  bore  his  death 
was  Chanina  ben  Teradion.  Regardless  of  the 
warnings  of  Jose  ben  Kisma,  he  continued  to  hold  his 
lectures  until  he  was  dragged  to  the  tribunal.  He 
was  asked  why  he  had  acted  in  opposition  to  the  im- 
perial command,  and  he  boldly  answered,  "  Because 
God  has  so  commanded  me."  He  was  wrapped  up 
in  a  scroll  of  the  Law  and  burnt  on  a  stake  of  fresh 
rushes.  Chanina's  wife  was  also  sentenced  to  death, 
and  his  daughter  condemned  to  degradation. 

The  martyrdom  of  Chuzpit,  the  speaker  (Me- 
turgeman)  of  the  Synhedrion  of  Jamnia,  and  Isebab, 
the  secretary  of  the  Synhedrion,  are  merely  noted 
without  details ;  doubtless  they  were  discovered 
teaching  the  Law.  Judah  ben  Baba  is  said  to  have 
been  the  last  of  the  martyrs.  Before  his  death  he 
resolved  to  invest  the  seven  remaining  pupils  of 
Akiba  with  the  necessary  authority  to  continue 
the  propagation  of  the  traditional  Law.  He 
selected  for  the  function  the  valley  between  Usha 
and  Shefaram,  but  despite  this  secrecy  he  was 
surprised  by  the  Romans.  His  disciples  refused 
to  leave  him,  and  it  was  only  after  repeated 
entreaties  that  they  fled.  The  enemy  found  the 
old  man  alone,  and  he  gave  himself  up  to  death 
without  opposition.  He  was  pierced  by  lances. 
From  fear  of  Rufus's  bloodthirsty  vengeance,  the 
usual  address  was  omitted  at  the  funeral  of 
Judah  ben  Baba.  Neither  the  name  nor  the  mode 
of  death  of  the  remaining  martyrs  is  known  with 
certainty.  Thus  ends  the  second  generation  of 
Tanaites  ;  it  was  rich  in  great  men,  rich  in  great 
minds,  and  rich  in  trouble  and  sorrow.     The  end 


430  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI, 

of  Bar-Cochba's  revolt  formed  the  turning-point  of 
this  epoch,  and  the  fact  that  a  temple  to  Jupiter 
Capitolinus  occupied  the  site  of  the  ancient  Jewish 
Temple  seemed  to  the  Jewish  Christians  to  presage 
the  last  day  and  the  return  of  the  Messiah. 

Hadrian  and  Rufus's  cruel  measures  were  directed 
not  aofainst  the  survivors  alone,  but  also  ap^ainst 
the  dead.  The  heaps  of  dead  bodies  were  not  per- 
mitted to  be  interred,  but  the  horrible  sight  was 
intended  as  a  warning  to  the  survivors,  that  they 
should  no  longer  dream  of  deliverance  from  the 
Roman  yoke.  The  rulers  did  not  trouble  themselves 
as  to  the  pestilential  condition  of  the  air,  or  the  de- 
pressing effect  of  beholding  so  many  corpses  lying 
in  the  sunshine  ;  or  perhaps  they  rejoiced  that  pes- 
tilence and  despair  should  be  added  to  the  horrors 
inflicted  on  the  Jewish  nation.  To  pious  and  gentle 
hearts  the  thought  was  unbearable  that  the  remains 
of  those  who  had  fallen,  which  were  especially  to  be 
honored  by  Jewish  custom,  should  be  left  as  a  prey 
to  wild  beasts  and  birds  and  to  decay  in  the  sun- 
light. It  appears  that  a  pious  man  desired  to 
impress  on  the  survivors  who  had  made  peace  with 
the  Romans,  and  who  lived  in  seclusion,  the  neces- 
sity of  interring  the  corpses  in  the  darkness  of  the 
night,  even  at  the  cost  of  their  own  happiness  and 
peace.  To  this  end  he  composed  a  book — the  Book 
of  Tobit — in  which  great  weight  is  laid  on  the  duty 
of  secretly  interring  the  bodies  of  those  whom  the 
tyrants  doomed  to  disgrace  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
it  was  hinted  that  the  danger  attending  this  duty 
would  bring  a  rich  reward.  In  evidence  of  this  the 
case  was  cited  of  the  pious  Tobit,  who  after  suffer- 
ing many  misfortunes  as  the  result  of  his  labor  of 
love,  was  in  the  end  rewarded  with  rich  blessings. 
The  contents  of  the  Book  of  Tobit  undeniably  indi- 
cate that  it  was  composed  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian. 

Hadrian's   severe  persecution   also  fell  upon  the 
Jewish    Christians — perhaps    on    all    Christians — ■ 


CH.  XVI.         HADRIAN    AND    THE    CHRISTIANS.  43 1 

although  they  had  separated  from  the  Jewish  com- 
munity ;  for  the  reason  that  the  Roman  authorities 
did  not  consider  the  differences  of  dogma  between 
Jews  and  Christians.  The  EvangeHsts  paint  in  the 
darkest  colors  the  horrors  of  persecution  with  which 
the  Christians  were  attacked.  "Then  you  will  be- 
hold the  terrors  of  desolation  (predicted  by  the 
prophet  Daniel)  where  they  should  not  be  ;  he  who 
is  in  Judoea  will  flee  to  the  mountains  ;  woe  to  the 
pregnant  and  to  the  sucklings.  Pray,  however,  that 
your  flight  may  not  take  place  in  winter  or  on  a 
Sabbath." 

Both  sects  of  Christians  were  anxious  to  be  rec- 
ognized as  a  body  separate  from  the  Jews,  both  po- 
litically and  religiously,  so  as  to  avoid  the  doom  im- 
pending over  the  latter.  Two  teachers  of  the 
Church,  Ouadratus  and  Aristides,  are  said  to  have 
handed  to  Hadrian  a  petition,  in  which  they  demon- 
strated that  Christianity  had  no  connection  with 
Judaism.  From  this  time  dates  the  unity  and  iden- 
tity of  most  of  the  Jewish-Christian  and  heathen- 
Christian  sects.  The  Jewish  Christians  gave  up  the 
Jewish  laws  which  they  had  hitherto  kept,  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree,  adopting  the  dogmatic  precepts  of 
Christianity  as  they  had  been  developed  under 
heathen-Christian  views,  and  as  proof  of  their  sin- 
cere convictions,  they  for  the  first  time  placed  an 
uncircumcised  bishop  at  the  head  of  the  community. 
From  the  time  of  Hadrian  all  connection  between 
Jews  and  Christians  ceased,  and  they  no  longer  oc- 
cupied the  position  of  two  hostile  bodies  belonging 
to  the  same  house,  but  they  became  two  entirely 
distinct  bodies. 

Through  the  war  against  Hadrian  and  the  edict 
of  persecution  a  terrible  time  had  arisen  for  Judsea. 
The  towns  were  destroyed,  the  land  laid  waste,  the 
inhabitants  were  killed  either  on  the  battle-field 
or  on  the  scaffold,  or  led  a  miserable  life  as  refu- 
gees, while  some  were  scattered  in  more  hospitable 
territories. 


432  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CU    XVI. 

The  disciples  of  the  Law,  more  especially  the 
seven  disciples  of  Akiba,  had,  with  broken  hearts, 
sought  refuge  in  Nisibis  and  Nahardea,  and  if  the 
persecution  had  lasted  longer,  Babylon  would  even 
at  this  time  have  attained  that  importance  for 
Judaism  which  it  reached  a  century  later.  Hadrian's 
death,  which  occurred  three  years  after  the  fall  of 
Bethar,  brought  about  a  favorable  turn.  The  pious 
beheld  in  the  miserable  death  of  this  emperor,  who, 
next  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  became  the  incarna- 
tion of  the  Jews'  hatred,  and  the  mention  of  whose 
name  was  always  accompanied  by  the  curse,  "  May 
God  reduce  his  remains  to  dust,"  a  divine  visitation 
for  the  evils  he  had  wrought  on  the  Jewish  nation. 
Those  who  had  escaped  destruction  endeavored  to 
obtain  from  Hadrian's  successor  the  revocation  of 
the  cruel  edicts.  Titus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  who 
received  the  name  of  Pius,  although  the  adopted 
son  of  Hadrian,  was  of  a  somewhat  more  humane 
and  beneficent  character,  and  a  milder  treatment 
seemed  likely  at  his  hands.  A  noble  Roman  lady 
of  Csesarea  or  Antioch,  who  had  pity  on  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Jews,  advised  them  to  petition  the  Roman 
authorities  that  the  persecutions  might  cease. 
This  lady  was  perhaps  the  wife  of  Rufus,  and  is 
said  to  have  had  inclination  towards  Judaism. 
Following  this  advice,  a  few  men,  headed  by  Jehudah 
ben  Shamua,  repaired  to  the  governor  to  beg  for 
mercy.  In  the  gloomy  darkness  of  their  desolation 
they  lamented — "  O  heavens,  are  we  not  your 
brothers,  the  sons  of  the  same  father  ?  Why  do 
you  inflict  on  us  unendurable  sufferings  ?"  Such 
lamentations  appear  to  have  induced  the  governor 
to  petition  the  Emperor  to  pursue  a  milder  course 
of  conduct  towards  the  Jews. 

On  the  15th  Ab  (August)  the  joyous  news  is  said 
to  have  come  that  the  heaped-up  corpses  of  the 
Jewish  warriors  might  be  buried.  On  the  28th 
Adar  (March,  139  or  140),  the  yet  more  joyful  tid- 


CH.  XVI.  END    OF   THE    PERSECUTION.  433 

Ings  came  that  the  decrees  of  Hadrian  were  revoked, 
and  this  day  was  commemorated  in  the  calendar. 
A  Roman  source  relates  that  the  Emperor  Antoninus 
Pius  conceded  to  the  Jews  the  rite  of  circumcision  ; 
but  they  were  not  permitted  to  perform  it  on  other 
nationalities  ;  that  is,  they  were  not  allowed  to  make 
proselytes.  Thus  the  persecution  on  account  of 
religion  was  ended.  Antoninus  Pius,  however,  did 
not  repeal  the  law  forbidding  the  Jews  to  enter 
Jerusalem. 

This  unexpected  end  of  the  persecution  recalled 
the  fugitives  to  their  native  land.  The  seven  dis- 
ciples of  Akiba — the  only  heirs  to  the  spiritual  heri- 
tage of  former  times — who,  for  the  most  part,  had 
emigrated  to  Babylon,  now  returned.  These  were 
Meir,  Judah  ben  Ilai,  Jose  ben  Chalafta,  Jochanan 
of  Alexandria,  Simon  ben  Jochai,  Eleazar  ben  Jacob 
(or  ben  Shamua)  and  Nehemiah.  They  repaired 
directly  to  the  plain  of  Rimmon,  made  notable 
during  the  Revolution,  to  consider  the  introduction 
of  a  leap  year,  the  calendar  probably  having  become 
incorrect.  At  the  first  meeting  a  fierce  contest  en- 
sued, probably  with  reference  to  one  of  the  Halachas 
of  Akiba,  but  the  dispute  terminated  in  a  friendly 
settlement. 

They  reassembled  in  Usha,  the  native  town  of 
Judah,  which  even  previous  to  the  revolution  of  Bar- 
Cochba,  had  been,  for  a  short  time,  the  seat  of  the 
college,  and  they  invited  all  the  remaining  teachers 
of  the  Law  in  Galilee  to  meet  there.  Many  came 
at  the  invitation,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Usha  en- 
deavored to  provide  the  guests  with  all  that  they 
required.  The  business  of  the  Synod  was  to  rein- 
state and  renew  the  traditions  which  had  fallen  into 
disuse  during  the  persecutions.  After  several  days 
passed  in  Usha,  the  chief  organizers  of  the  meeting 
dismissed  their  guests  with  solemn  addresses. 
Judah  thanked  the  strangers,  who  had  taken  the 
trouble  to  come  to  the  meeting  from  a  distance  of 


434  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

several  miles.  The  other  members  of  the  council 
thanked  the  inhabitants  of  Usha  for  the  hospitality 
displayed  towards  them.  Thus  did  the  nation, 
whose  destruction  had  seemed  imminent,  again  re- 
vive, and  the  Law  was  once  again  the  curative 
measure,  bringing  w^ith  it  health  and  strength. 

The  members  of  the  Tanaite  circle  pursued  the 
work  of  their  predecessors  with  great  self-sacrifice, 
in  order  to  restore  the  broken  chain  of  tradition, 
but  their  numbers  were  less,  and  their  mental 
activity  inferior  to  that  of  the  former  generation. 
The  chief  of  those  who  took  part  in  affairs  were 
Simon  II.,  son  of  the  Patriarch  Gamaliel,  Nathan 
of  Babylon,  Meir  and  Simon  ben  Jochai.  The  first 
of  these,  as  was  related,  escaped  in  a  wonderful 
manner  from  the  massacre  at  Bethar,  as  also  from 
the  persecution  with  which  he  was  threatened.  The 
quaesitor,  who  had  been  appointed  by  Rufus  to 
imprison  him,  gave  him  a  hint  of  the  threatened 
danger,  on  which  Simon  escaped  and  took  refuge  in 
Babylon.  How  long  he  remained  there,  and  under 
what  circumstances  he  assumed  his  hereditary 
dignities,  is  not  known. 

Simon  seems  to  have  been  desirous  of  raising 
the  dignity  of  Patriarch  to  special  importance  and 
grandeur,  probably  in  imitation  of  the  Babylonian 
Prince  of  the  Captivity.  He  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  at  the  first  Synod  in  Usha,  nor  to  have 
taken  part  in  the  discourses  given  there  from  time 
to  time,  but  to  have  taken  up  his  residence  at 
Jabne,  a  place  endeared  to  him  by  the  memory  of 
his  father,  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  he  probably 
owned  property.  The  disciples  of  Akiba,  the  chief 
supporters  of  the  Law,  appear  to  have  preferred 
Usha — or  they  desired  to  proclaim  their  independ- 
ence of  the  patriarch.  Thus  Simon,  in  order  not  to 
remain  alone,  had  to  repair  to  the  Galilean  Synod. 
The  College  was  completed  by  Nathan  and  Meir 
as  speaker.     The  patriarch  had  almost  brought  on 


CH.  XVI.  RABBI    MEIR.  435 

himself  the  fate  of  his  father  through  disreg-arding 
the  equality  which  reigned  amongst  the  members  of 
the  College.  Of  his  bearing  towards  the  traditional 
law  only  so  much  is  known,  that  he  taught  the 
universally  acknowledged  Halachas,  and  the  doubtful 
ones  he  had  referred  to  himself  In  contested  cases 
he  gave  the  preference  to  former  decisions,  and 
laid  no  weight  on  theoretical  discussions.  On  the 
authority  of  the  numerous  teachers  of  the  Law  in 
past  times  certain  practices  had  obtained  amongst 
their  surroundings  and  had  become  an  authority 
amongst  the  people,  and  these  practices  Simon 
desired  to  maintain.  The  decision  of  a  court  of 
justice,  in  such  cases  where  a  mistaken  judgment 
was  given,  was  to  hold  good,  for  otherwise  Simon 
feared  that  respect  for  such  decisions  would  cease. 
His  high-mindedness  Simon  showed  in  the  beautiful 
saying,  "  The  world  subsists  on  three  conditions, 
truth,  justice  and  peace." 

The  most  original  personage  of  this  period 
was  unquestionably  Meir,  whose  great  intellect, 
thoroughness  of  purpose  and  knowledge  remind  us 
of  his  teacher  Akiba.  His  real  but  forgotten  name 
was  Miasa  or  Moise  (the  Greek  for  Moses).  Accord- 
ing to  an  unauthenticated  legend  he  was  said  to  be 
descended  from  a  converted  family,  from  the  Em- 
peror Nero  in  fact,  who  was  believed  in  the  East  to 
have  escaped  his  murderers  and  to  have  become 
converted  to  Judaism. 

It  is  certain  that  Meir's  birthplace  was  in  Asia 
Minor,  probably  in  the  Cappadocian  Caesarea.  He 
made  his  livelihood  through  writing  and  copying 
Holy  Writ.  He  was  so  intimately  acquainted  with 
the  orthographical  rules  of  the  Hebrew  language, 
which  render  the  transcription  of  the  Holy  Books 
almost  a  science,  that  he  once  wrote  from  memory 
the  whole  book  of  Esther  without  making  a  mistake. 
By  this  means  he  earned  three  shekels  per  week, 
two-thirds  of  which  he  devoted  to  his  family  and 


436  HISTORY    OF    TllK    IKWS.  CH.  XVI. 

one-third  to  the  support  of  poor  fellow-students. 
He  married  Bruria  (or  Valeria),  the  learned 
daughter  of  Chanina  ben  Teradion,  whose  Halachic 
knowledge  was  praised  even  by  Joshua.  Meir  was 
for  a  time  a  pupil  of  Ishmael,  but  his  simple  mode 
of  teaching"  did  not  please  him  so  well  as  the  more 
intelligent  method  of  Akiba,  whose  system,  which 
was  ultimately  adopted  by  him,  exercised  the  most 
decided  influence  over  his  mode  of  thought.  Akiba 
soon  ordained  his  favorite  pupil,  and  gave  him  the 
preference  over  Simon,  but  on  account  of  his  youth 
he  did  not  meet  with  much  respect  as  an  independent 
teacher.  Meir  was  severe  on  such  petty  conduct, 
which  did  not  look  to  the  qualifications  of  a  man, 
but  to  his  age.  "  Look  not,"  he  said  wittily,  "  to 
the  vessel,  but  to  its  contents.  Many  a  new  vessel 
contains  old  wine,  but  there  are  old  casks  which  do 
not  contain  even  new  wine."  Several  sensible 
sayings  are  recorded  of  him  ;  he  became  celebrated 
as  a  writer  of  fables,  and  composed  300  on  the  fox 
alone — a  favorite  subject  of  Eastern  imagery.  The 
submission  to  God  of  Meir  and  his  wife  on  the 
occasion  of  the  death  of  their  two  children  has 
become  known  through  a  poetical  account  of  the 
event.  It  is  related  that  his  two  sons,  having  died 
suddenly  on  the  Sabbath,  during  their  father's 
absence  at  the  school,  his  tender-hearted  wife  did 
not  tell  him  of  the  deaths,  in  order  that  he  might 
not  be  grieved  by  sad  tidings  on  the  holy  day. 
When  the  Sabbath  was  over  she  asked  him  whether 
that  which  was  lent  must  necessarily  be  returned  to 
the  lender,  and  on  receiving  an  affirmative  answer 
she  led  him  to  where  their  two  children  lay  dead, 
and  consoled  him  with  what  he  had  said,  that  they 
had  only  been  confided  to  their  care,  and  were  now 
reclaimed  by  the  owner.  Meir's  modesty  was  as 
great  as  his  submissiveness  to  God.  His  favorite 
saying  was,  "  Occupy  thyself  less  with  gain  than 
with  the  Law,  and  be  humble  to  all  men." 


CH.  XVI.  WISDOM    OF    MEIR.  437 

His  contemporaries  and  successors  could  not 
sufficiently  praise  Meir's  wisdom  and  character, 
Jose  depicts  him  to  his  townspeople,  the  inhabitants 
of  Sepphoris,  as  a  pious,  morally  strict  and  holy 
man.  It  became  proverbial  that  "  He  who  touches 
Meir's  staff  becomes  wise."  He  obtained  his  deep 
knowledge  of  men  by  mixing  with  those  against 
whom  prejudice  prevailed.  He  even  sought  out 
the  apostate  and  traitor  Acher,  in  order  that  he 
might  be  instructed  by  him.  When  Meir  was 
reproached  for  his  intimacy  with  a  traitor  to  the 
Law,  he  said,  "When  I  see  a  juicy  pomegranate  I 
enjoy  its  contents  and  throw  away  the  skin." 

One  Sabbath  he  accompanied  Acher,  who  was 
on  horseback,  whilst  Meir  was  on  foot,  discussing  a 
rendering  of  the  Scriptures.  Suddenly  Acher  said 
to  him,  "  Thou  canst  go  thus  far  and  not  farther, 
for  here  is  the  limit  of  thy  Sabbath  walk.  Return." 
Meir,  seizing  the  opportunity,  said  to  Acher, 
"  Return  thou  also."  But  Acher  said,  "  If  for  all 
sinners  there  be  pardon,  for  me  the  gates  of  mercy 
are  closed,  because  I  have  turned  the  gifts  given 
me  by  God  to  evil  uses."  Later,  when  Acher  was 
ill,  Meir  again  endeavored  to  win  him  over,  and 
flattered  himself  that  he  had  induced  Acher  to 
repent  before  his  death.  A  legend  relates  that 
Meir  spread  his  mantle  over  Acher's  grave,  from 
which  there  arose  a  pillar  of  smoke,  and  in  imitation 
of  a  verse  of  Scripture  (Ruth  iii.  13)  he  exclaimed, 
"  Rest  here  in  the  night ;  in  the  dawn  of  happiness 
the  God  of  mercy  will  deliver  thee  ;  if  not,  I  will  be 
thy  redeemer." 

Meir  also  was  intimate  with  a  heathen  philosopher, 
Euonymus  of  Gadara.  In  Jewish  circles  it  was  said. 
"  Be  not  surprised  to  find  amongst  the  heathens  a 
knowledge  of  God,  for  God  had  inspired  Balaam 
and  Euonymus,  two  of  the  greatest  philosophers  of 
heathendom,  with  His  wisdom,  so  that  they  might 
teach  the  people."     When  Euonymus  mourned  for 


438  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

the  death  of  his  parents,  Meir  visited  him  in  order 
to  condole  with  him,  for  he  held  that  a  heathen  who 
occupied  himself  with  the  Torah  was  as  worthy  as 
a  high  priest  of  Judaism,  for  it  says  in  Holy  Writ, 
"  These  laws  man  shall  observe  in  order  to  live,"  by 
which  Meir  explained  that  Jews  were  not  exclusively 
appointed  to  enjoy  eternal  happiness. 

Through  intercourse  with  men  of  learning  Meir 
appears  to  have  become  acquainted  with  the  Stoic 
philosophy,  which  was  at  that  time  the  ruling  power 
in  the  Roman  world.  But  all  the  perfections  which, 
according  to  philosophy,  were  due  to  the  Stoic 
theory,  he  attributed  to  the  Torah,  which  helps  man 
to  attain  the  ideal,  if  he  devotes  himself  to  it  from 
pure  love  and  without  interested  motives.  "The 
Torah,"  he  says,  "  makes  him  who  familiarizes  him- 
self with  it  worthy  to  all  the  world ;  he  becomes  the 
favorite  of  all ;  it  inspires  him  with  love  to  God  and 
man  ;  clothes  him  in  modesty  and  fear  of  God  ; 
makes  him  pious,  honest,  and  true  ;  removes  him 
from  sin  ;  brings  him  near  to  virtue ;  endows  him 
with  kingly  dignity  ;  makes  him  moral,  long-suffering, 
forgetful  of  injury,  and  raises  and  carries  him  above 
all  things."  This  was  his  ideal  of  a  truly  wise  man. 
In  treating  the  Halachic  traditions  Meir  copied  his 
teacher  Akiba's  system  of  dialectics.  The  rules  of 
deduction  used  by  his  predecessors  he  employed  as 
formulas  which  could  establish  or  abolish  legal 
enactments.  His  contemporaries  relate  of  him  that 
they  could  never  reach  the  real  meaning  of  Meir's 
decisions,  because  he  brought  forward  a  number  of 
proofs  for  and  against  an  ordinance,  and  he  was 
able  through  similes  and  deductions  to  turn  a  law, 
as  it  was  laid  down,  into  one  of  an  opposite  meaning. 
Whether  these  sophistic  arguments  were  to  be 
taken  seriously,  or  whether  they  were  only  intended 
by  the  speaker  for  dialectic  purposes  in  order  to 
show  both  sides  of  the  question,  is  not  now  known,  as 
even  those  who  lived  in  former  times  were  doubtful 
on  the  subject. 


CH.  XVI.  ORDINANCES    OF    RABBI    MlilR.  439 

Yet  the  injurious  method  of  treating  the  Hala- 
chas,  which  was  called  Talmudic  dialectics,  became 
later  on  still  more  developed  ;  in  fact,  the  closer 
apprehension  of  the  Halachas  was  deemed  impos- 
sible without  it.  Nevertheless,  Meir's  exposition 
of  the  Law  was  decidedly  serious  and  strict. 
Amongst  other  things  he  asserts  that  he  who  gives 
his  wife  less  dowry  than  is  usual,  acts  wrongly ;  for 
he  thereby  makes  divorce  more  easy  to  obtain. 
Further,  he  asserts  that  any  one  who  in  the  smallest 
degree  should  deviate  from  the  law  laid  down  for 
divorce  would  render  the  act  illegal,  and  his  children 
from  the  second  marriage  would  be  considered  as 
illegitimate.  Meir  further  controverted  the  law  which 
was  universally  respected,  that  what  was  forbidden  or 
permitted  should  be  inferred  from  such  cases  as  most 
commonly  occurred  in  life,  without  regard  to  excep- 
tional circumstances ;  he  considered  that  certain 
circumstances  should  conscientiously  be  reckoned 
exceptional.  For  this  reason  when  he  heard  that 
some  Samaritans  continued  to  worship  idols,  which 
according  to  Hadrian's  edict  they  had  formerly 
been  compelled  to  do,  when  they  brought  him 
libations  of  wine,  he  refused  to  permit  the  use  of 
wine  amongst  his  hearers.  This  abstinence,  had  it 
been  consistently  observed,  would  have  put  an  end 
to  much  industry  and  pleasure  and  rendered  them 
legally  impossible.  For  other  misdeeds,  as  for 
example  usury,  he  imposed  heavy  fines.  But  his 
regulations  were  not  carried  out,  his  contemporaries 
and  succeeding  generations  did  not  acknowledge 
Meir's  ordinances  and  imposts  in  their  entirety. 
He  was,  however,  most  severe  against  himself,  and 
once  said — "  Even  if  I  hold  something  as  permissible 
to  others,  I  cannot  allow  it  to  hold  good  for  myself, 
if  I  am  convinced  that  my  colleagues  would  be  of  a 
different  opinion."  As  in  the  treatment  of  Halachas, 
so  in  ordinary  things,  jNIeir  followed  in  the  footsteps 
of   Akiba ;    he    completed    the    collection    of    the 


440  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

Mishnas,  but  appears  to  have  arranged  their  com- 
ponent parts  more  according  to  their  contents  than 
their  number.  These  arrangements  of  Meir  and  his 
colleagues  made  no  pretense  to  being  a  code,  but 
each  teacher  of  the  Law  having  a  circle  of  disciples, 
treated  the  material  before  him  in  the  manner 
which  seemed  most  suitable  and  convenient  to 
himself.  Meir  had  assembled  a  not  insignificant 
number  of  pupils  round  him,  who  were  drawn 
towards  him  by  his  intelligent  renderings  and  inter- 
esting lectures.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  alternating 
the  dry  matter  of  the  Halachas  with  the  attrac- 
tive Agadahs,  and  of  illustrating  them  by  fables. 

Amongst  Meir's  disciples  was  one  named  Sym- 
machos  ben  Joseph,  who  adopted  and  exaggerated 
his  method  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  said  of  him 
that  he  could  argue  well,  but  could  not  come  to  any 
practical  decision.  It  was  even  said  of  him  that  his 
forefathers  could  not  have  been  present  at  the  Rev- 
elation on  Sinai.  After  Meir's  death  both  Sym- 
machos  and  his  disciples  were  excluded  from  the 
school,  because  they  did  not  seek  for  truth,  but  only 
to  dispute  sophistically.  It  is  probable  that  Meir 
repaired  to  the  Synhedrion  of  Usha  when  important 
questions  were  under  discussion.  He  did  not  live 
on  good  terms  with  the  Patriarch  Simon. 

Simon  ben  Jochai  of  Galilee  was  as  striking  but 
not  so  many-sided  a  personage  as  Meir,  and  he 
was  falsely  reported  to  be  a  worker  of  miracles — a 
mystic  and  a  Cabbalist.  Few  facts  of  his  life  are 
known,  but  we  may  infer  from  what  is  recorded 
that  he  was  rather  of  a  matter-of-fact  than  of  an 
imaginative  turn  of  mind.  Nothing  is  known  of 
Simon's  youth,  and  later,  after  his  return  with  others 
from  the  exile  imposed  on  them  under  Hadrian's 
rule,  his  activity  seems  to  have  spent  itself  on  the 
newly  organized  Synhedrion  at  Usha.  In  opposition 
to  his  father,  Jochai,  who  stood  in  favor  with  the 
Roman  authorities,  the  son  was  a  decided  enemy 


CH.  XVI.  SIMON    IJEN    JOCHAI.  44 1 

of  Rome,  and  was  not  much  liked  by  them.  For 
uttering  a  truthful  censure  on  the  Roman  Governor, 
he  was  sentenced  to  death,  and  could  save  himself 
only  by  flight,  and  upon  this  fact  legend  has  seized 
in  order  to  surround  Simon  with  wonders  and 
miracles.  Amongst  the  various  legal  decisions, 
sayings  and  remarks  which  have  been  preserved  of 
him  there  is  no  trace  of  a  mystical  tendency.  On 
the  contrary  his  reasoning  with  regard  to  biblical 
laws  was  always  of  a  simple  nature.  The  system 
of  following  out  the  reasoning  of  the  Law,  and 
thence  drawing  deductions,  was  peculiar  to  Simon. 

This  was  an  improvement  on  Akiba's  system,  which 
consisted  in  drawing  from  pleonastic  words,  sylla- 
bles and  letters,  the  principles  of  legal  deductions. 
The  following  are  instances  of  Simon's  method. 
The  Bible  forbids  the  distraint  of  a  widow's  goods  ; 
Simon  restricted  the  reference  to  cases  of  poor 
widows.  Simon  drew  his  conclusion  in  the  following 
manner  : — The  biblical  law  which  enacts  that  a  widow 
should  be  spared  all  legal  seizure  of  goods  could 
only  apply  to  poor  widows.  A  rich  woman  had  no 
cause  for  being  so  spared.  Further,  that  the  prohi- 
bition against  intermarrying  with  the  seven  Ca- 
naanite  races  must  also  be  extended  to  all  idola- 
trous nations,  as  the  law  was  actually  intended  to 
prevent  the  people  from  being  drawn  into  idolatry. 

Another  opinion  of  Simon's  shows  how  far  re- 
moved he  was  from  all  exaggerated  religious  theo- 
ries. He  had  a  curious  saying  that  the  fulfilment 
of  the  Law  was  only  possible  to  those  who  lived  on 
manna  or  the  tithes.  Unlike  most  teachers  of  the 
Law,  Simon  pursued  no  occupation  or  business  ;  he 
was  at  that  time  the  only  man  whose  life's  business 
was  the  study  of  the  Law.  Simon's  dwelling-place 
and  school-house  were  in  the  fertile  oil  district  of 
Tekoa,  in  Galilee.  He  had  his  circle  of  disciples, 
and  because  he  survived  his  colleagues  he  became 
the  only  authority  of  the  following  period. 


442  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

Another  important  name  was  that  of  Jndah  ben 
Ilai  of  Usha,  whose  character  bore  a  similarity  to 
that  of  Joshua.  Modest,  wise,  diplomatic,  eloquent, 
he  knew  how  to  bridg-e  over  the  breach  which  ex- 
isted between  the  Roman  and  the  Jewish  nature. 
He  was  therefore  especially  designated  "  the  wise," 
or  "  the  first  speaker."  Judah  was  not  a  man  of 
property,  but,  like  Joshua,  he  supported  himself  by 
an  occupation  of  which  he  was  not  ashamed.  He 
often  used  the  expression — "  The  work  honors  the 
laborer.  He  who  does  not  teach  his  son  a  handi- 
craft designs  him  to  be  a  robber."  His  mode 
of  teaching  had  no  especially  pronounced  charac- 
teristics. 

As  with  Judah  we  have  no  distinctive  features  re- 
corded, so  also  of  the  life  of  Jose  ben  Chalafta  of 
Sepphoris  but  little  is  known.  He  also  followed  a 
trade,  and  one  of  the  lowest  kind.  He  was  a  worker 
in  leather.  Unlike  his  contemporaries,  Jose  devoted 
himself  to  the  collection  of  the  annals  of  Jewish  his- 
tory, and  left  an  account  from  the  creation  of  the 
world  to  the  war  of  Bar  Cochba,  under  the  name 
of  Seder  Olam.  He  endeavored  to  fix  the  various 
dates  correctly  from  the  historical  records  of  the 
Bible.  He  tried  to  render  clear  the  doubtful  pas- 
sages, and  to  fill  up  the  gaps  in  traditions.  On 
the  other  hand,  from  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  we  find  that  this  chronicle  of  Jose  gives 
independent  and  trustworthy,  but  very  scanty  in- 
formation. 

But  little  that  is  noteworthy  is  known  of  the  other 
disciples  of  Akiba.  Besides  the  Galilean  circle  of 
scholars  there  was  yet  another  in  the  extreme  south 
of  Judaea  (Darom)  who  continued  Ishmael's  mode 
of  teaching  ;  only  two  members  of  this  circle,  Josiah 
and  Jonathan,  are  known. 

Nathan,  a  Babylonian,  and  a  son  of  the  Prince  of 
the  Captivity,  was  a  man  of  special  interest.  It  is 
not    known   where  he  received  instruction    in    the 


CH.  XVI.  THE    BABYLONIAN    JEWS.  443 

Halachas,  nor  what  occasioned  him  to  remove  to 
Judaea,  or  to  give  up  the  more  favorable  position 
that  he  occupied  in  his  native  country.  The  foreign 
teachers  of  the  Law  at  this  period  were  Judah  ben 
Bathyra  of  Nisibis,  who  appears  to  have  sheltered 
the  fugitives  from  Judaea  ;  also  Chananya,  nephew 
of  Joshua,  in  Nahar-Pakod,  who  had  been  sent  by 
his  uncle  to  Babylon,  so  as  to  remove  him  from  the 
influence  of  the  Jewish  Christians  ;  and,  lastly, 
Matiah  ben  Charash  in  Rome,  who  first  trans- 
planted the  knowledge  of  the  Jewish  Law  from  Asia 
to  Europe. 

Whilst  the  teachers  of  the  Law  in  Galilee  endea- 
vored to  reanimate  the  body  of  the  nation,  to  re- 
establish the  Synhedrion,  and  to  secure  and  spread 
traditions  by  collecting  and  classifying  them,  but 
little  was  needed  to  cause  a  deep  schism  which 
threatened  to  separate  the  Babylonian  congregation 
entirely  from  the  main  body. 

The  wisdom  of  the  Patriarch  Simon  IL  deftly 
avoided  this  breach.  Chananya  established  a  sort  of 
Synhedrion  in  Nahar-Pakod,  probably  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Nahardea,  of  which  he  was  the  president, 
whilst  a  certain  Nechunyan,  perhaps  the  Prince  of 
the  Captivity,  appears  to  have  supported  him.  The 
Babylonian  community,  until  then  under  the  con- 
trol of  Judaea,  and  now  left  uncared  for  through 
the  destruction  of  all  religious  institutions  in  the 
fatherland,  welcomed  a  Synhedrion  in  their  midst  as 
of  joyful  import,  and  gratefully  accepted  its  ordi- 
nances and  decisions.  Chananya  immediately  in- 
troduced a  leap  year,  and  the  celebration  of  the 
festivals  as  had  been  customary  in  Judaea.  But 
when  the  Synhedrion  had  been  established  in  Usha 
it  was  no  longer  possible  to  continue  the  existence 
of  a  body  which  threatened  the  unity  of  Judaism, 
and  tended  to  divide  it  into  an  eastern  and  western 
Judaism.  In  order  to  avoid  such  a  division  the 
Patriarch  Simon  sent  two  ambassadors,  Isaac  and 


444  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

Nathan,  with  flattering  messages  to  Chananya,  with 
the  unusual  superscription,  "  To  his  hohness  Cha- 
nanya." The  president  of  the  Babylonian  Synhe- 
drion,  who  had  not  expected  such  friendliness,  re- 
ceived the  Jewish  ambassadors  in  the  kindest  man- 
ner, and  introduced  them  with  flattering  speeches 
to  the  assembly.  Having  secured  the  confidence 
of  the  nation,  they  named  the  ultimate  reason  of 
their  embassage.  At  the  public  service  they  read 
from  the  Book  of  Laws,  "  Such  are  the  feast  days  of 
Chananya"  (instead  of  God).  Another  read  from 
the  prophets — "  From  Babylon  shall  the  light  go 
forth,  and  the  word  of  the  Lord  from  Nahar  Pakod" 
(instead  of  Zion  and  Jerusalem).  The  audience, 
whose  attention  was  drawn  through  these  ironical 
allusions,  and  who  felt  that  an  independent  Synhe- 
drion  in  Babylon  would  be  contrary  to  the  spirit  of 
the  Law,  felt  their  consciences  disturbed.  Chananya 
vainly  endeavored  to  weaken  the  impression  by  im- 
plicating the  ambassadors.  They  replied  that  to 
establish  an  opposition  Synhedrion  in  Babylon  was 
tantamount  to  building  an  altar,  at  which  Chananya 
and  Nechunya  would  officiate  as  unauthorized 
priests,  and  was  in  fact  equal  to  disavowing  the  God 
of  Israel.  Chananya,  however,  doubted  the  contin- 
uance of  a  Synhedrion  in  Judaea,  saying  that  the 
teachers  of  the  Law  there  did  not  enjoy  any  authority, 
to  which  the  ambassadors  replied,  "  The  little  ones 
whom  thou  hast  deserted  have  meanwhile  grown 
up."  Chananya,  however,  did  not  relinquish  his 
design  until  Judah  ben  Bathyra,  in  Nisibis,  pointed 
out  to  him  that  in  holy  things  unqualified  obedience 
must  be  paid  to  the  Judaean  Synhedrion.  Finding 
no  response  or  interest  anywhere,  he  countermanded 
the  festivals  as  arranged  by  himself,  and  the  Baby- 
lonian Synhedrion  came  to  an  end. 

Dissensions  arose  at  the  College  of  Usha,  which 
threatened  to  have  similar  results  to  the  contest  be- 
tween Gamaliel  and  Joshua.     The  Patriarch  Simon, 


CH.  XVI.       DISSENSIONS    IN    THE    SYNHEDRION.  445 

in  order  to  increase  his  dignity,  endeavored  to  in- 
troduce a  special  etiquette,  in  order  to  remove  the 
equality  previously  existing  between  all  officials.  In 
the  absence  of  the  Ab-beth-din  Nathan  and  the 
speaker  Meir,  he  instituted  a  new  order  of  rank, 
which  would  definitely  recognize  him  as  the  superior 
head.  This  distinction  lay  herein,  that  at  all  public 
sittings  of  the  Synhedrion  the  people,  who  were  ac- 
customed to  rise  at  the  entrance  of  the  president 
and  other  important  officials,  and  to  remain  standing 
until  the  sign  was  given  them  to  be  seated,  should 
reserve  this  mark  of  honor  in  future  for  the  Presi- 
dent alone  ;  in  honor  of  his  substitute  only  the  first 
rows  were  to  stand  until  he  had  taken  his  seat ;  and 
still  less  ceremony  was  to  be  observed  towards  the 
speaker  (the  Chacham). 

When  Nathan  and  Mei'r  for  the  first  time  attended 
the  meeting  and  noticed  the  new  arrangements  they 
secretly  determined  to  conspire  against  Simon,  and 
to  deprive  him  of  his  office.  For  this  purpose,  how- 
ever, the  consent  of  the  nation,  with  whom  the  ap- 
pointment of  Patriarch  rested,  became  necessary'. 
They  determined  to  puzzle  Simon  by  difficult  ques- 
tions (on  the  Halachas),  and  he  seems  to  have  been 
inferior  to  them  in  knowledge  of  traditional  lore, 
and  when  they  had  revealed  his  weakness  before 
the  whole  assemblage  they  intended  proposing  the 
deposition  of  a  Patriarch  who  was  not  conversant 
with  all  branches  of  the  Law.  They  also  determined 
that  Nathan,  who  belonged  to  the  family  of  the 
Prince  of  the  Captivity,  and  who  was  also  of  the 
race  of  David,  should  become  Patriarch,  and  that 
Meir  should  be  second  in  rank  as  substitute.  This 
plot,  however,  was  betrayed  to  Simon,  and  the  con- 
spirators found  him  prepared. 

The  Patriarch,  on  revealing  the  scheme  against 
him,  succeeded  in  having  the  two  expelled  from  the 
Synhedrion.  But  they  made  their  absence  felt  by 
writing   difficult   questions    and   distributing   them 


446  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVI. 

amongst  the  assembly,  whom  they  thereby  placed 
in  an  awkward  position.  Referring  to  these  two 
Jose  afterwards  said,  "  We  are  in  the  house  of  the 
Law,  but  the  Law  is  outside."  They  were  re- 
admitted, but  Simon  arranged  that  their  names 
should  not  be  recorded  in  the  ordinances  enacted 
by  him.  R.  Nathan  subsequently  made  peace  with 
the  Patriarch,  but  the  breach  with  Meir  endured. 
Simon  at  length  excommunicated  him,  but  Meir  was 
not  as  submissive  as  he  who,  without  a  word,  had 
accepted  Gamaliel's  sentence.  Referring  to  a 
former  resolution  of  the  Synhehrion  in  Usha,  that 
no  member  could  be  excommunicated,  Meir  replied, 
"  I  do  not  care  for  your  sentence  until  you  prove  to 
me  on  whom,  on  what  grounds,  and  under  what  con- 
ditions it  can  be  imposed."  In  proud  recognition 
of  his  own  worth,  Meir  is  said  on  his  death-bed  to 
have  uttered  the  words  :  "  Tell  the  sons  of  the 
Holy  Land  that  their  Messiah  has  died  in  a 
foreign  land."  According  to  his  last  will,  his  body 
was  buried  on  the  sea-shore. 

Simon's  patriarchate  was  not  free  from  the  dis- 
turbances and  oppressions  which  the  Roman  officials 
permitted  themselves  to  perpetrate  towards  the 
Jewish  people.  The  mutual  hatred  of  Jews  and 
Romans,  which  had  followed  from  the  revolt  of  Bar- 
Cochba  and  Hadrian's  persecution,  was  so  great 
that  the  powerful  victors  could  not  do  otherwise 
than  make  their  power  felt  by  those  whom  they  had 
conquered.  Simon  ben  Gamaliel  notes  the  daily 
tortures  and  oppressions  :  "  Our  forefathers  only 
scented  trouble  from  afar ;  we,  however,  have 
suffered  from  them  through  many  days,  years, 
periods,  and  cycles  ;  we  have  more  right  to  become 
impatient  than  our  forefathers.  If,  as  formerly,  we 
desired  to  record  our  troubles  and  temporary  relief 
on  a  scroll,  we  should  not  find  space  enough."  The 
hatred  of  the  Romans  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  en- 
durance of  the  Jews  on  the  other,  appear  to  have 


CH.  XVI.  THE    PARTHIAN    WAR.  447 

ended  in  a  fresh  revolution  in  Judaea,  which  took 
place  in  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Antoninus  Pius  (i6i),  but  its  rise,  scene  of  action, 
and  results  are  not  known.  The  attempt  at  a  new 
call  to  arms  appears  to  have  been  connected  with 
the  warlike  preparations  commenced  by  the  Par- 
thians  ao^ainst  Rome.  Thoufrh  often  deceived,  the 
Judaeans  still  hoped  for  the  help  of  the  Parthians,  as 
a  means  of  deliverance  from  the  Roman  yoke. 
Simon  b.  Jochai,  who  heartily  despised  the  hypo- 
critical policy  of  the  Romans,  said,  "  When  thou 
seest  a  Persian  (Parthian)  steed  tied  to  an  Israelite 
tombstone,  then  canst  thou  believe  in  the  advent  of 
the  Messiah."  Meanwhile,  the  badly-organized 
revolt  was  soon  suppressed  by  the  Governor  of 
Syria  before  the  Parthians  could  come  to  the  rescue. 
The  Parthian  war,  which  lasted  several  years  (i6i- 
165),  began  shortly  after  the  death  of  the  Emperor 
Antoninus  Pius,  when  the  Roman  Empire  for  the 
first  time  was  governed  by  two  rulers,  the  philo- 
sophical but  impractical  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus 
and  the  dissolute  Verus  Commodus.  At  the  first 
attack  the  Parthians,  under  their  king  Vologeses, 
entered  Syria,  defeated  the  governor,  Atidius  Cor- 
nelianus,  who  had  just  repressed  the  Jewish  revolt, 
put  his  legions  to  flight,  and  devastated  the  country. 
The  second  emperor,  Verus,  was  sent  with  fresh 
troops  to  the  East,  though  he  was  eminently  unfitted 
to  conduct  a  war.  The  conquest  of  the  Parthians 
was  therefore  undertaken  by  capable  generals, 
whilst  the  emperor  gave  himself  up  to  dissipation 
in  Antioch,  Laodicea,  and  Daphne. 

Fresh  persecutions  appear  to  have  been  insti- 
tuted by  the  Emperor  Verus  against  the  Jews  of 
Palestine.  First  they  lost  the  right  of  using  their 
own  courts  of  justice.  It  is  not  certain  whether 
Jewish  judicial  functions  were  set  aside,  or  whether 
the  Jewish  judges  were  deposed.  Simon  ben  Jochai 
thanked  God  for  the  interference  of  the  Romans, 


448  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CII.  XVI. 

as  he,  like  his  contemporaries,  did  not  feel  himself 
fitted  to  exercise  judicial  rights.  Notwithstanding 
that  the  chiefs  of  the  Synhedrion  had  taken  no  part 
in  the  revolution,  they  yet  seem  to  have  been  sus- 
pected and  watched  by  the  Roman  authorities.  A 
conversation  was  once  reported  which  took  place 
between  Judah,  Jose  and  Simon  ben  Jochai  at  Usha, 
where,  it  appears,  a  discussion  was  held  with  re- 
gard to  the  Roman  policy.  Judah,  who,  like  Joshua, 
endeavored  to  calm  those  who  stood  around,  had 
been  praising  Rome  for  her  actions.  "  How  useful 
this  nation  has  been  ;  everywhere  it  has  erected 
towns  with  market-places  ;  it  has  put  bridges  over 
rivers,  and  built  bath-houses  for  the  preservation  of 
health."  Jose  kept  silent,  neither  giving  praise  nor 
blame.  Simon  ben  Jochai,  on  the  other  hand,  could 
not  repress  his  displeasure.  "  What  the  Romans 
do,"  he  said,  "  they  only  do  for  the  sake  of  selfish- 
ness and  gain.  They  keep  houses  of  bad  repute 
in  the  cities,  misuse  the  bathing-places,  and  levy  toll 
for  the  bridges."  A  proselyte,  Judah,  repeated  this, 
perhaps  without  desiring  to  make  mischief.  Judah, 
however,  the  eulogist  of  Rome,  was  loaded  with 
honors,  Jose  was  banished  to  Laodicea,  and  Simon 
was  condemned  to  death.  In  consequence  of  these 
events  the  Synhedrion  at  Usha  seems  to  have  been 
dissolved,  for  the  most  important  members  were 
withdrawn,  and  its  proceedings  watched. 

Simon,  who  had  taken  refuge,  as  before  stated, 
in  a  cave,  became  the  hero  of  various  miracles.  He 
is  said  to  have  spent  years  in  this  cave,  supporting 
himself  on  carob-beans  and  spring  water,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  his  skin  became  full  of  boils.  When 
he  learnt  that  affairs  had  taken  a  favorable  turn, 
probably  through  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Verus 
(169),  he  took  this  as  a  sign  that  he  might  venture 
out,  and  by  bathing  in  the  warm  springs  of  Tiberias 
his  shattered  health  became  restored.  Out  of 
gratitude  he  declared  the  town  of  I'iberias,  which 


CH.  XVI  SIMON'S    EMBASSY    TO    ROME.  449 

had  hitherto  been  avoided  by  the  pious,  because 
buildings  had  been  erected  over  graves,  as  clean 
and  suitable  for  a  dwelling-place.  This  aroused  the 
anger  of  the  pious  who  lived  in  Magdala  (Tarichea), 
who  considered  this  decision  as  a  frivolous  innova- 
tion. After  his  return  Simon  ben  Jochai  was  asked 
to  repair  to  Rome,  and  to  intercede  with  the  Em- 
peror Marcus  Aurelius  for  the  abolition  of  the  laws 
against  the  Jews.  Simon  took  as  his  companion  on 
this  journey  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Jose,  probably  be- 
cause he  was  acquainted  with  the  Latin  language. 
When  they  arrived  in  Rome,  assisted  by  various  in- 
fluential Roman  Jews,  they  probably  succeeded  in 
obtaining  from  Marcus  Aurelius  the  concession 
sought.  Christian  teachers  also  addressed  petitions 
to  the  Emperor  and  requested  him  to  show  mercy 
on  Christendom.  The  legend  relating  to  Simon  at- 
tributes the  attainment  of  the  emperor's  favor  to  a 
miracle  ;  he  had,  namely,  delivered  the  daughter  of 
the  emperor,  Lucilla,  from  a  demon  (Bartholomaion), 
and  out  of  gratitude  the  emperor  permitted  him  and 
his  followers  to  take  from  the  state  archives  what- 
ever they  chose,  and  they  took  out  the  inhuman 
decree  against  the  Jews  and  destroyed  it.  There 
appear  to  have  been  actual  grounds  for  this  story, 
for  Eleazar  ben  Joseph,  Simon's  friend,  boasted  that 
he  had  seen  in  the  room  the  vessels  of  the  Temple, 
the  frontal  of  the  high  priest,  and  the  curtain  of  the 
Holy  of  Holies,  which  Titus  had  carried  off  as 
trophies,  and  which  could  be  seen  only  by  those 
especially  favored. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

THE    PATRIARCHATE    OF   JUDAH    I. 

The  Patriarch  Judah  I. — His  Authority  and  Reputation — Completion 
of  the  Mishna — The  Last  Generation  of  Tanaites — Condition  of 
the  Jews  under  Marcus  Aurelius,  Commodus,  Septimius  Severus, 
and  Antoninus  Caracalla — Character  and  contents  of  the  Mishna 
— Death  of  Judah. 

175-219  c.  E. 

The  last  generation  of  the  Tanaites  had  come  back 
to  the  same  point  from  which  they  first  had  started, 
thus  completing  the  whole  circle.  In  the  same  way 
as  the  first  had  found  complete  expression  in  a  single 
personality,  Jochanan  ben  Zaccai,  so  also  the  last 
culminated  in  one  standard-bearer,  who  formed  the 
central  point  of  his  times.  The  former  had  been 
followed  by  several  disciples,  each  possessing  his 
peculiar  school,  tendency,  and  system  ;  and  thus  the 
material  of  tradition  was  divided  into  a  multiplicity 
of  fractional  parts.  It  was  the  Patriarch  Judah,  the 
son  of  Simon  II.,  who  reunited  them,  and  thus  brought 
the  activity  of  the  Tanaites  to  a  conclusion.  He 
was  the  chief  authority  of  the  last  generation,  com- 
pared with  whom  the  other  teachers  of  the  Law 
were  of  no  importance  ;  he  abandoned  the  old  ten- 
dencies and  prepared  the  way  for  a  new  departure. 
In  spite  of  the  important  position  which  he  occupies 
in  Jewish  history  but  little  is  known  of  Judah's  life. 
It  was  during  a  time  of  great  affliction,  when  the 
calamitous  consequences  of  the  Bar-Cochba  war 
were  still  being  felt,  that  his  superior  talents  and 
great  parts  developed  themselves.  He  so  distin- 
guished himself  by  mature  questions  and  striking 
answers  that  his  father  and  the  college  advanced 
him  to  the  foremost  rank  of  the  disciples  while  he 


CH.  XVII.  PATRIARCHATE    OF    JLIDAII.  45 1 

was  Still  in  his  first  youth.  As  thouoh  ho  felt  that 
his  vocation  was  to  be  the  collectinq-  and  arranging 
of  the  most  dissimilar  opinions,  Judah  did  not  confine 
himself  to  any  one  school,  but  sought  the  society  of 
several  teachers  of  the  Law.  This  it  was  that  saved 
him  from  that  one-sidedness  and  narrowness  of 
mind  which  is  given  to  upholding,  with  more  fidelity 
than  love  of  truth,  the  words  of  one  teacher  against 
all  other  doctrines.  The  most  important  of  his 
teachers  were  Simon  ben  Jochai  and  Eleazar  ben 
Shamua,  whose  school  was  so  crowded  with  students 
that  six  of  them  were  obliged  to  content  themselves 
with  one  seat. 

Judah  was  elevated  to  the  dignity  of  Patriarch 
upon  his  father's  decease,  and  the  cessation  of  the 
persecutions  after  Verus's  death.  He  was  blessed 
with  such  extraordinary  gifts  of  fortune  that  it  used 
to  be  said  proverbially,  "  Judah's  cattle-stalls  are 
worth  more  than  the  treasure-chambers  of  the  King 
of  Persia."  Living  very  simply  himself,  he  made 
but  small  use  of  this  wealth  for  his  personal  gratifi- 
cation, but  employed  it  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
disciples  who  during  his  Patriarchate  gathered 
around  him  in  numbers  from  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  were  supported  entirely  at  his  cost.  At  the 
time  of  the  awful  famine,  which,  together  with  the 
plague,  raged  for  several  years  during  the  reign  of 
Marcus  Aurelius  throughout  the  whole  extent  of 
the  Roman  empire,  the  Jewish  prince  threw  open 
his  storehouses  and  distributed  corn  to  the  needy. 
At  first  he  decided  that  those  only  should  be  suc- 
cored who  were  occupied  in  some  way  with  the 
study  of  the  Law,  thus  excluding  from  his  charity 
the  rude  and  uneducated  populace.  It  was  only 
when  his  over-conscientious  disciple,  Jonathan  ben 
Amram,  refused  to  derive  any  material  benefit  from 
his  knowledge  of  the  Law,  exclaiming,  "  Succor  me 
not  because  I  am  learned  in  the  Law,  but  as  you 
would  feed  a  hungry  raven,"  that  Judah  perceived 


452  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVII. 

the  mistake  of  trying  to  set  bounds  to  his  charity, 
and  he  thenceforth  distributed  his  f^ifts  without  dis- 
tinction. On  another  occasion  Judah  also  yielded 
to  his  better  convictions  and  overcame  his  nature, 
which  seems  not  to  have  been  entirely  free  from  a 
touch  of  harshness.  The  daughters  of  Acher,  a  man 
who  had  held  the  Law  in  contempt,  having  fallen 
into  distress,  came  to  Judah  for  help.  At  first  he 
repulsed  them  uncharitably,  remarking  that  the 
orphans  of  such  a  father  deserved  no  pity.  But 
when  they  reminded  him  of  their  father's  profound 
knowledge  of  the  Law,  he  immediately  altered  his 
mind. 

Distinguished  by  his  wealth  and  his  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  subject-matter  of  the  Halachas,  he 
succeeded  without  trouble  in  doing  that  which  his 
predecessors  had  striven  in  vain  to  accomplish, 
namely,  to  invest  the  Patriarchate  with  autocratic 
power,  unfettered  by  the  presence  of  any  rival 
authority,  and  to  transfer  the  powers  of  the  Synhe- 
drion  to  the  person  of  the  Patriarch.  The  seat  of 
the  principal  school  and  of  the  Synhedrion  during 
the  time  of  Judah,  and  after  Usha  had  lost  its  im- 
portance (a  short  time  previously  it  seems  to  have 
been  the  neighboring  town  of  Shefaram),  was  first  at 
Beth-Shearim,  northeast  of  Sepphoris,  and  later  on 
at  Sepphoris  itself.  Judah  chose  this  latter  town 
for  his  residence,  on  account  of  its  elevated  and 
healthy  situation,  in  the  hopes  of  recovering  from  a 
complaint  from  which  he  had  suffered  for  several 
years.  In  Sepphoris  there  seems  to  have  existed  a 
complete  council  of  seventy  members,  which  was 
entrusted  with  the  decision  of  religious  questions 
according  to  the  adopted  routine.  Judah's  reputa- 
tion was  so  great,  however,  that  the  college  itself 
transferred  to  him  the  sovereign  power  which  up 
till  then  had  belonged  to  the  whole  body  or  to  indi- 
vidual members.  It  was  rightly  observed  of  Judah 
that  since  the   time  of   Moses,  knowledge  of  the 


CH.  XVII.  POWERS    OF   THE    PATRIARCH.  453 

Law  and  possession  of  authority  had  not  been 
united  in  any  one  person  as  in  him.  A  most  im- 
portant function  which  was  conferred  upon  this 
Patriarch,  or  rather  which  he  got  conferred  on  him, 
was  that  of  appointing  the  disciples  as  judges  and 
teachers  of  the  Law.  He  was  allowed  to  exercise 
this  power  without  consulting  the  College,  but  on 
the  other  hand  the  nominations  of  the  high  Council 
were  invalid  without  the  Patriarch's  confirmation. 
The  nomination  of  spiritual  guides  of  the  communi- 
ties, the  appointments  to  the  judicial  offices,  the 
filling  up  of  vacancies  in  the  Synhedrion,  in  a  word, 
all  Judaea  and  the  communities  abroad,  fell  in  this 
manner  into  dependence  on  the  Patriarch.  That 
which  his  father  and  grandfather  had  striven  in  vain 
to  accomplish,  came  about,  so  to  speak,  at  his  touch. 
In  his  time  there  was  no  longer  a  deputy  (Ab-Beth- 
Din),  nor  a  public  speaker  (Chacham).  Judah,  the 
Prince  (ha-Nassi),  alone  was  all  in  all.  Even  the 
Synhedrion  itself  had  resigned  its  authority,  and 
continued  to  exist  henceforward  only  in  name  ;  the 
Patriarch  decided  everything.  By  reason  of  his  great 
importance  he  was  called  simply  Rabbi,  as  if,  when 
compared  with  him,  no  teacher  of  the  Law  were  of 
any  consequence,  and  he  himself  were  the  personifi- 
cation of  the  Law. 

He  soon  further  increased  his  powers  by  deciding 
that  even  the  most  capable  were  not  competent  to 
pronounce  on  any  religious  question  without  having 
first  been  expressly  authorized  by  him.  How  great 
was  the  importance  of  this  act  may  be  seen  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  foreign  communities,  as  well 
as  those  of  Judaea,  were  obliged  to  put  themselves 
in  direct  communication  with  the  Patriarch  in  order 
to  obtain  their  officials,  judges,  and  teachers.  The 
community  of  Simonias,  which  lay  to  the  south  of 
Sepphoris,  begged  the  Patriarch  to  send  them  a 
man  who  should  give  public  lectures,  decide  ques- 
tions of  law,  superintend  the  Synagogue,  prepare 


454  HISTORY  U1-"  the  jews.  ch.  xvii. 

copies  of  authentic  writings,  teach  their  sons,  and 
generally  sup[)ly  all  the  wants  of  the  community. 
He  recommended  to  them  for  this  purpose  his  best 
pupil,  Levi  bar  Sissi.  It  may  be  seen  from  this  ex- 
ample how  great  were  the  requirements  demanded 
of  the  instructors  of  the  people.  Another  disciple 
of  Judah.  Rabba  bar  Ghana  by  name,  a  native  of 
Cafri  in  Babylon,  was  obliged  to  obtain  the  autho- 
rization of  the  Patriarch  before  being  able  to  decide 
any  questions  of  religion  and  law  in  his  native  land. 
In  the  same  manner  a  third  of  his  disciples,  Abba 
Areka,  also  a  native  of  Babylon,  who  later  on  be- 
came a  great  authority  with  the  Babylonian  com- 
munities, obtained  this  influence  solely  by  Judah's 
nomination.  One  dignity  alone,  that  of  the  Prince 
of  the  Captivity  in  Babylon,  was  on  an  equal  foot- 
ing with  the  Patriarchate,  and  Judah  was  all  the 
more  jealous  thereof  on  account  of  its  being  con- 
ferred and  upheld  by  the  Parthian  authorities,  while 
his  office  was  at  most  merely  tolerated  by  the 
Roman  rulers. 

Invested  with  this  autocratic  power,  Judah  mani- 
fested unusual  severity  towards  his  disciples,  and 
displayed  so  great  an  irritability  with  them  that 
he  never  pardoned  the  least  offense  offered,  even 
in  jest,  to  his  dignity.  The  course  of  conduct 
which  he  enjoined  upon  his  son  from  his  death-bed, 
namely,  to  treat  his  scholars  with  strict  severity, 
was  the  one  which  he  himself  had  pursued  all 
through  the  Patriarchate.  Among  the  numerous 
Babylonians  who  crowded  to  the  Academy  at 
Sepphoris  was  a  distinguished  disciple,  by  name 
Chiya  (an  abbreviation  of  Achiya),  whom  his  con- 
temporaries could  hardly  praise  enough  for  his 
natural  gifts,  his  pious  conduct,  and  his  untiring 
endeavors  to  spread  the  teachings  of  religion 
among  the  people.  Judah  himself  valued  him  very 
highly,  and  said  of  him  :  "  From  a  land  far  off  there 
came  to  me  the  man  of  good  counsel."     But  even 


CH.  XVII.  BAR-KAPPARA.  455 

him  the  Patriarch  could  not  pardon  an  insij^nificant 
jest.     Jiidah  had  once  said  to  him,  "If  lluna,  the 
Prince  of  the  Captivity,  were  to  come  to  Judcua,  I 
should  certainly  not  carry  my  self-denial  so  far  as 
to  abdicate  my  office  to  him,  but  I  would  honor  him 
as    a   descendant   in   the   male  line  from    David." 
When  Huna  died  and  his  body  was  taken  to  Judaea, 
Chiya  observed  to  the  Patriarch,  "Huna  is  com- 
ing."    Judah  grew  pale  at  the  news,  and  when  he 
found  that  Chiya  was   referring  to  the   corpse  of 
Huna,  he   punished  the  joke  by  excluding   Chiya 
from  his  presence  for  thirty  days.     Judah  showed 
himself  equally   sensitive    in    his    conduct    towards 
Simon  Bar-Kappara,  one  of  his  disciples,  who,  with 
his  knowledge  of  the  Law,  combined  at  the  same 
time  poetical  talent  and  a  vein  of  delicate  satire  ; 
as  far  as  is  known,  he  was  the  only  Hebrew  poet 
of  that  period.     The  little  that  remains  of  the  pro- 
ductions   of  Bar-Kappara's    muse    indicates   ready 
manipulation  of  the  Hebrew  tongue  in  a  regenerated 
form,  and  in  all  its  pristine  purity  and  vigor  ;  he 
composed  fables,  of  which,  however,  no  trace  now 
remains.     On  the  occasion  of  a  merry  meeting,  the 
witty  Bar-Kappara  indulged  in  a  jest  at  the  expense 
of  a  certain  Bar-Eleaza,  the  rich  but  proud  and  igno- 
rant son-in-law  of  the  Patriarch.     All  the  guests  had 
put  questions  to  Judah,  except  the  simple-minded 
Bar-Eleaza.     Bar-Kappara  incited  him  to  ask  one  as 
well,  and  in  a  whisper  suggested  one  to  him  in  the 
form  of  a  riddle.     This  riddle,  to  which  no  answer 
has  been  found  to  the  present  day,  contained  in  all 
likelihood  allusions  to  certain  persons  closely  con- 
nected with  Judah.     It  ran  somewhat  as  follows  : — 

She  looks  from  heaven  on  high, 
And  ceaseless  is  her  cry, 

Whom  winggd  beings  shun  ; 
Youth  cloth  she  fright  away. 
And  men  with  old  age  gray, 

And  loud  shriek  they  who  run. 
But  whom  her  net  hath  lured 
Can  ne'er  of  the  sin  be  cured. 


456  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  XVH. 

In  all  simplicity,  Bar-Eleaza  propounded  this 
riddle.  Judah  must  have  seen,  however,  by  the 
satirical  smile  on  Bar-Kappara's  lips  that  it  was 
intended  to  banter  him,  and  he  therefore  exclaimed 
angrily  to  Bar-Kappara :  *'  I  refuse  to  recognize 
you  as  an  appointed  teacher."  It  was  not  till  later 
on,  when  Bar-Kappara  failed  to  obtain  his  appoint- 
ment as  an  independent  teacher  of  the  Law,  that 
he  realized  to  the  full  the  meaning  of  these  words. 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Babylonian 
disciples,  Samuel  by  name,  by  whose  medical  treat- 
ment Judah  had  been  cured  of  his  long  illness, 
was  unable  to  obtain  the  nomination  necessary  in 
order  to  become  a  teacher  of  the  Law.  Judah  was 
once  desirous  of  excusing  himself  for  this  slight 
to  Samuel,  to  whom  he  owed  the  restoration  of 
his  health,  whereupon  the  latter  answered  him  pleas- 
antly, that  it  was  so  decreed  in  the  book  of  Adam, 
"  that  Samuel  would  be  a  wise  man,  but  not 
appointed  Rabbi,  and  that  thy  illness  should  be 
cured  by  me."  Chanina  bar  Chama,  another  dis- 
ciple, who,  later  on,  was  also  regarded  as  an 
authority,  once  remarked  that  a  word  which  occurred 
in  the  Prophets  ought  to  be  pronounced  otherwise 
than  Judah  read  it.  Offended  thereat,  Judah  asked 
him  where  he  had  heard  this  ;  to  which  Chanina 
answered,  "At  the  house  of  Hamnuna,  in  Babylon." 
"  Well,  then,"  retorted  Judah,  "  when  you  go  again 
to  Hamnuna,  tell  him  that  I  recognize  you  as  a 
sage";  which  was  equivalent  to  telling  Chanina 
that  Judah  would  never  authorize  him  to  be  a 
teacher.  This  irritability  of  the  Patriarch,  who  was 
in  all  other  respects  a  noble  character,  was  his  one 
weak  point.  It  is  possible,  indeed,  that  this  suscep- 
tibility was  the  result  of  his  ill-health.  However 
that  may  be,  it  did  not  fail  to  arouse  a  certain  dis- 
satisfaction and  discontent,  which  never  found  public 
expression  on  account  of  the  deep  reverence  in 
which  the  Patriarch  was  held. 


CH.  XVII.  JEWS    AND    SAMARITANS.  457 

Once  at  a  banquet,  when  the  wine  had  loosened 
men's  tongues  and  made  the  guests  oblivious  of 
respect,  the  twin  sons  of  Chiya  gave  utterance  to 
this  feeling  of  discontent.  These  highly  talented 
youths,  by  name  Judah  and  Chiskiya,  whom  the 
Patriarch  himself  had  incited  to  gaiety  and  loquacit)-. 
expressed  it  as  their  opinion  "  that  the  Messiah 
could  not  appear  until  the  fall  of  the  two  princely 
houses  of  Israel — the  house  of  the  Patriarch  in 
Judaea,  and  that  of  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity  in 
Babylon."  The  wine  had  caused  them  to  betray 
their  most  secret  thoughts. 

In  consideration  of  the  altered  circumstances  of 
his  time,  Judah,  by  virtue  of  his  independence  and 
authority,  abolished  several  rites  and  customs  which 
seemed  to  the  people  to  be  hallowed  by  age,  and 
carried     through    his    design    with    perseverance, 
regardless   of  all  consequences.     Contrary  to  the 
principles  of  his  teacher  and  predecessor,  who  had 
treated  the  Samaritans  as  heathens,  Judah  decreed 
that  the  evidence  of  a  Samaritan  in  matters  con- 
cerning   marriage   was   admissible    and   of    equal 
weight   with    the   testimony   of  an   Israelite.     The 
views  of  these  teachers  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  who 
agreed   on    the   chief  principles   of  their   religion, 
varied  in  other  matters  according  to  the  predomi- 
nance of  friendly  or  inimical  feelings  towards  the 
heathens.     For  some  time  past  difficulties  had  been 
constantly   occurring    between    the   Jews    and   th'^ 
Samaritans.     Eleazar,  the  son  of  Simon  ben  Jochai, 
and  a  contemporary  of  Judah,  who  had  made  himself 
acquainted  with  the  Samaritan  Torah,  reproached 
them  with  having  altered  certain  passages  of  the 
holy  text.     The  peaceable   relations  between  Jew 
and  Cuthsean  since  the  war  of  Hadrian  were  gradu- 
ally changed  to  a  state  of  ill-feeling,  which  was  as 
bitter  on  the  one  side  as  on  the  other.     One  day 
when  Ishmael  b.  Jose  was  passing  through  Neapolis 
(Shechem)  in  order  to  go  and   pray  at  Jerusalem 


458  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVH. 

(for  which  purpose  the  Jews  seem  to  have  required 
the  permission  of  Marcus  AureHus),  the  Samaritans 
jeered  at  the  tenacity  of  the  Jews,  saying  that  it 
was  certainly  better  to  pray  upon  their  holy  mount 
(Gerizim)  than  upon  the  heap  of  ruins  at  Jerusalem. 
Travelincf  throuofh  the  land  of  Samaria  must  have  now 
become  less  dangerous  than  it  had  formerly  been.  The 
teachers  of  the  Law  had  frequently  to  pass  through 
the  strip  of  land  lying  between  Judzea  and  Sepphoris. 
Although  the  seat  of  the  Synhedrion  was  now  in 
Galilee,  and  Sepphoris  was  thus  to  a  certain  extent 
the  center  of  the  entire  Jewish  community,  never- 
theless Juda:ia  was,  for  various  reasons,  regarded  as 
holier  than  the  northern  district.  The  patriarch 
could  not  officiate  in  person  when  the  appearance 
of  the  new  moon  was  announced,  but  had  to  send 
a  representative  for  the  purpose  (which  office  Chiya 
once  filled) ;  the  place  where  the  announcement  was 
made  was  at  this  time  Ain-tab,  probably  in  the 
province  of  Judaea.  This  trifling  superiority  was 
still  left  to  that  district,  the  scene  of  so  many  holy 
ceremonies  and  ancient  memories.  The  journey  to 
Ain-tab  was  made  through  Samaria. 

On  another  point,  also,  Judah  deviated  from  the 
ancient  customs  and  the  Halachic  laws  :  he  rendered 
less  oppressive  the  laws  relating  to  the  year  of 
release  and  to  the  tithes.  In  spite  of  the  fall  of  the 
Jewish  state,  and  of  the  numerous  catastrophes 
which  had  befallen  the  Jews,  these  laws  still  con- 
tinued in  unimpaired  force,  and  were  doubly  oppres- 
sive to  a  people  impoverished  by  the  disturbances 
of  war,  by  taxes,  and  by  the  extortion  of  money. 
The  Patriarch  therefore  turned  his  attention  to  this 
matter,  and  determined,  if  not  entirely  to  abrogate, 
at  least  to  moderate  the  harshness  of  these  laws. 
Furthermore  he  decreed  that  the  territory  of  certam 
border  cities,  which  had  up  till  then  been  considered 
as  forming  a  part  of  Judcea,  should  henceforth  not 
enjoy  the  privilege  of  sanctity  which  attached   to 


CH.  XVII.  PINCHAS    BEN    JAIR.  459 

Jewish  ground.  This  in  so  far  constituted  a  relief, 
as  these  cities  were  thereby  exempted  from  the 
payment  of  tithes,  and  doubtless  also  from  the  laws 
relating  to  the  year  of  release.  For  the  most  part 
these  border  cities  were  inhabited  by  Greeks  and 
Romans,  and  had  not  always  been  subject  to  Jewish 
rule.  These  alleviations  of  the  burdens  of  the 
people  drew  down  reproaches  on  the  Patriarch 
from  certain  of  his  relatives,  to  whom  he  replied 
that  his  predecessors  had  left  this  duty  to  him. 
He  had  even  the  intention  of  entirely  abolishing 
the  laws  relative  to  the  year  of  release,  but  was 
unwilling  to  take  so  important  a  step  without  first 
consulting  such  persons  as  were  likely  to  entertain 
scruples  on  this  point.  At  that  time  Pinchas  ben 
Jair  was  regarded  as  the  model  of  austere  piety. 
He  was  a  son-in-law  of  Simon  ben  Jochai,  and 
possessed  so  gloomy  a  disposition  as  to  cause  him 
to  entertain  doubts  as  to  the  efficacy  of  any  human 
institutions.  He  used  to  remark  that,  "since  the 
destruction  of  the  Temple  the  members  and  the  free- 
men are  put  to  shame,  those  who  conform  to  the 
Law  are  confused,  violence  and  sycophancy  carry 
the  day,  and  no  one  cares  for  those  who  are 
deserted ;  we  have  no  hope  but  in  God."  In 
particular,  Pinchas  adhered  strictly  to  the  prescrip- 
tions of  the  law  relating  to  the  tithes,  and  for  this 
reason  never  accepted  any  invitation  to  a  meal. 
It  was  with  this  same  Pinchas  that  Judah  took 
counsel  relative  to  the  abolition  of  the  year  of 
release.  It  is  probable  that  a  year  of  scarcity 
necessitated  the  adoption  of  some  such  measure. 
To  the  Patriarch's  question,  "  How  goes  it  with  the 
corn  ?  "  Pinchas  answered  reprovingly,  "  There  will 
be  a  very  good  crop  of  endives,"  meaning  that  if 
necessary  it  was  better  to  live  on  herbs  rather  than 
abrogate  the  Law.  In  consequence  of  Pinchas'  dislike 
of  this  scheme  Judah  abandoned  his  project  entirely. 
But  the  Zealot,  having  noticed  some  mules  in  the 


460  IIISTURV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVII. 

court  of  the  Patriarch's  house,  to  keep  which  was 
not  in  exact  accordance  with  the  Law,  refused  to 
accept  Judah's  invitation,  and  left  him  on  the  spot, 
vowing  never  to  come  near  him  again. 

But  the  most  important  of  Judah's  acts,  a  work 
on  which  reposes  his  claim  to  an  enduring  name, 
and  whereby  he  created  a  concluding  epoch,  was 
the  completion  of  the  Mishna  (about  189).  Since 
the  completion,  two  generations  before,  of  the  oldest 
compilation  under  the  name  of  Adoyot,  the  subject- 
matter  of  the  Law  had  accumulated  to  an  enormous 
extent.  New  cases,  some  drawn  from  older  ones, 
others  deduced  from  the  Scripture,  had  helped  to 
swell  the  mass.  The  various  schools  and  systems 
had  left  many  points  of  law  in  doubt,  which  now 
awaited  decision.  Judah  therefore  based  his  com- 
pilation on  Akiba's  partially  arranged  collec- 
tion of  laws  as  taught  and  corrected  by  Meir,  re- 
taining the  same  order.  He  examined  the  argu- 
ments for  and  against  every  opinion,  and  established 
the  Halachic  precepts  according  to  certain  ordi- 
nances and  principles.  He  endeavored  to  observe 
a  certain  systematic  order  in  dealing  with  the  various 
traditional  laws  relating  to  the  prayers,  to  benedic- 
tions, taxes  on  agricultural  produce,  the  Sabbath,  festi- 
vals and  fasts,  marriage  customs,  vows  and  Nazarites, 
civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  the  system  of  sacrifices, 
levitical  purity,  and  many  other  points.  His  efforts 
were  not,  however,  crowned  with  complete  success, 
partly  on  account  of  the  various  parts  of  his  subject 
being  by  their  nature  incapable  of  connection,  and 
partly  by  reason  of  his  desire  to  retain  the  order 
and  divisions  already  employed.  The  style  of 
Judah's  Mishna  is  concise,  well  rounded,  and  intelli- 
gent, and  is  thereby  well  adapted  to  impress  itself 
firmly  on  the  memory.  He  in  no  way  intended  his 
Mishna,  however,  to  be  regarded  as  the  sole  standard, 
having  in  fact  only  composed  it,  like  his  predeces- 
sors and  contemporaries,  for  his  own  use,  in  order 


CH.  XVII.  COMPLETION    OF    THE    MISIINA.  46 1 

to  possess  a  text-book  for  his  lectures.  But  by 
reason  of  his  great  authority  with  his  disciples  and 
contemporaries  his  compilation  gradually  obtained 
exclusive  authority,  and  finally  superseded  all  pre- 
vious collections,  which  for  that  reason  have  fallen 
into  oblivion.  It  retained  the  ancient  name  of 
Mis/ma,  but  at  first  with  the  addition  of  the  words 
"  di  Rabbi  Judah."  Gradually,  however,  these  words 
were  dropped,  and  it  began  to  be  considered  as  the 
sole  legitimate,  recognized  and  authorized  Mishna. 
His  disciples  disseminated  it  through  distant  lands, 
using  it  as  a  text-book  for  their  lectures,  and  as  a  re- 
ligious and  judicial  code.  This  Mishna,  however,  like 
the  older  compilations,  was  not  committed  to  writing, 
it  being  at  that  time  regarded  as  a  religious  offense 
to  put  on  paper  the  precepts  of  tradition  ;  it  was  thus 
handed  down  for  many  centuries  by  word  of  mouth. 
The  Agadas  only  were  now  and  then  collected  and 
written  down,  and  even  this  was  severely  censured 
by  various  teachers  of  the  Law.  It  is  true  that 
scarce  or  remarkable  Halachas  were  sometimes 
written  upon  scrolls  by  certain  teachers,  but  this  was 
done  so  secretly,  that  they  acquired  from  this  cir- 
cumstance the  name  of  "Secret  Scrolls." 

In  his  old  age  Judah  undertook  another  revision 
of  his  compilation,  and  made  certain  alterations 
which  brought  his  Mishna  into  harmony  with  his 
new  views.  Various  additions  were  also  made  after 
h!s  death  by  his  son.  The  language  in  which  the 
Mishna  is  written  is  Hebrew  in  a  rejuvenated 
form,  interspersed  with  many  Aramaic,  Greek,  and 
Latin  words  in  general  use.  Judah  evinced  a  pre- 
dilection for  the  Hebrew  tongue,  despising  Syriac, 
which  was  then  indigenous  to  Galilee,  on  account  of 
its  characteristic  inexactness.  Syriac,  he  asserted, 
was  superfluous  in  Judaea,  and  that  either  Hebrew  or 
Greek  sliould  be  spoken  by  every  one.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  Hebrew  language  was  in  nowise  foreign 
to  the  population  of  Judaea,  especially  to  such  of 


462  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XViI. 

them  as  lived  in  the  towns.  Even  Judah's  female  do- 
mestic slave  and  tyrant  was  so  well  acquainted  with 
Hebrew  that  many  a  foreign  scholar  applied  to  her 
for  information  respecting  certain  words  of  which 
he  was  ignorant.  The  Hebrew  language  was  so 
easily  and  fluently  spoken  that  many  legal  terms 
and  delicate  distinctions,  which  were  the>  outcome 
of  the  spirit  of  the  times,  found  their  way  into  Jewish 
circles,  and  were  there  provided  with  proper  Hebrew 
equivalents. 

Thus  tradition  was  at  last  codified  and  sanctioned. 
During  the  four  centuries  since  the  time  of  the  Mac- 
cabees, when  the  doctcine  of  the  father,  as  handed 
down  to  the  son,  had  first  begun  to  acquire  an  in- 
fluence on  the  development  of  history,  tradition  had 
remained,  so  to  speak,  in  suspense.  Accepted  by 
the  Pharisees,  rejected  by  the  Sadducees,  confined 
by  Shammai's  school  within  narrow  boundaries,  ex- 
tended in  its  application  by  the  school  of  Hillel,  and 
greatly  enriched  by  the  followers  of  the  latter,  it  was 
through  Judah  that  tradition  first  acquired  a  settled 
form,  and  was  able  to  exercise,  by  means  of  its  con- 
tents and  its  mode  of  exposition,  a  spiritual  influence 
during  a  number  of  centuries.  Concurrently  with 
the  Bible,  the  Mishna  was  the  principal  source  of 
intellectual  activity  and  research  ;  it  sometimes  even 
succeeded  in  entirely  supplanting  the  Scripture,  and 
in  asserting  its  claim  to  sole  authority.  It  was  the 
intellectual  bond  which  held  together  the  scattered 
members  of  the  Jewish  nation.  The  Mishna — the 
child  of  the  Patriarchate — by  which  it  had  been 
brought  into  the  world  and  endowed  with  authority, 
slew,  so  to  speak,  its  own  parent,  for  the  latter 
dignity  lost  by  degrees  its  importance  and  influence. 

The  appearance  of  the  Mishna  brought  the  line 
of  Tanaites  to  a  conclusion,  and  put  an  end  to  inde- 
pendent teaching.  "  Nathan  and  Judah  are  the  last 
of  the  Tanaites,"  says  a  Sibylline  chronicle,  the 
apocryphal   book   of   Adam.     The   Mishna    neces- 


CH.  XVII.  MARCUS    AURELIUS.  463 

sitated  henceforth  the  employment  of  a  new  method 
of  study,  which  possessed  but  Httle  similarity  with 
the  Tanaite  mode  of  teachine. 

The  period  of  the  compilation  of  the  Mishna  was 
by  no  means  a  happy  one  for  the  Jews,  Marcus 
Aurelius,  the  best  and  most  moral  of  the  Roman 
emperors,  bore  them  no  good  will ;  he  seems  even 
to  have  cherished  a  special  aversion  to  them.  When 
he  came  to  Judaea,  in  the  summer  of  175,  after  the 
death  of  the  rebel  AVidius  Cassius,  he  found  the 
Jews  clamorous  ;  they  had  not  come  respectfully  to 
pay  him  homage,  but  to  ask  exemption  from  the 
heavy  taxes  imposed  on  them ;  and  he,  greatly 
vexed  at  this  want  of  reverence,  is  re'ported  to  have 
exclaimed,  "  At  last  I  have  discovered  a  people  who 
are  more  restless  than  the  Marcomani,  the  Ouadi, 
or  the  Sarmati !  "  In  Judah's  time,  the  communities 
in  Judaea  were  subjected  to  a  tax,  called  the  "  crown 
money"  (aurum  coronarium),  which  was  so  oppres- 
sive that  the  inhabitants  of  Tiberias  took  to  flight  in 
order  to  escape  its  burden.  There  is  not  in  exist- 
ence a  single  law  of  Marcus  Aurelius  in  favor  of  the 
Jews. 

But  few  Jews  can  have  taken  part  in  the  short- 
lived rebellion  of  Avidius  Cassius  (175).  With  the 
sensual  and  bloodthirsty  blockhead,  Commodus 
(180-192),  the  son  of  the  Emperor  philosopher,  ends 
the  series  of  good  or  tolerable  emperors,  and  there 
opens  a  succession  of  tyrants  who  cut  one  another's 
throats.  In  his  reign  Judaea  was  doubtless  exposed 
to  all  sorts  of  extortions  and  oppression.  The 
barbarous,  savage  and  dissolute  Pescennius  Niger, 
who  after  the  murder  of  the  two  preceding  rulers 
set  up  as  emperor  in  company  with  Severus  and 
a  third  candidate  (193,)  and  took  up  his  residence 
in  Antioch,  displayed  especial  harshness  to  the 
Jews.  Once  when  they  prayed  him  to  lighten  their 
burden  of  taxes,  which  had  now  become  intolerable, 
he  answered  them  in  the  following  words  :     "  You 


464  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVII. 

ask  me  to  relieve  your  lands  of  tlicir  taxes  ;  would 
that  I  were  able  to  tax  the  very  air  that  you  breathe!  " 

In  the  war  that  ensued  between  him  and  Severus, 
the  latter  was  victorious,  and  his  opponent's  ad- 
herents paid  heavily  for  their  mistake.  During  his 
short  stay  in  Palestine  (200),  after  he  had  wasted, 
but  not  subdued,  the  country  of  the  Parthians,  Adia- 
bene,  and  Mesopotamia,  Severus  promulgated  sev- 
eral laws,  which  were  certainly  not  favorable  to 
Palestine.  Amongst  these  laws  was  one  forbidding 
heathens,  under  penalty  of  severe  punishment,  to 
embrace  Judaism,  or  even  Christianity.  He  per- 
mitted those,  however,  who  were  "  imbued  with  the 
Jewish  superstitions "  to  hold  unpaid  municipal 
offices  and  to  be  invested  with  the  dignities  of  the 
magistracy  ;  but  they  were  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
claims  made  on  them  by  reason  of  their  occupation 
of  these  posts,  such  as  providing  costly  plays  and 
supporting  various  other  heavy  expenses,  as  long 
as  no  violation  of  their  religion  was  thereby 
occasioned. 

The  numerous  bands  of  marauders  which  had 
collected  together  during  the  war  between  Severus 
and  Niger  do  not  seem  to  have  been  entirely  sup- 
pressed in  Judaea,  but  continued  to  exist  in  this 
land  after  the  departure  of  Severus.  The  Romans, 
who  regarded  these  marauders  as  highwaymen, 
dispatched  troops  to  hunt  them  out  of  their  hiding- 
places  in  the  mountains,  but  were  unable  to  dis- 
perse them  entirely.  Two  famous  teachers  of  the 
Law  of  this  period,  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Simon  ben 
Jochai  (who  in  his  time  had  been  hostile  to  the 
Romans),  and  Ishmael,  the  son  of  Jose  the  Prudent, 
were  induced  to  aid  the  Romans,  to  keep  a  watch 
over  the  Jewish  freebooters,  and  to  deliver  them 
into  the  hands  of  the  Roman  authorities,  who  put 
them  to  death.  Public  opinion,  however,  was  loud 
in  its  blame  of  these  men  for  thus  allowing  them- 
selves to  become  the  tools  of  the  Roman  t3Tants 


CH.  XVII.  JEWISH    INFORMERS.  465 

against  their  own  countrymen.  Joshua  b.  Karcha 
(according  to  certain  authorities  the  son  of  Akiba) 
reproached  Eleazar  most  bitterly  for  his  behavior. 
"  Oh,  thou  vinegar  !  "  he  exclaimed,  "  the  produce 
of  wine  (unworthy  son  of  a  worthy  father),  how 
much  longer  dost  thou  intend  to  deliver  up  God's 
people  to  the  executioner  ? "  When  Eleazar  at- 
tempted to  excuse  himself  by  saying  that  he  only 
desired  "to  clear  the  vineyard  of  thorns,"  Joshua 
retorted  :  "  Let  the  lord  of  the  vineyard  root  out 
the  thorns  himself."  Later  on  Eleazar  repented  of 
his  share  in  the  pursuit  of  the  Jewish  freebooters, 
and  is  said  to  have  done  penance  in  the  most  pain- 
ful manner.  Although  he  was  an  Halachic  authority, 
to  whom  at  times  the  Patriarch  submitted,  the  feeling 
which  he  had  excited  by  affording  assistance  to  the 
Romans  was  so  bitter  that  he  was  afraid  that  after 
his  death  the  last  honors  would  be  denied  his  corpse 
by  the  teachers  of  the  Law.  He  therefore  enjoined 
upon  his  wife  not  to  bury  him  immediately,  but  to 
allow  his  body  to  remain  in  a  room  for  several  days. 
When  after  his  death  Judah  the  Patriarch  sought  his 
widow  in  marriage,  she  rejected  his  suit,  annoyed 
probably  at  the  slight  inflicted  on  her  husband,  and 
answered  him  :  "  A  vessel  intended  for  holy  pur- 
poses must  not  be  put  to  profane  uses." 

Ishmael  ben  Jose  was  also  visited  with  the  disap- 
probation of  the  people  on  account  of  his  prosecu- 
tion of  the  Jewish  marauders.  His  excuse  that  he 
had  received  an  order  from  the  Roman  authorities, 
of  which  he  was  unable  to  relieve  himself,  was  met 
by  the  retort :  "  Did  not  thy  father  flee  ?  Thou  also 
then  wast  able  to  escape." 

Judah,  the  Patriarch,  was  a  witness  of  all  these 
sad  scenes  after  having  held  his  office  for  more  than 
thirty  years.  W^ith  great  equanimity  he  prepared 
to  die,  awaiting  his  dissolution  with  tranquillity.  He 
summoned  his  sons  and  learned  comrades  before 
him,  and  informed  them  of  his  last  wishes.     He 


466  HISTORY   OF   tup:    jews.  CH.  XVII. 

conferred  the  dignity  of  Patriarch  on  Gamaliel,  his 
elder   son,    and   appointed   Simon  the  younger  to 
the  office  of  Chacham  (speaker).     To  both  of  them 
he   recommended   his    widow,    who    was    doubtless 
their  stepmother,  and  commanded  them  to  pay  her 
all  respect  after  his  death,  and  to  make  no  alter- 
ations in  his  domestic  establishment.     He  strongly 
impressed  on    the  future   Patriarch  the    policy   of 
treating  his  disciples  with  severity,  but  recommended 
a  departure  from  his  principle  of  only  allowing  two 
disciples  to  be  ordained,  and  suggested  that  all  who 
were  capable  and  deserving  should  be  admitted  to 
ordination.     He  particularly  enjoined  on  Gamaliel 
the  obligation  of  conferring  the  dignity  of  teacher, 
first  and  foremost  on  Chanina  bar  Chama,  to  whom 
he  believed  himself  indebted.     His   two  servants, 
Jose,   of    Phaeno,   and    Simon    the    Parthian,    who 
served  him  with  great  affection  during  his  lifetime, 
were  commanded  to  take  charge  of  his  corpse  after 
his  death.     He  besought  the  Synhcdrion  to  bury 
him  without  any  great  pomp,  to  allow  no  mourning 
ceremonies  to  be  performed  for  him  in  the  towns, 
and  to  re-open  the  Assembly  of  Teachers  after  the 
short  interval  of  thirty  days.    Many  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  neighboring  towns  had  gathered  in  Sepphoris 
at  the  news  of  the   Patriarch's  approaching  death, 
in  order  to  show  him  their  sympathy.     As  if  it  were 
impossible  that  he  could  die,  the  populace  threatened 
to  put  to  death  whosoever  should  announce  the  sad 
news  to  them.     The  suspense  and  agitation  were, 
in  fact,  so  great  that  some  violent  explosion  of  the 
grief  of  the  crowd  was  apprehended.     The  intelli- 
gence of  the  Patriarch's  death  was,  however,  indi- 
rectly communicated  to  the  people  by  Bar-Kappara. 
With  his  head  veiled  and  his  garments   torn,  he 
spoke  the  following  words  :   ''Angels  and  mortals 
contended  for  the  ark  of  the  covenant ;  the  angels 
have  conquered,  and  the  ark  has  vanished."     Here- 
upon the  people  uttered  a  cry  of  pain  and  exclaimed 


CH.  XVII.  GAMALIEL    III.  467 

"  He  is  dead,"  to  which  Bar-Kappara  made  answer, 
"  Ye  have  said  it."  Their  lamentations  are  said  to 
have  been  heard  at  Gabbata,  three  miles  from 
Sepphoris.  A  numerous  funeral  train  accompanied 
Judah's  corpse  from  Sepphoris  to  Beth-Shearim, 
and  memorial  sermons  were  preached  for  him  in 
eighteen  different  synagogues.  Even  the  descen- 
dants of  Aaron  paid  the  last  honors  to  his  corpse, 
although  this  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  Law. 
"  For  this  day,"  it  was  said,  "the  consecrated  char- 
acter of  the  priests  is  suspended."  Synhedrion 
and  priests  readily  subordinated  themselves  to  him 
who  represented  the  Law  in  his  own  person.  After 
his  death  he  was  called  "the  Holy"  (ha-Kadosh), 
though  later  generations  seem  to  have  been  unable 
to  offer  any  explanation  of  the  title. 

History  has  little  more  to  relate  of  Judah's  suc- 
cessor, Gamaliel  III  (about  210  to  225)  than  that 
he  faithfully  executed  his  father's  commands.  Such 
of  his  sayings  as  have  been  preserved  are  well 
worthy  of  consideration,  as  throwing  a  strong  light 
on  the  state  of  the  times.  "  It  is  good  to  be  occupied 
in  the  study  of  religion,  if  some  secular  business  is 
carried  on  at  the  same  time  ;  the  labor  devoted  to 
both  prevents  sin  from  gaining  ground.  The  study 
of  the  Law,  when  prosecuted  without  some  other 
occupation,  must  ultimately  be  lost  and  is  productive 
of  sin.  He  who  attends  to  the  affairs  of  the  com- 
munity should  do  so  for  the  sake  of  his  duty  to 
God,  and  without  any  selfish  motives  of  his  own  ; 
then  will  the  merit  of  his  forefathers  second  his 
efforts,  and  his  righteousness  will  endure  to  all 
eternity.  To  you,  however,"  he  said  to  his  disciples, 
"  I  promise  as  great  a  reward  as  if  your  efforts  had 
been  directed  to  practical  ends.  Act  cautiously  in 
all  your  relations  with  the  (Roman)  powers  that  be, 
for  they  only  flatter  you  to  further  their  own  pur- 
poses ;  they  are  your  friends  when  they  can  derive 
any  benefit  from  your  friendship,  but  they   never 


468  HISTORY    UK    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVH. 

Stand  by  you  in  trouble.  Do  God's  will  in  such  a 
manner  that  you  prefer  His  will  to  yours  ;  then 
will  he  make  your  will  His  own."  The  admonition 
thus  given  to  his  disciples,  to  exercise  caution  in 
their  dealings  with  the  Roman  authorities,  and  not 
to  allow  themselves  to  be  seduced  by  their  promises, 
evidently  contained  an  underlying  political  meaning. 
For  after  the  death  of  the  harsh  Severus,  the 
Roman  empire  acquired,  and  outwardly  retained, 
for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  through  the 
influence  of  three  emperors  and  their  Syrian 
mothers,  a  certain  Syrian  appearance  which  was 
nearly  allied  with  that  of  Jud:ea ;  servile  Rome 
adopted  Syrian  habits,  and  filled  her  Pantheon  with 
Eastern  gods.  By  this  means  the  gulf  existing 
between  Roman  and  Jew  was  to  a  certain  extent 
narrowed.  Julia  Dornna  (Martha),  the  wife  of 
Severus,  was  a  native  of  Emesa  in  Syria,  and  her 
son  Caracalla,  who  was  officially  called  Antoninus 
(2 1 1-2 1 7),  was  in  nowise  ashamed  of  his  Syrian 
descent.  It  was  he  who  extended  the  full  right  of 
citizenship  to  every  inhabitant  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
and  although  this  law  was  merely  intended  to 
allow  the  imposition  of  heavier  taxes  on  the  popula- 
tion of  the  provinces,  it  had  the  good  effect  of 
abolishinof  the  marked  distinction  between  Roman 
and  non-Roman.  Although  Caracalla  and  his 
pretended  son  Elegabalus  so  disgraced  the  purple 
and  humanity  itself  by  their  vices,  that  Roman 
history  of  this  period  has  nothing  to  relate  but 
assassinations  and  unnatural  excesses  such  as  allow 
of  no  other  explanation  than  the  derangement  of  the 
minds  of  these  two  emperors,  there  was  still  a 
certain  method  in  their  madness.  They  contem- 
plated the  gradual  effacement  of  Roman  gods  and 
Roman  customs  by  the  introduction  of  Syrian 
fashions.  It  does  not  appear  that  Caracalla  pos- 
sessed special  tenderness  for  the  Jews.  This 
much  is  certain,  however,  that  the  condition  of  the 


CH.  XVII.  CARACALLA.  469 

Jews  under  this  emperor  was  at  least  tolerable,  and 
that,  although  they  enjoyed  no  especial  favors,  they 
at  any  rate  had  not  to  complain  of  excessive  op- 
pression. This  intermediate  and  tolerable  position 
of  the  Jews,  equally  removed  from  happiness  and 
persecution,  is  described  by  Jannai,  one  of  Judah's 
disciples,  in  the  following  words  :  "  We  neither 
enjoy  the  happiness  of  the  wicked,  nor  endure  the 
misfortunes  of  the  just." 

A  certain  religious  law  which  this   same  Jannai 
was  at  this  time  induced  to  repeal,  proves  that  the 
condition    of  the   Jews    of   Palestine  was   not   too 
enviable  during  the  period  in  question.     They  were 
obliged  to  pay  their  taxes,  even  during  the  year  of 
Release,  in  natural  produce,  destined  for  the  use  of 
the  standing  army.     Up   till   then   they  had  been 
exempted,  by  virtue  of  a  special   favor  originally 
accorded  them    by   Julius   C^esar,   from   delivering 
these  supplies  in  every  seventh  year,  by  reason  of 
the  fact  that  no  harvest  was  gathered  in  this  year, 
it  being  the  one  during  which  the  land  was  com- 
manded by  the   Law   to    be  left    fallow.     In    con- 
sequence of  this  dictatorial  measure,  and  probably 
during   Caracalla's    campaign    in    Parthia    (in    216, 
which  just  happened   to   be   a   year   of  Release), 
Jannai,  who  was  the  authority  of  that  period,  issued 
a  proclamation,  in  which  he  declared  that  hence- 
forward it  would  be  permissible  to  cultivate  the  land 
during  the  year  of  Release.    He  laid  especial  stress 
on  the  circumstance  that  it  was  only  permissible  to 
transgress  the  Law  relative  to  the  year  of  Release 
on  account  of  the  payment  of  the  tax  being  required 
of  them,    and   that   its    abrogation  was   in  nowise 
intended. 

The  youthful  emperor  Elegabalus,  formerly  priest 
of  the  Sun-god  in  Emesa,  whom  Maesa,  his  crafty 
grandmother,  had  put  forward  as  Caracalla's  son, 
was  entirely  devoid  of  any  predilection  for  the  Jews, 
although  appearances   seem   to  lend  color  to   the 


4/0  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVII. 

opposite  view.  This  living  epitome  of  all  vices,  who 
disgraced  the  Roman  world  for  four  years  (218-222), 
and  who  seems  to  have  possessed  no  other  vocation 
in  history  than  publicly  to  degrade  his  heathen  gods 
and  Roman  Ca^sarism,  and  to  convince  every  one  of 
their  worthlessness,  seems,  in  fact,  to  have  done 
and  attempted  many  things  in  his  methodical  mad- 
ness that  bear  a  Jewish  complexion.  He  offered 
himself  for  circumcision,  and  refused  to  partake  of 
pork,  only  in  obedience,  however,  to  the  commands 
of  his  Sun-god.  He  proposed  to  introduce  the 
Jewish,  Samaritan,  and  Christian  worshipers  publicly 
into  Rome,  but  to  subordinate  them  to  his  Sun-god, 
Baal. 

During  the  reigns  of  these  two  emperors,  Cara- 
calla  and  Elegabalus,  the  younger  contemporaries 
of  Judah  had  ample  time  to  continue  his  work. 
The  Mishnaic  compilation  had  not,  in  fact,  included 
many  laws,  partly  because  they  were  not  possessed 
of  absolute  legal  force,  and  partly  because  they  were 
as  special  cases  included  in  the  general  formulae. 
These  neglected  Halachas  were  collected  by  Judah's 
successors,  as  a  supplement  to  the  Mishna.  Among 
these  collectors  may  be  named  Jannai,  whose  aca- 
demy  was  at  Acbara ;  Chiya,  and  his  twin-sons, 
Judah  and  Chiskiya,  Bar-Kappara,  Levi  bar  Sissi, 
Ushaya  the  elder,  surnamed  "the  father  of  the 
Mishna";  and  finally  Abba-Areka  (Rab) ;  all  of 
them  half-Tanaites.  Judah's  compilation  had,  how- 
ever, obtained  so  undisputed  an  authority  that  its 
votaries  considered  every  word  of  it  to  be  sacred, 
and  contended  that  not  a  line  ought  to  be  added  to 
it.  The  new  compilation  therefore  possessed  but 
a  secondary  value  in  comparison  with  the  principal 
Mishna,  and  their  mutual  relations  were  of  such  a 
character  that  the  former  were  referred  to  as  "  the 
apocryphal  Mishnas"  (Matnita  boraita,  or  simply 
Boraita),  in  the  same  way  as  the  books  not  included 
in  the  canonical  Bible  are  called  "  the  Apocrypha  " 


CH.  XVII.  CHARACTER    OF    TH^:    MISHNA.  47I 

(apocryphal  books).  The  compilations  of  Chiya 
and  Ushaya  alone  acquired  an  authority  nearly 
equal  to  that  of  the  principal  Mishna,  on  account  of 
their  contents. 

The  distinctive  feature  of  the  Mishna,  which  was 
accepted  as  the  recognized  code,  is  the  severely 
legal  and  even  judicial  character  which  it  impressed 
on  Judaism  for  all  time.  Everything  comprised  in 
Judaism — the  commandments  and  prohibitions,  the 
precepts  contained  in  the  Pentateuch  and  those  de- 
duced from  it — all  are  considered  by  the  Mishna  as 
edicts  and  decrees  of  God,  which  may  neither  be 
criticized  nor  questioned  ;  they  must  be  carried  out 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  letter.  It  is  impossible 
not  to  perceive  that  the  conflicts  which  had  con- 
vulsed Judaism,  the  violent  attacks  of  Hellenism 
under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  bitter  opposition  of 
the  Sadducees,  the  allegorical  misinterpretation  and 
the  subtleties  of  the  Alexandrian  philosophers,  and, 
finally,  the  attitude  of  hostility  to  the  Law  assumed 
by  Pauline  Christianity  and  the  Gnostics,  had  all 
assisted  to  bring  out  and  accentuate  the  strictly 
legal  character  of  the  Jewish  faith.  In  direct  op- 
position to  the  tendency  of  the  Alexandrian  and 
Gnostic  schools  to  give  especial  prominence  to  the 
view  that  God's  love  was  the  characteristic  feature 
of  Judaism,  the  Mishna,  the  first  positive  code  of 
Judaism,  cautions  its  readers  against  this  opinion, 
and  orders  silence  to  be  imposed  on  one  who  de- 
sired to  express  this  view  in  prayer :  "  Thy  love 
extendeth  even  to  the  nest  of  the  bird."  For  this 
reason  everything  in  the  Mishna  is  legally  ordered, 
little  being  left  to  personal  decision  ;  there  it  is 
settled  how  much  a  pauper  may  demand  of  public 
charity,  and  even  how  many  children  a  father  ought 
to  bring  into  the  world  in  order  to  fulfil  his  duty  of 
helping  to  populate  the  earth,  "which  God  did  not 
create  to  be  desolate."  In  general  the  Mishna  as- 
sumes that  the  whole  of  the  Torah,  including  such 


4/2  HISTORY    OF   TlIK    JEWS.  CII.  XVII. 

of  the  precepts  of  the  Law  as  do  not  appear  imme- 
diately in  the  Pentateuch,  is  composed  of  ancient 
traditions,  received  by  Moses  on  Sinai,  communicated 
by  him  to  Joshua,  who  handed  them  down  to  the 
Elders,  who  in  their  turn  transmitted  them  to  the 
1^-ophets,  who  finally  handed  them  down  to  the 
members  of  the  great  assembly.  All  such  laws  as 
do  not  appear  in  the  Pentateuch  are  designated  in 
the  Mishna  by  the  term,  "  the  saying  of  those  learned 
in  the  Scripture "  iyDibre  Soferim),  although  its 
component  parts  are  not  rigorously  divided  into 
these  two  categories.  It  is  true  that  in  the  Mishna 
the  remembrance  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  many 
Tanaites  is  still  apparent,  especially  in  the  com- 
plaint that  the  numerous  decisions  which  Joshua 
arrived  at  by  means  of  interpretation,  "  resemble 
mountains  hanging  by  a  hair,"  that  is  to  say,  are 
far-fetched  ;  but,  nevertheless,  the  Mishna  holds  up 
as  an  inviolable  standard  all  the  Halachic  laws  which 
had  been  in  force  up  to  this  time. 

There  repeatedly  occurs  in  the  Mishna  the  asser- 
tion of  the  equivalence  of  all  religious  commands 
and  duties.  The  maxims  of  Rabbi,  its  compiler, 
might  fitly  be  placed  on  the  first  page  as  an  in- 
scription : 

"Which  road  should  man  choose  ?  One  which  is  creditable  to  the 
traveler,  and  honorable  in  the  eyes  of  mankind.  Be  as  exact  in 
thine  observance  of  the  minor  precepts  as  of  the  most  important,  for 
thou  knowest  not  what  reward  is  attached  to  each  command.  Balance 
the  (temporal)  loss  sustained  in  consequence  of  the  performance  of 
a  duty  with  its  (spiritual)  reward,  and  the  gain  of  a  transgression 
with  its  disadvantages.  Bear  always  three  things  in  mind,  so  that 
thou  commit  no  ofiense  :  There  is  an  Eye  that  sees  all,  an  Ear  that 
hears  all,  and  a  Hand  that  inscribes  all  thy  deeds  in  a  book." 

The  Mishna  is  pervaded  with  these  views  from 
beginning  to  end.  The  reward  of  a  conscientious 
observance  of  the  precepts  of  the  Law  will  be  the 
participation  in  a  future  world,  which  awaits  every 
Israelite  unless  he  refuse  to  believe  in  a  resurrec- 
tion, or  in  the  revelation  of  the  Torah  by  God,  or 


CH.  XVII.  SIN    AND    PUNISHMENT.  473 

unless  he  live  (or  think)  as  an  Epicurean.  But 
pious  conduct  is  also  rewarded  in  this  world.  He 
who  conscientiously  fulfils  one  religious  duty  will 
be  favored  by  Heaven,  his  life  will  be  lengthened,  and 
he  will  be  allowed  to  enjoy  a  share  of  the  Holy 
Land.  At  the  same  time  the  attempt  is  made  to  estab- 
lish a  reconciliation  between  the  worldly  promises 
held  out  by  the  Bible  and  the  reward  of  the  world 
to  come,  a  dogma  which  first  assumed  a  distinct 
form  in  the  period  following  the  Captivity.  The 
discharge  of  certain  duties  secures  the  enjoyment 
of  reward  on  earth  and  in  the  world  to  come  ;  such 
are  the  veneration  of  parents,  charity,  timely  attend- 
ance at  the  school,  hospitality,  the  endowment  of 
(indigent)  brides,  the  accompanying  of  corpses  to 
the  grave,  devout  prayer,  peace-making,  and  es- 
pecially the  pursuit  of  religious  studies  (Talmud 
Torah).  As  to  future  punishment,  the  Mishna 
is  unacquainted  therewith,  as  also  with  a  hell.  For 
crimes  and  transgressions,  mention  is  made  of  judi- 
cial punishment  during  this  life  only,  varying  of 
course  with  the  seriousness  of  the  offense  ;  thus 
there  were  scourging,  and  execution  by  the  Synhe- 
drion  in  four  degrees  (by  sword,  by  the  rope,  by  fire, 
and  by  stoning),  and  finally  a  premature  death  at  the 
hand  of  God  (Kharat).  The  most  heinous  and 
atrocious  sins  were  expiated  by  death,  and  lesser 
ones  by  repentance  and  the  Day  of  Atonement, 
while  pardon  was  obtained  for  sins  of  negligence  by 
sacrifice.  Of  course,  crimes  committed  against  per- 
sons were  not  expiated  until  their  victims  were  in- 
demnified, satisfied,  and  appeased.  Every  righteous 
and  moral  deed,  as  well  as  every  misdeed,  possessed 
its  religious  importance  ;  but  the  religious  point  of 
view  was  not  predominant  over,  but  subordinate  to, 
the  secular. 

The  Mishna  regarded  as  the  greatest  virtue  the 
study  of  the  doctrines  of  Judaism  and  the  knowledge 
of  the   Law   or  of  the  Halachas  (Talmud  Torah). 


474  HISTORY  OF  the  jews.  ch.  xvn. 

Occupation  in  these  subjects  possessed  peculiar 
merit  or  justification  (Zechut  Torah);  it  protected 
and  advanced  a  person  here  and  hereafter.  "  He 
who  is  acquainted  with  the  Bible  and  tradition,  and 
is  careful  of  his  behavior,  will  not  easily  fall  into  sin." 
The  learning,  appropriation,  retention,  and  theoreti- 
cal comprehension  and  advancement  of  the  existing 
principles  of  religion — that  is  to  say,  the  conserva- 
tion and  furtherance  of  Judaism  in  the  path  of  ortho- 
doxy— gave  the  direction  to  the  ideas  and  tendencies 
of  that  period.  For  this  reason,  he  who  is  learned 
in  the  Law  holds  a  very  high  rank,  and  although  he 
be  a  bastard,  takes  precedence  of  a  high  priest  who 
is  ignorant  of  it.  A  disciple  must  honor  his  teacher 
even  more  than  his  father,  or  in  case  of  conflict  in 
his  duty  to  one  or  the  other,  must  first  fulfil  his  duty 
to  the  former  ;  for  a  wise  teacher  brings  man  to  life 
in  the  world  to  come.  It  is  incumbent  on  a  father 
to  teach  his  son  the  Torah,  or  to  provide  for  his  in- 
struction in  it.  The  Mishna  does  not  decide  the 
question  as  to  whether  a  father  ought  to  instruct 
his  daughters  in  the  Torah,  but  advances  two  opposite 
views  on  this  subject :  one  advocated  by  Ben-Azai, 
who  is  in  favor  of  the  practice,  or  at  least  considers 
it  permissible  ;  the  other,  defended  by  the  austere 
Eleazar  ben  Hyrcanus,  who  condemns  it ;  "  to  initi- 
ate one's  daughters  in  the  Torah  is  as  good  as  to 
initiate  them  in  prostitution."  This  latter  theory, 
which  finally  prevailed,  exercised  a  most  pernicious 
influence  in  after-times  ;  for  while  every  community 
was  careful  to  provide  elementary  and  advanced 
schools  for  its  boys,  the  girls  were  systematically 
kept  in  complete  ignorance. 

But  although  great  weight  was  laid  by  the  Mishnaic 
code  on  the  exact  observance  of  the  letter  of  the 
Law,  a  something  higher  than  this  observance  of 
the  Law  was  recognized  as  piety ;  namely,  the  pos- 
session of  a  certain  elevation  of  mind,  of  which 
the    boundaries   were   far   more    widely   extended 


CH.  XVII.  METHOD    OF    THE    MISIINA.  475 

than  those  of  the  Law.  A  conscientious  man  should 
keep  his  word  in  questions  relating  to  property,  al- 
though he  be  not  bound  thereto  by  the  terms  of  the 
written  law.  He  who  pays  his  debt  in  the  year  of 
release,  although  not  under  a  legal  obligation  to  do 
so  ;  he  who  pays  to  the  heirs  of  a  proselyte  the 
debt  due  to  the  latter,  without  being  legally  com- 
pelled to  satisfy  their  claim  ;  and  generally  he  who 
abides  by  his  word — these  are  the  men  in  whom  the 
sages  delight.  It  is  true  that  there  are  certain  pre- 
scribed forms  of  prayer,  but  it  is  lawful,  nevertheless, 
to  pray  in  any  language  ;  the  principal  thing  is  to 
pray  with  devotion  and  earnestness.  Men  ought  to 
thank  Heaven  for  bad  fortune  as  well  as  for  good. 
The  Mishna  displays  altogether  a  tendency  to  em- 
phasize the  spiritual  value  of  religion.  The  sound- 
ing of  the  cornet  on  the  New  Year,  the  Festivals, 
and  the  Atonement  Day  of  the  year  of  Jubilee,  as 
prescribed  by  the  Law,  ought  not  to  remain  an 
outM^ard,  material  deed,  but  ought  rather  to  create  a 
certain  frame  of  mind  which  raises  the  soul  to  God. 
As  illustrations  of  this  view  the  following  instances 
are  cited  :  it  was  not  the  fact  of  Moses  lifting  up  his 
hands  which  gave  the  Israelites  the  victory  over 
Amalek,  nor  the  erection  of  a  brazen  serpent  in  the 
wilderness  which  cured  them  of  the  bites  of  the 
scorpions,  but  the  turning  of  their  hearts  to  God. 
But  this  tendency  of  the  Mishna  remains  only  a 
tendency,  and  received  no  wide  development ;  more 
confidence  is  placed  in  an  obligatory  law  than  in  a 
conscience  which  creates  its  own  standard. 

Besides  the  juridical  feature,  and  perhaps  as  a 
consequence  of  it,  the  Mishna  possesses  another 
peculiarity  which  is  more  formal  than  essential ;  it 
is  characterized  by  a  desire  to  devise  and  group  to- 
gether all  possible  sorts  of  cases,  however  remote 
they  may  be,  in  order  to  apply  the  most  dissimilar 
laws  to  their  decision  (a  species  of  casuistry).  This 
peculiarity,  which  in  after-times  exerted  an  influence 


476  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVH. 

at  once  favorable  and  prejudicial  to  advancement, 
and  which  was  conducive  at  the  same  time  both  to 
logical  acuteness  and  to  sophistry,  seems  to  have 
first  made  its  appearance  in  the  public  academies  of 
Jabne  and  Usha,  and  in  the  numerous  other  schools. 
It  was  probably  the  ingenious  Meir  and  his  disciples 
who  most  contributed  to  its  cultivation.  As  if  it 
were  not  sufficient  to  consider  and  decide  such  cases 
as  really  occurred,  according  to  the  already  existing 
laws  and  principles  of  the  Pentateuch  and  tradition, 
teachers  occupied  themselves  in  depicting  fantastic 
and  intricate  situations,  simply  to  show,  for  example, 
that  it  was  occasionally  possible  for  several  laws  to 
apply  to  a  single  act.  The  Mishna  admitted  all 
these  hypothetical  cases  constructed  by  the  schools, 
and  perhaps  added  to  their  number.  This  casuistic 
peculiarity  was  especially  employed  in  order  to  give 
a  clear  idea  of  certain  cases  where  cumulative  pun- 
ishments or  atonements  were  incurred. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  Mishnaic  compilation 
contains  no  Halachas  of  a  character  hostile  to  the 
Jewish  professors  of  Christianity  ;  it  does  not  touch 
on  this  subject  in  any  place,  not  even  declaring 
whether  it  is  allowed  or  prohibited  to  eat  meat 
cooked  by  the  Minaeans.  It  appears  that  the  danger 
with  which  Judaism  had  been  threatened  by  the 
Jewish  Christians,  since  the  destruction  of  the  Tem- 
ple until  the  Bar-Cochba  war,  had  already  been 
averted,  and  that  danger  was  now  no  longer  to  be 
dreaded.  On  the  other  hand,  and  in  order  to  avoid 
the  least  appearance  of  participation  in  idolatry,  the 
Mishna  contains  numerous  laws  directed  against 
heathenism  and  intercourse  with  the  heathens.  The 
teachers  of  Christianity  immediately  experienced  the 
want  of  some  such  protective  laws  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Christian  communities,  and  Tertullian, 
one  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  (a  younger  con- 
temporary of  Judah  the  Patriarch,  and  the  first 
Christian  author  who  wrote  in  Latin),  expressed  a 
desire  that  the  Christians  should  be  kept  apart  from 


CH.  XVII.  LAWS    CONCERNING    HEATHENS.  477 

the  heathens  just  as  strictly  as  the  Jews  were  by  the 
prescriptions  of  the  Mishna  ;  the  reason  for  this  was 
that  heathenism  had  continued  to  make  its  way  into 
Palestine  since  the  Bar-Cochba  war,  and  had  gained 
possession  not  only  of  coast  towns,  but  even  of  m- 
land  places.     It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  regulate 
the  conduct  of  the  people  accordingly.     The  Mishna 
devotes  a  special  treatise  (Aboda  Zara)  to  this  sub- 
ject ;  it  prohibits  the  intercourse  with  heathens  for 
three  days  before    their    principal    public   festivals, 
such  as  the  kalends  of  January,  the  Saturnalia,  the 
anniversary  of  the  accession  or  the  death  of  the 
emperor.     It  also  commands  the  people  not  to  fre- 
quent such  of  the  shops  of  the  heathens  as  are  dec 
orated  with  laurel  wreaths.     The  Jews  are  forbidden 
to  sell  ornaments  or  other  objects  for  the  use  of 
idols  to  the  heathens,  or  to  let  to  them  any  houses 
in  Palestine,  because  they  would  be  desecrated  by 
the  introduction  of  images  of  idols.     On  account  of 
the  hatred  entertained  against  them  by  the  heathen 
inhabitants  of  Palestine,  the  Jews  are  further  com- 
manded not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  attended 
during  any  illness  by  the  heathens,  or  even  to  allow 
their   beards  to  be  shaved  by  the  latter  ;    and  in 
particular  are  ordered  not  to  remain  alone  with  them 
in    any    lonely  spot,   lest   they  should   be    secretly 
murdered  by  them.     The  Roman  heathens  having 
introduced  the  barbarous  custom  of  setting  men  to 
fight  with  wild  beasts,  the  Mishna  interdicts  the  sale 
to  them  by  the  Jews  of  bears,  lions,  and  all  other 
animals  by  which  any  injury  can    be  caused,   and 
further    prohibits    the    Jews    from    building    their 
basilica,  places  of  execution,  or  stadia,  because  they 
serve  to  promote  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood. 
In    order   not   to   pander    to    the   unnatural    vices 
(sodomy)  of  the  heathens,  the  Jews  are  commanded 
not  to   commit  any  animals   to   their  charge  ;    the 
Mishna  even  forbids  the  Jewish  mid  wives  or  nurses 
to  offer  their  services  to  the  heathen  women,  be- 
cause they  would  thereby   help   to   bring  into   the 


478  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS,  CH.  XVII. 

world  a  new  child  of  idolatry.  All  enjoyment  de- 
rived from  objects  of  reverence  to  the  idolaters  is 
interdicted,  and  the  Jews  are  not  even  allowed  to 
sit  in  the  shade  of  an  image  of  an  idol,  and  are 
particularly  forbidden  to  drink  of  the  wine  of  which 
a  portion  has  been,  or  may  have  been,  offered  by  a 
heathen  to  his  gods.  Most  of  the  laws  relative  to 
the  separation  of  the  Jews  from  the  heathen  world, 
introduced  with  great  zeal  and  precipitancy  shortly 
before  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  are  retained 
and  extended  by  the  Mishna.  Notwithstanding  all 
its  hatred  of  the  heathens  generally,  and  especially 
those  in  Palestine  (the  Mishna  paid  but  little  atten- 
tion to  foreign  countries),  the  Jewish  legislation  was 
unable  to  entirely  belie  the  distinctive  trait  of 
Judaism,  its  universal  love  of  mankind.  Together 
with  these  hostile  laws,  there  was  also  adopted  one 
which  was  favorable  to  the  heathens,  due  probably 
to  the  initiative  of  Rabban  Gamaliel  I :  their  poor 
were  given  access  to  the  fields,  and  possessed, 
equally  with  the  Jews,  the  right  of  gleaning.  A 
special  treatise,  called  "  The  Sayings  of  the  Fathers  " 
(Pirke  Aboth),  is  devoted  to  the  teachings  of  a 
higher  morality,  and  contains  the  maxims  and  short 
sentences  of  the  sopheric  teachers  and  sages  from 
the  earliest  times.  These  laws  of  morality,  however, 
are  concealed,  and,  as  it  were,  overgrown  by  a  mass 
of  law  relating  to  the  ritual. 

With  the  completion  of  the  Mishna  and  the 
almost  equally  important  Boraitas,  the  Tanaites  had 
accomplished  their  task  of  imparting  a  settled  form 
and  lasting  shape  to  the  hitherto  uncertain  and 
transitory  matter  of  tradition  ;  they  had  called  it  to 
life,  and  presented  it  to  the  Jewish  nation  as  com- 
mon property.  After  completing  their  task  with 
noble  assiduity,  untiring  zeal,  and  unexampled  self- 
denial,  they  disappeared  from  the  scene,  leaving  to 
future  generations  the  result  of  their  efforts,  from 
which  to  receive  their  education  and  imbibe  a  love 
of  their  religion  and  nationality. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE     FIRST     AMORAIM. 

Judah  II. — Friendliness  of  Alexander  Severus  towards  the  Jews — 
Joshua  ben  Levi— Hillel  instructs  Origen  in  Hebrew— The 
Hexapla—T\\^  Palestinean  Amoraim  —  Chanina  —  Jochanan  — 
Simon  ben  Lakish —  Joshua,  the  Hero  of  Fable  — Simlai,  the 
Philosophical  Agadist — Porphyry  comments  on  the  Book  ol 
Daniel. 

219 — 280  c.  E. 

After  the  extinction  of  the  Tanaites  and  the  death 
of  the  younger  contemporaries  of  the  compiler  of 
the  Mishna  and  of  his  son  GamaHel  III,  a  happier 
period  commenced  :  happy  abroad  by  reason  of  the 
favorable  political  situation  brought  about  by  the 
friendly  attitude  assumed  towards  the  Jews  by  one 
of  the  best  of  the  Roman  emperors  ;  happy  at 
home  through  the  agency  of  a  series  of  vigorous- 
minded  men,  who  imbued  the  ancient  customs  and 
manners  with  a  new  and  healthy  spirit.  The  most 
prominent  men  and  the  lights  of  this  epoch  were  : 
in  Judaea,  the  Patriarch  Judah  II,  son  of  Gamaliel  ; 
Jochanan,  the  principal  authority  of  these  times  ; 
and  Simon  b.  Lakish,  the  Teacher,  robust  of  hand 
and  brain ;  and  in  Babylonia,  Abba-Areka  and 
Samuel.  These  men  were  the  pioneers  of  a  new 
movement,  connected,  it  is  true,  with  the  labors  of 
the  Tanaites,  inasmuch  as  it  was  grounded  upon 
their  work,  but  yet  went  beyond  it  in  range.  A 
sketch  of  the  leading  personalities  of  this  period 
will  not  perhaps  be  considered  superfluous. 

But  little  is  known  of  the  early  life  and  training 
of  Judah  the  Patriarch.  His  youth  was  passed  in 
a  time  when  religious  strictness  had  acquired  so 
predominant  an  importance,  that  the  family  of  the 


480  HISTORY    OF    THE    JKWS.  CH.  XVIII. 

Patriarch  himself  was  open  to  censure  in  case  any 
of  its  members  acted  contrary  to  prescribed  law. 
ludah  was  walking  one  Sabbath-day,  with  his  brother 
llillel,  in  l^iri,  wearing-  a  pair  of  shoes  decorated 
with  o'olden  buckles,  which  seems  to  have  been 
prohibited  in  that  town.  They  were  sharply  cen- 
sured by  the  populace  on  this  account,  and,  not 
daring  to  explain  that  the  act  was  not  contrary  to 
the  Law,  they  were  obliged  to  take  off  their  shoes 
and  give  them  to  their  slaves.  On  another  occa- 
sion, when  the  two  sons  of  the  Patriarch  were  one 
day  bathing  together  in  Kabul,  the  people  called 
out  to  them  "  that  in  their  city  it  was  not  lawful  for 
two  brothers  to  bathe  together."  When  Judah  suc- 
ceeded his  father  in  the  office  of  Patriarch  (about 
225)  he  transferred  the  scat  of  this  dignity  from 
Sepphoris  to  Tiberias,  and  this  city,  formerly 
avoided  on  account  of  its  uncleanliness,  was  thus 
invested  by  him  with  considerable  importance  ;  it 
outlived  all  the  other  cities  of  Judaea,  however  rich 
in  memories,  and  was  the  last  retreat  of  the  ancient 
traditions.  The  announcement  of  the  appearance 
of  the  new  moon,  which  on  account  of  a  certain 
preference  shown  to  the  south  of  Judrea  had  for- 
merly been  made  there,  was  now  ordered  by  Judah 
to  be  made  at  Tiberias.  The  south  of  Palestine, 
formerly  the  principal  scene  of  historical  events, 
was  henceforward  bereft  of  its  supremacy,  and  was 
obliged  to  abandon  its  role  to  thc!  once-despised 
Galilee.  Like  his  grandfather,  Judah  II  was  held 
in  great  reverence  by  his  contemporaries,  and  was 
also  called  simi)ly  Rabbi  or  Rabbenu.  He  likewise 
was  often  severely  censured,  but  accepted  the  blame 
more  patiently  than  his  ancestor. 

It  was  probably  the  second  ludah,  as  the  Jewish 
narratives  positively  assert,  that  was  beloved  by  a 
Roman  emperor,  from  whom  he  received  numerous 
marks  of  favor.  Accident,  which  in  the  guise  of  the 
Praetorian  guards  generally  gave  the  casting  vote 


CH.  XVIII.  PATRIARCH    A^"D    EMPEROR.  48 1 

at  the  election  of  the  emperor,  elevated  Alexander 
Severus  (222-235),  ^'"^  unknown  Syrian  youth  in  his 
seventeenth  year,  to  the  position  of  ruler  of  the 
world.  In  public,  he  gave  evidence  of  a  more  pro- 
nounced friendliness  to  Judaism  than  any  of  his 
predecessors.  In  his  private  apartment  there  was 
placed,  next  to  the  representations  of  Orpheus  and 
Christ,  a  picture  of  Abraham.  This  emperor  was 
so  deeply  impressed  with  the  truth  of  the  golden 
rule  of  pure  philanthropy,  "  Do  not  unto  others 
what  thou  wouldst  not  they  should  do  unto  you  " 
(esteemed  as  the  essence  of  the  whole  Jewish 
religion  before  the  time  of  Jesus),  that  it  was  always 
on  his  lips,  and  was  placed  by  him  as  a  motto  on 
the  imperial  palace  and  the  public  buildings,  and 
proclaimed  by  a  herald  to  the  soldiers  whenever 
he  desired  to  reprimand  them  for  attacks  on  the 
property  of  foreigners.  On  all  occasions  he  set  up 
the  Jews  and  Christians  as  patterns  to  the  depraved 
Romans,  and  was  desirous  of  seeing  the  highest 
dignities  of  the  state  awarded  upon  the  same 
principles  as  those  which  governed  the  admission 
of  Jewish  and  Christian  religious  leaders  to  ordina- 
tion. He  was  well  disposed  towards  the  Christians, 
but  seems  to  have  possessed  a  greater  predilection 
for  the  Jews  and  Judaism.  The  inhabitants  of 
Antioch  and  Alexandria,  whose  frivolous  character 
caused  them  to  be  better  pleased  with  immoral 
emperors  than  with  an  austere  ruler  like  Alex- 
ander Severus,  derided  him  in  epigrams,  and  gave 
him  the  nicknames  of  the  "  Syrian  Head  of  the 
Synagogue  "  ( Archisynagogus,  that  is.  Rabbi)  and 
"  High  Priest."  The  emperor's  mother,  Mamm^ea, 
however,  had  a  preference  for  Christianity,  and 
was  a  protectress  of  Origen,  one  of  the  Feathers 
of  the  Church.  For  these  reasons,  the  Patriarch 
Judah  possessed  during  this  period  an  almost  royal 
authority,  and  was  even  able  to  exercise  anew 
criminal  jurisdiction  ;    not  quite  openly,  it  is  true, 


482  HISTORY    OV    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVHI. 

but  Still  with  the  prior  knowledge  of  the  emperor. 
The  latter  seems  to  have  made  the  acquaintance 
of  the  Jewish  Patriarch  during  his  frequent  visits 
to  Antioch  on  the  occasion  of  his  campaign  in 
Persia  (231-234).  Judah  probably  prevailed  upon 
him  to  protect,  or  rather  to  revive,  the  privileges 
of  the  Jews.  Among  these  was  the  right  of 
again  entering  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  filling 
the  office  of  judge,  both  of  which  rights  had 
been  denied  to  them  by  Hadrian.  Jewish  fable 
relates  many  things  concerning  the  sincere  attach- 
ment of  the  Emperor  Severus  (Asverus),  son  of 
Antoninus,  or  simply  Antoninus,  to  Judaism  and 
the  Jews.  But  although  much  of  this  is  doubtless 
exaggerated  and  embellished,  the  Talmud  contains 
many  narratives  concerning  the  relations  existing 
between  the  Patriarch  and  the  Emperor  which  are 
certainly  historical.  Thus  it  is  related  of  him  that 
he  presented  a  golden  candlestick  to  a  synagogue 
(probably  that  of  Tiberias),  and  granted  the  Patri- 
arch a  field  in  the  district  of  Gaulanitis,  most  likely 
for  the  support  of  the  disciples. 

It  is  quite  in  the  spirit  of  this  emperor  of  Syrian 
origin,  prepossessed  as  he  was  in  favor  of  foreign 
religions,  that  he  should  have  requested  the  Patri- 
arch, as  the  story  runs,  to  recommend  to  him  a 
learned  man  to  aid  him  in  building  an  altar  on  the 
model  of  that  in  the  Jewish  Temple,  and  in  the 
preparation  of  incense  according  to  the  rules  of  the 
Jewish  code,  for  which  purpose  Judah  is  said  to 
have  recommended  his  intimate  friend  Romanus. 
The  thirteen  years  during  which  the  Roman  world 
submitted  to  the  rule  of  a  good  emperor  were  a 
happy  time  for  the  Jewish  nation,  for  the  sovereign 
conferred  many  marks  of  favor  upon  this  people, 
lately  despised  and  persecuted.  The  position  of 
the  Jews  was  indeed  so  favorable  that  the  opinion 
was  commonly  expressed  that  Daniel,  who  had 
cast  a  prophetic  glance  on  the  succession   of  the 


CH     XVIII.  JEWS    AND    ROMANS.  483 

empires  of  the  world,  had  predicted  this  state  of 
things  in  the  words  :  "  When  they  (the  Jews)  suc- 
cumb, some  small  help  will  still  be  extended  to 
them,"  which  were  considered  to  refer  to  Severus 
Antoninus,  who  manifested  a  love  for  the  Jews. 
This  favorable  situation  contributed  towards  the 
substitution  of  a  more  friendly  spirit  in  place  of 
the  variance  with  and  profound  dislike  of  the 
Romans  which  had  prevailed  for  centuries. 

The  Christians  complained  at  this  time  that  the 
Jews  were  much  more  favorably  disposed  towards 
the  heathens  than  towards  themselves,  although  pos- 
sessing much  more  in  common  with  themselves  than 
with  the  heathens.  The  barrier  erected  by  the  Jews, 
in  consequence  of  their  hatred  of  the  Romans,  was 
partly  overthrown,  and  the  rigor  of  the  separation 
of  the  two  nations  was  relaxed.  The  family  of 
the  Patriarch  were  permitted,  on  account  of  their 
association  with  the  highest  dignitaries  of  the  state, 
to  dress  their  hair  according  to  the  Roman  fashion, 
to  learn  Greek,  and  to  do  various  other  things 
which  had  formerly  been  prohibited.  The  life  of  the 
Jews  assumed  altogether  a  happier  aspect :  they 
began  to  decorate  their  rooms  with  paintings,  and 
religious  scrupulousness  took  no  exception. 

To  the  influence  exercised  by  these  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  rulers  must  probably  also  be  ascribed 
the  fact  that  the  Patriarch  abolished,  or  intended  to 
abolish,  many  of  the  stricter  rules  which  had  fornierly 
been  carried  out  with  the  utmost  severity.  In  the 
stormy  days  of  the  first  rebellion  against  the 
Romans,  when  the  w^ave  of  racial  hatred  ran  high 
between  Jews  and  Graeco-Roman  heathens,  a  Synod, 
in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  all  intercourse  with  the 
heathens,  had  forbidden  the  Jews  to  purchase  or 
make  use  of  their  oil  and  various  other  articles  of 
food.  In  Palestine,  this  restraint  did  not  fall  heavily 
on  the  Jewish  inhabitants,  as  the  land  produced  all 
that  was  necessary  to  satisfy  the  daily  wants  of  the 


484  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVIII. 

people,  and  the  oil  exported  from  Galilee  afforded 
a  sufficient  supply  to  the  neighboring  countries. 
But  the  war  of  Hadrian  devastated  Judaea  and  de- 
prived it  of  all  its  oil  plantations  ;  the  daily  need  of 
oil  thus  gradually  compelled  this  strict  prohibition  to 
be  disregarded.  But  the  legal  permission  was  still 
wanting,  and,  although  numbers  had  dispensed  with 
it,  there  still  remained  many  who  complied  strictly 
with  the  law,  as  yet  unabolished.  Judah  II  there- 
fore used  his  best  endeavors  to  obtain  a  majority 
favorable  to  the  abrogation  of  this  law,  and  prided 
himself  greatly  on  accomplishing  his  purpose  ;  it  is 
probable  that  he  had  to  sustain  a  severe  conflict  in 
order  to  gain  his  object.  When  Simlai,  the  Patri- 
arch's assessor,  who  was  constantly  traveling  be- 
tween Galilee  and  Babylon,  brought  the  news  that 
permission  had  been  granted  to  the  Jewish  inhab- 
itants of  countries  bordering  on  the  Euphrates  (who 
had  always  been  restive  under  restraints  imposed 
upon  them)  to  make  use  of  the  oil  of  the  heathens, 
this  innovation  appeared  so  daring  to  Abba-Areka 
(the  principal  Babylonian  authority),  that  he  refused 
to  believe  the  report.  Samuel,  however,  who  desired 
to  see  the  authority  of  the  Patriarch  generally  rec- 
ognized even  in  Babylon,  compelled  him  to  make 
use  of  this  permission. 

Another  alleviation  proposed  by  the  Patriarch, 
according  to  which  the  onerous  marriage  with  a  de- 
ceased brother's  widow  was  to  be  evaded  in  certain 
cases  by  a  bill  of  divorce,  to  be  given  before  death, 
was  not  agreed  to  by  his  College.  He  was  also 
desirous  of  permitting  the  use  of  bread  made 
by  the  heathens.  Finally,  he  proposed  to  abolish 
the  fast  of  the  month  of  Ab,  instituted  in  commem- 
oration of  so  many  catastrophes,  according  to  some 
authors  in  totality,  according  to  others  in  certain 
cases  only.  The  contemporary  teachers  of  the 
Law,  however,  were  opposed  to  these  alterations  ; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  they  agreed  with  him  in 


CH.  XVIII.  SIMEON    BEN    LAKISH.  485 

abolishing  a  mark  of  affliction  introduced  during  the 
period  of  adversity  under  Hadrian  :  henceforward  it 
was  allowable  for  brides  to  ride  in  state-litters  on 
their  wedding-day. 

In  spite  of  the  reverence  felt  by  the  teachers  of 
the  Law  for  the  Patriarch  Judah,  they  were  not  blind 
to  his  weaknesses,  and  he  was  obliged  to  submit  to 
numerous  attacks  on  their  part.  The  Patriarchate 
had  acquired  in  his  hands  an  almost  royal  power, 
and  was  even  entitled  to  a  body-guard,  ready  to  en- 
force the  commands  of  the  Patriarch.  This  power, 
although  not  abused  by  Judah,  was  all  the  more 
displeasing  to  the  teachers  of  the  Law,  since  he,  on 
his  side,  conferred  no  particular  favors  on  the 
learned  classes,  but  rather  exerted  himself  to  abol- 
ish the  distinction  between  the  learned  and  illiterate 
in  all  civil  relations.  He  further  subjected  the 
teachers  of  the  Law  to  a  share  of  the  communal 
burdens.  Simeon  ben-Lakish,  one  of  those  out- 
spoken men  who  carry  their  love  of  truth  even  to 
the  length  of  disrespect  of  persons,  was  especially 
opposed  to  this  leveling  policy,  and  gave  vent  to 
offensive  sallies  against  the  Patriarch.  Once,  in 
the  lecture-hall,  he  put  forward  the  proposition : 
That  in  case  the  Patriarch  should  render  himself 
guilty  of  a  crime,  it  would  be  necessary  to  sentence 
him,  like  any  ordinary  man,  to  the  punishment  of 
scourging.  Upon  this  it  was  observed  by  Chaggai, 
that  in  such  a  case  he  would  have  to  be  absolutely 
deposed,  and  debarred  from  taking  office  again  lest 
he  should  employ  his  power  in  revenging  himself 
upon  the  authors  of  his  disgrace.  This  discussion 
was  manifestly  an  attack  upon  Judah's  possession 
of  extraordinary  power.  Angry  at  these  remarks, 
and  carried  away  by  his  first  impulse,  he  immedi- 
ately despatched  his  Gothic  slaves  to  seize  the  fault- 
finder; but  Jochanan,  the  Principal  of  the  school, 
succeeded  eventually  in  appeasing  his  wrath.  Once 
the   Patriarch   complained    to    Ben-Lakish   of    the 


486  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  XVHl. 

rapacity  of  the  Roman  authorities,  which  prevailed 
for  a  lengthened  period  in  all  the  provinces  of  the 
Roman  empire  during  the  reign  of  anarchy  which 
followed  after  the  death  of  Alexander  Severus.  In 
most  of  the  provinces  there  had  arisen  emperors, 
anti-emperors,  and  usurpers,  who,  during  the  short 
span  of  their  reign,  assumed  the  character  of  ruler 
of  the  world,  and  conducted  themselves  in  the 
countries  subject  to  their  sway  with  true  Roman 
rapacity.  "  Pray  for  me,"  said  Judah  to  Ben-Lakish, 
"  for  the  rule  of  the  Romans  is  evil."  To  which  the 
latter  replied :  "  If  thou  take  nothing,  nothing  will 
be  taken  from  thee."  This  remark  was  probably 
intended  as  a  rebuke  for  the  covetousness  of  which 
it  is  impossible  to  acquit  Judah. 

The  Patriarchs  seem  to  have  commenced  about 
this  time  to  draw  a  revenue  from  the  communities. 
This  had  become  a  necessity,  as  the  impoverish- 
ment of  Palestine  had  followed  in  the  wake  of  its 
heavy  taxation.  A  great  part  of  the  pasture  lands 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  heathens  dwelling 
in  the  country,  to  whom  the  Jewish  proprietors  had 
been  obliged  to  sell.  Through  this  impoverishment 
the  means  of  maintaining  the  school-houses  and  the 
pupils  were  greatly  diminished.  The  income  of 
Judah,  unlike  that  of  his  grandfather,  proved  insuffi- 
cient for  the  purpose,  and  he  was  therefore  obliged 
to  open  up  new  sources  of  income  in  order  worthily 
to  support  the  dignity  of  Patriarch.  H  e  sent  messages 
abroad  to  make  collections  amongst  the  rich  Jews. 
One  of  the  most  important  teachers  of  the  Law  in 
Lydda,  named  Joshua  ben  Levi,  made  a  special 
journey  to  Rome  for  this  purpose.  In  Rome  some 
wealthy  Jews  were  known  to  live.  These  willingly 
contributed  to  the  support  of  the  institution  which 
replaced  the  Synhedrion,  and  which  was  the  last 
remnant  of  an  independent  state,  and  the  represen- 
tative of  which  was  supposed  to  be  descended  from 
or  connected  with  the  royal  house  of  David.     It  is 


CH.  XVIII.  REVENUE    OF    THE    rATRIARCH.  48/ 

related  that  the  Jewish  ship-owners  and  merchants 
gave  up  the  tenth  part  of  their  gains  to  the  support 
of  the  disciples  in  the  school  of  Tiberias.  This  grant 
was  called  the  Patriarch's  tax,  and  the  mission-tax 
(Apostole),  also  crown  money  (aurum  coronarium). 

Meanwhile,  however  greatly  Judah's  avarice  may 
have  been  blamed,  he  still  stood  high  in  the  favor 
of  the  populace,  by  reason  of  the  simplicity  of  his 
manners  and  attire,  which  caused  his  proud  and 
almost  royal  dignity  to  be  forgotten.  He  was 
accustomed  to  wear  linen  clothes,  and  to  dispense 
with  all  etiquette  in  his  reception  of  ceremonious 
visits,  thereby  calling  down  upon  himself  the 
reproaches  of  his  friends,  who  expressed  their 
opinion  that  a  ruler  ought  to  appear  in  mag- 
nificence, and  to  maintain  an  imposing  demeanor. 

How  great  a  reverence  was  felt  for  Judah  may 
be  seen  from  the  fact  that,  on  his  death,  no  less 
honors  were  paid  to  his  body  than  had  been  shown 
to  his  grandfather,  Judah  I.  In  direct  opposition 
to  the  Law,  a  descendant  of  Aaron  was  compelled 
to  take  charge  of  his  corpse ;  it  being  alleged  that 
it  was  permissible  in  this  instance  to  lay  aside  the 
holy  character  of  his  priesthood. 

Hillel  II.,  the  brother  of  the  Patriarch,  was  pos- 
sessed of  great  skill  in  the  Agadic  exposition  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  seems  to  have  been  a  profoundly 
moral  man.  Among  the  many  maxims  said  to  have 
been  uttered  by  him,  the  following  is  especially 
worthy  of  note  : 

"Separate  not  thyself  from  the  rest  of  the  community;  put  not 
overmuch  trust  in  thyself  (in  thy  piety)  before  thy  death  ;  judge  not 
thy  neighbor  until  thou  hast  been  placed  in  his  position." 

It  was  probably  owing  to  Hillel's  profound 
knowledge  of  the  Scriptures  that  he  was  visited  by 
Origen,  the  philosophical  Father  of  the  Church, 
who  desired  to  consult  him  concerning  certain 
difficult  passages  in  the  Bible.  Origen  called  him 
the  Patriarch  Jullos. 


488  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVIII. 

The  spirit  of  investigation  awakened  by  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church,  Pantaius  and  Clemens  of 
Alexandria,  in  the  Christian  school  of  Alexandria, 
which  sought  to  connect  the  Old  and  the  New  Tes- 
tament, revived  the  necessity  of  an  acquaintance 
with  the  Hebrew  language,  in  order  to  explain  by 
the  help  of  the  knowledge  of  the  original  text,  the 
glaring  contradictions  existing  in  many  places 
between  the  views  of  the  Old  Testament  and  the 
now  inflexible  dogmas  of  Christianity.  It  was 
Origen  who  felt  most  the  need  of  this  knowledge, 
and  he  was  unremitting  in  his  efforts  to  acquire 
the  Hebrew  tongue,  and  in  his  recommendations 
to  others  to  study  it.  He  regarded  the  Jews  as  his 
masters  in  the  knowledge  of  Hebrew  and  the 
correct  exegesis  of  the  Scripture:  he  admitted 
having  learnt  from  Jews  the  exact  sense  of  various 
difficult  passages  in  the  Bible,  during  his  long  but 
intermittent  residence  in  Jud?ea  (from  about  229  to 
253).  Being  desirous  of  writing  a  Commentary  on 
the  Psalms,  he  took  the  trouble  to  have  them 
explained  to  him  by  a  Jew,  according  to  the  tradi- 
tions. At  that  time  the  study  of  the  Halachas  had 
not  yet  superseded  that  of  Biblical  exegesis. 

Besides  Hillel  and  Simlai  there  were  other  Jewish 
teachers  well  acquainted  with  the  original  text,  who 
confuted  the  Christian  teachers,  and  laughed  at 
them  for  the  absurdly  childish  arguments  which 
they  drew  from  their  corrupt  Greek  translation, 
the  Septuagint.  They  were  especially  diverted  at 
the  credulity  of  the  Christians,  by  whom  every 
apocryphal  book  was  invested  with  the  garb  of 
antiquity.  Such  books  as  the  histories  of  Tobias, 
of  Judith,  and  of  Susannah  were  admitted  into  the 
collection  of  the  Holy  writings,  upon  which  loose 
foundation  was  erected  the  fragile  fabric  of  their 
relioflon. 

In  order  to  protect  the  creed  of  the  Church  from 
this   ridicule,   Origen  undertook  the  gigantic   task 


CH.  XVIII.  ORIGEN.  489 

of  revising-  the  Septuagint  version,  mutilated  and 
crowded  as  it  was  with  errors  of  all  kinds.  His 
immediate  object  was  to  afford  the  Christian  teachers 
an  insight  into  the  differences  existing  between  the 
translation  and  the  original  text,  and  so  better  to 
enable  them  to  conduct  their  discussions  with  the 
Jews.  To  this  end,  he  compared  the  translations 
of  Akylas,  Symmachos,  Theodotion,  and  three 
others  which  had  appeared  in  the  meantime  ;  and 
in  order  to  allow  of  a  convenient  survey,  he  placed 
them  in  columns,  the  Hebrew  text,  with  its  pro- 
nunciation in  Greek  letters,  figuring  at  the  head. 
These  parallel  texts  were  known  by  the  name  of 
the  Hexapla  (sixfold).  It  was  labor  lost,  however, 
to  compare  the  wretched  and  intentionally  corrupt 
Greek  translation  with  the  original  Hebrew  text. 
The  Septuagint  continued  to  exist  in  its  mutilated 
form,  and  was  even  worse  confounded  by  reason  of 
Origen's  industry,  for  many  passages  belonging  to 
other  translations  were  often  accidentally  introduced 
into  its  text. 

The  activity  of  the  Palestinean  teachers  was 
directed  to  another  object  ;  their  cares  were  be- 
stowed neither  on  the  study  of  the  Bible  nor  on 
the  establishing  of  the  doctrines  of  faith  ;  both 
these  subjects  lay  outside  their  sphere  of  activity. 
Their  chief  energies  were  devoted  to  the  study  of 
the  oral  law  in  its  definite  form,  the  Mishna.  This 
work  had  been  composed  in  a  brief  and  laconic 
style,  and,  besides,  it  contained  many  passages 
which  were  incomprehensible,  the  words  or  subject- 
matter  having  passed  out  of  everyday  use.  For 
these  reasons  the  comprehension  of  the  Mishna 
required  peculiar  study  and  erudition.  The  prin- 
cipals of  the  schools  applied  themselves,  in  the 
first  place,  to  the  elucidation  of  the  terse  and  fre- 
quently obscure  text  of  the  Mishna.  From  this 
aspect  of  their  labors  they  received  the  name 
of  Amoraim  (Amorai,  Expounder).     But  far  from 


490  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CII.  XVIII. 

being"  satisfied  with  this  arid  work,  or  with  remaining 
contentedly  in  this  dependence,  they  grathially 
emancipated  themselves,  made  new  departures,  and 
believing  in  good  faith  that  they  were  standing  on 
the  ground  of  the  Mishna,  went  far  beyond  its 
boundaries.  As  the  Tanaites  had  treated  the  text 
of  the  Bible,  so  also  did  the  Amoraim  treat  that  of 
the  second  code  ;  they  dissected  it,  and  resolved  it 
into  its  constituent  parts,  so  that  under  their  hand  it 
was  dissipated,  becoming  new  matter  and  acquiring 
a  new  form. 

The  first  generation  of  the  Amoraim,  following 
immediately  upon  the  Tanaites  and  semi-Tanaites, 
constitutes  in  many  points  a  parallel  with  the  second 
generation  of  the  Tanaites.  Like  the  latter  it  con- 
sisted of  a  series  of  talented  teachers,  who  attained 
a  great  age,  and  whose  labors  were  continued 
during  half  a  century.  Like  the  latter,  again,  it 
possessed  different  schools  and  systems,  and  was 
divided  into  various  opinions  concerning  the  ex- 
planation of  the  Law.  But  it  does  not  afford  the 
spectacle  of  violent  controversies  ;  for  it  already 
possessed  a  common  and  recognized  formula,  a 
settled  standard,  to  which  all  authorities  subordi- 
nated themselves.  The  oldest  of  the  Amoraim  was 
Chanina  b.  Chama,  of  Sepphoris  (from  about  i8o  to 
260).  He  was  descended  from  an  ancient  and  noble 
family,  and  followed  the  profession  of  physician  ; 
the  science  of  medicine,  inborn  in  the  Levites, 
being  generally  cultivated  by  teachers  of  the  Law. 
The  method  of  teaching  adopted  by  him  was  very 
simple.  He  was  an  Amora  in  the  fullest  sense  of 
the  primitive  meaning  of  the  term  ;  he  expounded 
the  Mishna  or  the  Boraitas  with  the  help  of  such 
comments  only  as  had  been  handed  down  to  him 
by  tradition,  w^ithout  allowing  himself  to  make  any 
independent  deductions.  If  new  cases  occurred 
which  were  not  indicated  in  the  Mishna,  he  did  not 
decide  them  according  to  his  own  lights,  but  took 


CH.  XVIII.  THE    AMORAIM.  49I 

counsel  with  learned  colleagues,  or  even  with  dis- 
ciples, however  obvious  the  decision  may  have  been. 
Chanina  occupied  the  same  position  among  the 
Amoraim  as  Eleazar  b.  Hyrcanus  among  the  Tana- 
ites ;  he  was  entirely  receptive,  never  creative. 
This  point  of  view,  however,  according  to  which 
the  Mishna  was  regarded  as  dead  stock,  was  not 
acceptable  to  the  younger  and  more  zealous  men  ; 
Chanina  was  therefore  deserted,  even  by  his  own 
disciples,  who  proceeded  to  found  new  academies. 
Notwithstanding  this,  Chanina  was  regarded  with 
great  veneration  both  by  Jews  and  Romans,  on 
account  of  his  piety.  Once,  when  he  went,  with 
Joshua  b.  Levi,  a  younger  contemporary,  to  visit 
the  Proconsul  (Anthypatos),  in  Csesarea,  the  latter 
rose  respectfully  at  their  approach,  replying  to  his 
friends,  who  expressed  astonishment  at  his  behavior, 
that  "  they  appeared  to  him  like  angels."  He 
reproved  more  boldly  and  fearlessly  than  any  other 
teacher,  the  deeply-rooted  faults  of  his  community, 
and  tried  to  rid  it  of  that  erroneous  belief  which 
willingly  accepts  the  most  incredible  miracles,  in 
order  to  be  relieved  of  all  responsibility.  Chanina's 
unsparing  utterances  concerning  the  people  of 
Sepphoris  present  at  the  same  time  a  faithful 
picture  of  the  customs  of  the  period.  On  one 
occasion  Sepphoris  and  the  surrounding  districts 
had  been  so  devastated  by  the  plague  that  many  of 
the  inhabitants  of  all  parts  of  the  town  had  been 
carried  off  by  it ;  ^he  only  quarter  not  visited  by  it 
was  that  in  which  Chanina  resided.  The  men  of 
Sepphoris  wished  to  make  him  responsible  for  this 
plague,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  not  performed 
any  miracle  to  avert  it ;  whereupon  he  replied  :  "  In 
the  time  of  Moses  there  was  only  one  Zimri  (who 
debauched  a  heathen  woman),  and  yet  twenty-four 
thousand  fell  by  the  plague  ;  ye,  however,  possess 
many  Zimris,  and  complain  notwithstanding." 
Another  time,  Judaea  was  visited  by  a  continued 


492  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  XVIII. 

drought  and  lack  of  rain.  Chanlna  had  arranged 
the  prescribed  fasts  and  offered  up  pubHc  prayers, 
yet  the  much  desired  rains  did  not  set  in  ;  where- 
upon the  people  complained  anew,  and  referred 
to  Joshua  b.  Levi,  the  envoy  to  Rome,  whose 
prayers  for  rain  for  the  south  of  Judaea  had  been 
crowned  with  success.  On  the  next  opportunity 
Chanina  sent  for  Joshua  from  the  south,  and 
united  with  him  in  prayer,  but  again  without  success. 
Seizing  upon  this  occasion,  he  reprimanded  his 
fellow-countrymen  for  their  superstitious  belief  in 
the  power  of  a  human  being  to  work  miracles  ; 
"  Thus  do  ye  see,"  exclaimed  he,  "  that  it  is  neither 
Joshua  who  causes  rain,  nor  Chanina  who  hinders 
it ;  the  inhabitants  of  Lydda  are  kind-hearted  and 
humble,  therefore  heaven  sends  them  rain ;  ye, 
however,  are  hard-hearted  and  callous,  and  therefore 
heaven  withholds  rain  from  you."  Chanina  retained 
his  modesty  and  self-denial  all  through  his  life,  and 
justly  recognizing  the  merits  of  others,  rejoiced  in 
his  later  years  over  the  fame  of  those  who  had 
surpassed  him.  He  attained  an  extreme  old  age, 
and  saw  three  Patriarchs — the  elder  Judah,  his 
teacher;  Gamaliel,  Judah's  son,  and  Judah  II. 

In  opposition  to  the  conservative  Chanina  stands 
Jochanan  bar  Napacha  (born  199,  died  279).  De- 
prived of  both  father  and  mother,  who  died  in  his 
early  youth,  he  used  to  say  in  later  life,  that  he 
ought  to  be  thankful  for  this  misfortune,  as  he 
would  not  have  been  able  to  fulfil  the  strict  duties 
of  filial  love  in  the  manner  required  by  the  Law. 
He  was  so  handsome  of  figure  that  the  Talmudical 
source,  usually  so  sober,  involuntarily  becomes 
poetical  in  trying  to  describe  his  beauty :  "  Let  him 
who  desires  to  form  an  idea  of  Jochanan's  beauty 
take  a  newly-wrought  silver  goblet,  fill  it  with 
ruddy  garnets,  crown  its  brim  with  a  wreath  of  red 
roses,  and  place  it  between  light  and  shadow  ;  its 
peculiar  reflection  of  light  will  then  represent  the 


CH.  XVIII.  JOCHANAN    BAR    NAPACIIA.  493 

glory  of  Jochanan's  dazzling  beauty."  This  beauty, 
however,  partook  more  of  a  feminine  character,  for 
he  possessed  no  beard,  the  expression  of  manly 
dignity.  His  eyebrows  were  also  so  long  as  to 
overshadow  his  eyes.  When  he  was  grown  up  he 
attended  the  school  of  the  elder  Judah,  but  admitted 
that  he  had  understood  but  little  of  the  profound 
Halachic  discussion,  by  reason  of  his  youth.  As 
he  was  not  rich,  possessing  only  a  small  plot  of 
land,  he  applied  himself  to  business,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Ilpha,  a  fellow-disciple,  when  a  warning 
was  given  to  him  to  devote  his  whole  energies  to 
the  study  of  the  Law,  in  which  it  was  asserted  that 
he  would  acquire  great  distinction.  For  this  reason 
he  abandoned  his  trade,  and  again  followed  the 
lectures  of  celebrated  teachers  of  the  Law.  He 
sold  his  little  plot  of  ground  in  order  to  obtain  the 
wherewithal  to  study,  exhibiting  no  concern  with 
regard  to  any  provision  for  his  old  age.  It  seems, 
however,  that  later  on  he  was  maintained  at  the 
expense  of  the  Patriarch,  Judah.  Jochanan  fre- 
quented the  company  of  the  teachers  of  various 
schools,  in  order  to  acquire  a  diversified  knowledge 
of  the  subject-matter  of  the  Law.  He  became  the 
principal  assistant  of  the  Patriarch,  Judah  II,  and 
was  the  most  productive  Amora  of  his  time. 
Through  the  influence  of  a  large  body  of  disciples, 
his  sayings  form  a  considerable  element  of  the 
Talmud.  His  method  of  teaching  was  to  search 
deeply  into  the  meaning  of  the  Mishna,  to  subject 
every  paragraph  to  severe  analysis,  and  to  com- 
pare each  maxim  with  the  others  ;  he  arrived  by 
these  means  at  the  inference  that  the  Mishna  was 
not  possessed  throughout  of  legal  force.  He  also 
laid  down  certain  rules  concerning  the  manner  of 
arriving  at  a  definite  decision  in  those  cases  where 
two  or  more  Tanaites  were  of  different  opinions. 

Through  his  influence  Tiberias,  with  its  mild  air, 
its    fertility   and   its    curative  waters,    became    the 


494  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CII.  XVIII. 

meeting-place  of  a  numerous  body  of  disciples,  who 
flocked  to  him  from  far  and  wide.  His  academy 
was  even  attended  by  mature  and  finished  scholars 
from  Babylon,  althoug-h  the  newly-founded  schools 
of  that  country  possessed  excellent  masters.  Over 
a  hundred  Amoraim  are  known  who  accepted  Jocha- 
nan's  decisions  as  of  full  legal  force,  and  who  taught 
them  in  their  schools. 

An  intimate  friend  of  the  Patriarch,  he  supported 
him  in  his  endeavors  to  modify  certain  ancient 
usages.  Jochanan  w^as  himself  not  very  particular 
on  this  head,  and  by  far  less  strict  than  the  Babylo- 
nian school,  which  came  into  existence  during  his 
lifetime.  In  opposition  to  the  existing  custom,  he 
permitted  the  acquirement  of  Greek :  by  men, 
because  they  were  thereby  enabled  to  protect 
themselves  against  traitors,  and  by  women,  because 
the  Greek  language  was  an  ornament  to  the  sex. 
He  entertained  trreat  esteem  for  Greek  civilization 
in  general,  and  ranked  it  on  an  equality  with 
Judaism.  He  expressed  himself  beautifully  on  this 
subject :  "  For  that  Shem  and  Japhet,  the  two  sons 
of  Noah,  did  cover  their  father's  nakedness  with  a 
mantle,  Shem  (symbol  of  Judaism)  hath  obtained 
a  shawl  with  fringes  (Talith),  Japhet  (the  type 
of  Greek  civilization)  the  philosopher's  mantle 
(Pallium)."  It  was  Jochanan  who  permitted  the 
innovation  of  decorating  rooms  with  paintings.  He 
was  never  able  to  reconcile  himself  to  the  Roman 
rule,  and  was  unsparing  in  his  denunciation  of  the 
insolent  arrogance  and  heartless  violence  of  the 
authorities.  He  regarded  as  symbolical  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  the  fourth  beast  in  Daniel's  vision 
of  the  four  empires  of  the  world,  which  was  a  per- 
ennial mine  of  discovery  for  the  Biblical  exegete, 
and  was  even  more  diligently  explored  by  the 
Christians  than  by  the  Jews.  The  small  horn  which 
grew  out  of  the  fourth  beast  represents,  according 
to  his  explanation,  wicked  Rome,  which  annihilated 


CH.  XVIII.  JOCHANAN  S    INNOVATIONS.  495 

all  previous  empires  ;  the  eyes  resembling-  human 
eyes,  which  were  visible  in  this  horn,  indicate 
Rome's  envious  glances  at  the  wealth  of  others. 
If  any  one  is  rich,  the  Romans  immediately  elevate 
him  to  the  office  of  president  of  the  council  charged 
with  the  supply  of  provisions,  or  make  him  a 
member  of  the  municipal  senate,  in  order  that  his 
fortune  may  be  answerable  for  everything.  Another 
striking  maxim  of  this  sort  uttered  by  Jochanan 
was  the  following :  "  If  thou  art  proposed  as  a 
member  of  the  senate,  choose  rather  as  thy  dwelling 
the  desert  of  the  Jordan."  He  permitted  people, 
in  exceptional  instances,  to  emigrate  from  Judaea, 
in  order  to  escape  from  the  heavy  burden  of  the 
municipal  offices. 

Jochanan's  character  was  marked  by  a  profound 
morality ;  the  slave  who  waited  upon  him  was 
allowed  to  partake  of  all  the  dishes  prepared  for  his 
master.  He  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  his  ten 
sons  ;  the  unfortunate  father  carried  about  with  him 
a  small  bone  of  his  last  son,  in  order  to  console  all 
such  as  had  to  bewail  a  similar  disaster,  by  the  rela- 
tion of  his  extraordinary  misfortune.  "  Behold  all 
that  now  remains  of  the  last  of  my  ten  sons,"  he  was 
wont  to  explain  to  them.  A  daughter  alone  was 
left  to  Jochanan  ;  thus,  an  orphan  from  his  birth,  he 
died  almost  childless.  He  is  said  to  have  had 
periods  of  insanity  in  his  extreme  old  age,  occasioned 
by  grief  at  the  death  of  his  friend  and  brother-in-law, 
Ben-Lakish,  of  which  he  believed  himself  to  be  the 
cause. 

Simeon  Ben-Lakish,  Jochanan's  contemporary 
friend,  brother-in-law  and  opponent,  was  in  many 
ways  his  counterpart,  and  was  altogether  a  peculiar 
personage,  in  whom  were  united  the  most  opposite 
qualities  ;  rough  physical  strength  was  coupled  with 
tenderness  of  sentiment  and  acuteness  of  mind. 
Resh-Lakish,  for  such  was  his  abbreviated  name, 
seems  to  have  been  born  at  Bostra,  the  capital  of  the 


496  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVIH. 

Saracens,  about  the  year  200,  and  to  have  died  in 
275.     As  Jochanan's  constant  comrade,  he  had  seen 
the  Patriarch  Judah  I.  in  his  youth,  and  had  been 
brought  up  in  the   school  of  his  successors.     The 
sources  of  the  Tahnud  are  never  tired  of  dilating 
on  his  gigantic  strength  and  enormous   size.     He 
once  engaged  himself  at  the  Circus  in  the  capacity 
of  slaughterer  of  wild  beasts,  his  duty  being  to  pro- 
tect the  spectators  of  these  highly  popular  combats 
from  the  fury  of  the  animals.     Ben-Lakish  probably 
only  chose  this  low  and  dangerous  occupation  out 
of  necessity.     Tradition  is  at  some  pains  to  reconcile 
and  to  transform  into  a  beautiful  picture  the  glaring 
contrasts  existing  in  Resh-Lakish,  his  rude  strength 
and  his  study  of  the  Law.     But  his  scrupulous  in- 
tegrity is  even  more  renowned  than  his  enormous 
physical  strength.      It  is   related  that  he  used   to 
avoid  the  company  of  persons  of  whose  honesty  he 
was  not  fully  convinced,  for  which  reason  unlimited 
credit  was  usually  accorded  to  all  whom  Ben-Lakish 
honored  with  his  society,  without  any  further  inquiry. 
His  earnest  and  gloomy  countenance   was    never 
brightened  by  a  smile,  for  he  considered  cheerful- 
ness to  be  frivolous,  so  long  as  the  holy  people  were 
subject  to  the  power  of  the  heathens.     We  have 
already  noticed  his  love  of  truth  and  his  candor, 
which  he  carried  almost  to  insult  in  his  animadver- 
sions on  the  abuses  of  the  Patriarch.     In  Biblical 
exegesis  he  adopted  the  method  of  finding  ingenious 
explanations,  in  which  study  he  surpassed  his  older 
comrade  and  brother-in-law.      "  When  he  consid- 
ered   Halachic   questions,"    says   a   source   of  the 
Talmud,  "  it  was  as  though  he  were  grinding  the 
mountains  against  one  another."     Ben-Lakish  pos- 
sessed a  certain  originality  in  the  study  of  the  Agada, 
and  advanced  peculiar  views,  which  were  only  esti- 
mated at  their  proper  worth  in  later  times.     It  was 
often  questioned  in  the  schools  at  what  period  the 
sufferings  of  Job  had  occurred,  the  other  circum- 


CH.  XVIII.  RESH-LAKISH.  497 

Stances  of  this  remarkable  drama  were  also  debated, 
and  the  most  contrary  views  found  expression. 
Resh-Lakish  seems  to  have  come  to  an  accurate  con- 
clusion in  advancing  the  opinion  that  Job  had  ex- 
isted at  no  period,  that  he  had  never  lived,  and  was 
simply  an  ingenious  moral  creation  (Mashal).  This 
view  appeared  very  strange  to  his  contemporaries, 
who  were  unable  to  comprehend  such  a  conception. 
The  names  of  the  angels  were  regarded  by  Ben- 
Lakish  as  not  having  been  originally  Jewish,  but  as 
being  a  foreign  element  transplanted  into  Judaism, 
which  had,  in  fact,  been  brought  by  the  Jewish  nation 
from  Persia.  He  was  wont  to  contradict  the  asser- 
tions of  those  who  extolled  the  past  at  the  expense 
of  the  present,  who  declared  hyperbolically  *'  that  a 
nail  of  the  ancients  was  worth  more  than  the  whole 
body  of  their  descendants";  or,  in  another  form, 
"that  if  the  ancients  were  angels,  we,  on  the  con- 
trary, are  only  asses";  he  used  to  say  that  the  ex- 
isting generation  possessed  greater  merit,  for  the 
reason  that  although  heavily  oppressed,  they  still 
pursued  the  study  of  the  Law.  Although  a  friend 
of  Jochanan  from  his  youth,  and  drawn  still  closer 
to  him  by  the  ties  of  family  alliance,  Ben-Lakish 
was  nevertheless  at  variance  with  him  during  his 
last  years. 

The  name  of  Joshua  ben-Levi,  who  formed,  with 
Jochanan  and  Ben-Lakish,  the  triumvirate  of  the 
Palestinian  Amoraim,  is  more  renowned  in  the  world 
of  legend  than  in  history,  where,  indeed,  but  little  is 
related  of  him.  The  son  of  Levi  ben-Sissi,  he  con- 
ducted a  school  at  Lydda,  in  the  south  of  Judaea.  It  is 
true  that  the  inhabitants  of  Lydda  were  not  in  over- 
good  repute  with  the  Galileans,  who  pronounced  them 
proud  and  superficial.  But  Joshua's  reputation  in 
no  way  suffered  from  this  circumstance,  and  his 
authority  was  greatly  respected.  To  his  opinions 
on  the  Halachas  was  accorded  for  the  most  part 
the  force  of  law,  even  in  those  cases  where  the  other 


498  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVIII. 

two  members  of  the  triumvirate  entertained  different 
views.  Joshua  himself  admits,  however,  that  he 
forgot  many  traditions  during  the  period  in  which 
he  was  occupied  with  the  organization  of  the  communi- 
ties of  Southern  Judaea.  The  situation  of  the  com- 
munities of  this  district  had,  in  fact,  been  so  un- 
settled ever  since  the  catastrophe  in  the  time  of 
Hadrian,  that  Jochanan  and  Jonathan  were  obliged 
to  journey  thither  in  order  to  restore  peace  and 
order.  Joshua  also  on  one  occasion  visited  Rome, 
in  the  capacity  of  collector  of  revenues  for  the 
Patriarch.  He  had  there  an  opportunity  of  observ- 
ino;  a  fact  which  exhibited  in  strono;  relief  the  con- 
trasts  existing  in  the  capital  of  the  world.  He  saw 
a  statue  enveloped  in  drapery,  in  order  to  protect 
it  against  heat  and  cold,  while  near  by  sat  a  beggar 
who  had  hardly  a  rag  to  cover  his  nakedness.  He 
is  said  to  have  expected  the  Messiah  to  appear  in 
the  capital  of  the  world,  where  he  supposed  that  he 
existed  in  the  guise  of  a  servant,  waiting  among  the 
beggars  and  cripples  at  the  gate,  and  expecting 
every  moment  to  be  called  upon  to  effect  the  deliv- 
erance of  Israel.  According  to  the  legend,  Joshua 
ben-Levi  was  regarded  as  one  of  those  choice  spirits 
who  were  admitted  to  the  most  intimate  intercourse 
with  the  prophet  Elijah,  and  over  whom  death  itself 
was  obliged  to  relinquish  its  power.  He  wrested 
the  sword  from  the  angel  of  death,  went  to  Heaven 
alive,  measured  the  expanse  of  the  Heavens,  of 
Paradise,  and  of  Hell,  and  forwarded  the  results  of 
his  investigation  to  Gamaliel  through  the  medium 
of  the  destroying  angel  himself,  who  was  obliged  to 
submit  to  his  orders. 

An  original  path  in  the  explanation  of  the  Agada 
was  struck  out  by  Simlai ;  he  it  was  who  first  con- 
sidered this  collection  worthy  of  profounder  study. 
Born  at  Lydda,  he  had  quitted  this  desolate  region, 
and  had  settled  down  at  Nahardea,  where  the  new 
school  of  the  Babylonian  Amoraim  was  first  coming 


1 


CH.  XVIII.  JOSHUA    BEN    LEVI,  SIMLAI.  499 

to  its  prime.  He  entertained  the  most  friendly  re- 
lations with  the  Patriarch  Judah  II.  He  possessed 
but  small  weight  in  questions  relating-  to  the  study 
of  the  Law,  and  his  Halachic  attainments  were  not 
esteemed  in  Palestine.  He  was  the  first  to  collect 
together  all  the  commands  contained  in  the  Jewish 
Law,  numbering  613,  of  which  365  are  prohibitions, 
and  248  affirmative  precepts.  David,  according  to 
Simlai,  reduced  these  613  commands  to  the  follow- 
ing eleven  virtues :  honesty,  justice,  truthfulness, 
abhorrence  of  calumny,  of  malice  and  of  injuring  one's 
neighbor,  despising  the  wicked,  reverence  of  the 
worthy,  sanctity  of  oaths,  unselfish  lending  without 
interest,  and  forbearance  from  bribery.  Isaiah 
summed  them  up  in  six,  as  follows  :  to  be  just  in 
our  conduct,  honest  in  our  speech,  to  despise  self- 
interest,  to  keep  our  hand  from  bribery,  our  ear 
from  wicked  insinuations,  and  our  eye  from  base 
desires.  The  Prophet  Micah  reduced  the  commands 
of  the  Law  to  three  leading  principles  :  the  exercise 
of  justice,  love  of  charity,  and  humility ;  while  the 
second  Isaiah  brought  them  down  to  two,  which  are, 
to  cherish  justice  and  to  exercise  charity.  Finally, 
the  Prophet  Habakkuk  expressed  them  all  in  a 
single  formula  :  "  The  just  man  lives  by  his  faith." 
This  was  the  first  attempt  to  reduce  the  whole  Law 
of  Israel  to  principles.  A  beautiful  parable,  in  which 
Simlai  indicates  the  part  played  by  every  nation  in 
the  history  of  the  world,  affords  evidence  both  of 
the  wide  extent  of  his  views  and  of  his  poetical 
talent. 

Possessed  of  a  profound  knowledge  of  the  Scrip- 
ture, and  gifted  with  an  elevated  mind,  Simlai  was 
especially  qualified  to  enter  into  discussion  with  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church,  and  to  shake  the  arguments 
which  they  drew  from  the  Old  Testament  in  support 
of  the  dogmas  of  Christianity.  In  these  discussions 
Simlai  gave  evidence  of  a  sound  exegesis,  free  from 
misinterpretations.     During  the    time    of  the   first 


500  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH   XVIIl. 

g-eneration  of  Amoralm,  Christianity  had  entered 
upon  a  new  stage  ;  in  opposition  to  the  tendency  of 
the  primitive  Christians  (Ebionites  and  Nazarenes), 
a  universal  Cathohc  Church  had  come  into  existence, 
whose  fundamental  doctrines  (dogmas),  collected 
from  all  quarters,  some  Pauline,  others  anti-Pauline, 
others  heathen,  were  generally  assented  to  by  the 
majority  of  Christians.  The  various  sects  of  primi- 
tive Christians  and  Gnostics  were  vanquished, 
being  either  embodied  in  the  incorporated  Catholic 
Church  or  rejected  as  heretical.  This  creation  of 
a  Catholic  Church  and  the  unification  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  accomplished  in  the  midst  of  all  this 
diversity  and  schism,  were  largely  brought  about 
by  the  Bishops  of  Rome.  These  arrogated  to  them- 
selves, on  the  strength  of  their  seat  in  the  capital  of 
the  world,  the  supremacy  over  all  the  other  bishops 
and  patriarchs,  expelled  them  from  the  community 
for  unorthodox  opinions  (as  in  the  case  of  the  dis- 
cussion concerning  the  celebration  of  the  Passover), 
and  gradually  obtained  recognition  as  chief-bishops 
and  Popes.  After  the  completion  of  this  work  the 
spirit  of  research  also  made  its  appearance  among 
the  Christians,  and  the  traditions  of  the  Church  were 
subjected  to  a  thorough  investigation. 

New  dogmas  had  made  their  appearance,  which 
the  authorities  sought  to  establish  and  secure.  The 
rigid  doctrine  of  the  Unity  of  God,  derived  by 
Christianity  from  the  parent  religion,  had  in  course 
of  time,  and  in  proportion  as  the  new  Church  glori- 
fied the  Messiahship  of  Jesus,  given  rise  to  a  doc- 
trine of  duality :  Father  and  Son,  or  the  Creator 
of  the  World,  and  the  Logos.  To  these  was  soon 
added  a  third.  The  primitive  Jewish  view  of  the 
inspiration  by  God  of  the  Prophets  and  other  pious 
persons,  which  was,  in  this  signification,  characterized 
as  holy  inspiration  (Ruach-ha-Kodesh),  crystallized  in 
Christianity  into  the  dogma  of  the  Holy  Ghost  con- 
sidered as  a  person,  and  regarded  as  an  equality  with 


CH.  XVIII.  CHRISTIAN    DOGMAS.  5OI 

God  and  Christ  and  as  having  originally  co-existed 
with  them.  Without  being  aware  of  the  fact,  Christi- 
anity, which  considered  itself  a  truly  spiritual  and 
refined  Judaism,  had  adopted  an  entirely  different  idea 
of  God,  in  fact,  a  sort  of  tritheism.  The  more  the 
Christian  dogma  of  the  Trinity  was  at  variance  with 
the  very  essence  of  Judaism,  the  more  trouble  was 
taken  to  establish  that  it  was  supported  by  the  Old 
Testament,  in  order  to  give  it  thus  the  stamp  of 
antiquity.  This  proof,  however,  was  not  to  be  fur- 
nished by  straightforward  means,  and  thus  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church  of  the  Palestinean  and  Alex- 
andrian schools,  being  acquainted  with  Hebrew, 
were  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  all  sorts  of  allegorical 
interpretations.  Wherever  the  Scriptures  contained 
several  denominations  for  God,  they  professed  to 
see  an  indication  of  the  Trinity  in  the  letter  of  the 
text  itself.  Even  the  simple  opening  words  of  the 
Pentateuch,  "  In  the  beginning  God  created  heaven 
and  earth,"  were  interpreted  by  this  Christology  in 
proof  of  Christ's  co-operation  in  the  creation  of  the 
world  ;  for  "  the  beginning  "  was  interpreted  to  mean 
"  wisdom,"  or  the  "  Word  "  (Logos),  being  synony- 
mous with  Christ,  and  this  sentence  was  thus  found 
to  contain  the  profound  secret  that  "  God  created 
the  world  in  Christ"!  As  long  as  the  leading  spirits 
of  Christianity  remained  ignorant  of  the  Hebrew 
sources,  they  were  not  in  a  position  to  hold  any 
serious  conference  on  matters  of  religion.  It  was 
only  when  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  applied  them- 
selves, like  Origen,  to  the  acquirement  of  a  clearer 
Hebrew  text,  that  polemical  discussions  on  Christo- 
logical  themes  became  more  frequent. 

Simlai,  in  particular,  defended  the  doctrine  of  the 
unity  of  God  against  the  Christian  dogma  of  the 
Trinity,  and  adduced  the  proofs  for  his  contention 
with  consummate  skill.  His  opponent  in  this  theo- 
retical dispute  was  perhaps  Origen,  who  was  for  a 
long  time  a  resident  in  Palestine.     By  the  help  of  a 


502  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XVIII. 

sober  method  of  interpretation  Simlai  established  the 
fact  that  all  the  passages  of  the  Holy  Scripture 
which  appear  to  afford  an  argument  in  support  of 
the  Trinity,  in  reality  bring  out  and  emphasize  so 
strongly  the  unity  of  God,  that  any  misconception 
appears  impossible.  Jew  and  Christian  who,  like 
quarrelsome  brothers,  had  cherished  feelings  of 
animosity  to  each  other  during  the  time  they  had 
lived  under  one  roof,  now  contented  themselves  with 
carrying  on  religious  controversies. 

The  attacks  upon  Christianity  during  this  period 
had  the  effect  of  producing  a  certain  acquaintance 
with  Jewish  literature  even  in  the  heathens,  who 
turned  it  to  account  in  their  efforts  to  restrain  the 
growth  of  Christianity.  In  Daniel,  the  Christian 
dogmatists  had  discovered  a  Sibylline  book,  with 
vague  insinuations  and  mystic  numbers,  which  they 
contended  contained  prophecies  relating  to  the 
Christian  economy  and  to  the  appearance  of  Christ 
on  the  Day  of  Judgment.  In  opposition  to  these 
views  the  heathen  philosopher  Porphyry  wrote  a 
polemical  commentary  on  the  book  of  Daniel,  which 
is  certainly  the  only  Biblical  commentary  composed 
by  a  heathen.  This  neo-Platonist,  who  was  pos- 
sessed of  moderate  but  mystic  views,  bore  the  ori- 
ental name  of  Malchus,  and  was  a  native  of  Batanea, 
formerly  a  Jewish  province.  He  asserted  in  his 
commentary  that  the  book  of  Daniel  is  the  work  of 
an  author  who  lived  during  the  time  of  the  persecu- 
tion of  Judaism  and  the  Jews  by  the  Syrian  monarch, 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  that  the  ambiguous  ex- 
pressions in  which  it  abounds  are  only  allusions  to 
that  period,  and  in  nowise  prophecies,  still  less  orac- 
ular proofs  of  the  facts  of  Christianity. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

THE   JEWS    OF   THE    PARTHIAN    EMPIRE. 

Increasing  importance  of  the  Jewish  Community  in  Babylonia — The 
Prince  of  the  Captivity — The  Babylonian  Amoraim — Abba  Areka 
(Rab)  and  his  royal  friend  Artaban — Samuel  and  King  Shabur — 
Important  Political  Changes  under  the  Neo-Persians — Anarchy 
in  Rome — Zenobia  and  the  Jews. 

219 — 279  c.  E. 

During  the  Patriarchate  of  Judah  II.  many  import- 
ant events  occurred  in  the  Jewish  community  of 
Babylonia,  which  contributed  to  place  that  country 
in  the  foreground  of  Jewish  history.  After  the  loss 
of  their  mother,  the  children  of  Israel  had  found  a 
second  in  Babylonia,  and  had  never  yet  experienced 
a  stepmother's  treatment  at  her  hands.  Babylonia, 
the  Italy  of  the  East,  whose  capital  had  in  ancient 
times,  like  Rome,  first  been  the  ruler  of  the  world, 
and  then  the  point  of  attack  of  uncivilized  tribes  in 
their  migrations  ;  whose  name  still  exercises  a  cer- 
tain magic  in  the  distance,  even  after  its  fall ;  Baby- 
lonia, which  had  already  been  the  temporary  abode 
of  the  Jewish  race,  now  became  for  a  long  period 
the  permanent  scene  of  Jewish  activity.  Judsea,  on 
the  other  hand,  gradually  fell  into  the  background. 
The  peculiar  formation  of  the  country  between  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  facilitated  the  separation 
of  Judaism  from  its  primitive  scene  of  action,  and 
brought  about  the  transplantation  of  Jewish  genius 
into  a  foreign  zone ;  by  reason  of  the  abundant  op- 
portunities of  employment  which  the  land  afforded, 
similar  to  those  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed, 
it  became  a  second  fatherland  for  the  homeless 
nation.     The  great  number  of  the  Jews  who  had  in- 

503 


504  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX.. 

habited  this  district  time  out  of  mind  ;  their  inde- 
pendence, which  had  suffered  no  restraint  at  the 
hands  of  the  Parthian  and  Persian  rulers  ;  the  luster 
imparted  to  their  situation  by  the  possession  of  a 
political  chief ;  their  inherent,  self-contained  vitality, 
unweakened  by  suffering  and  petty  annoyances,  all 
these  things  contributed  to  invest  their  character  with 
a  peculiar  quality  and  to  further  the  evolution  of 
new  parts  and  tendencies.  The  sojourn  in  Baby- 
lonia imbued  the  Jewish  mind  with  that  particular 
form  of  keen  intelligence  which  discovers  an  answer 
to  every  question,  a  solution  to  every  riddle,  and  is 
discouraged  by  no  difficulties.  The  Jews  of  this 
country  acquired  studious,  plodding,  energetic 
habits  ;  the  successive  leaders  and  principals  of  the 
schools  showed  them  the  paths  of  profound  wisdom 
and  impressed  on  them  the  seal  of  elevated  thought. 
The  word  Babylonia,  as  used  in  Jewish  history,  is 
capable  of  a  broad  and  a  narrow  interpretation,  and 
possesses,  in  fact,  three  different  meanings.  In  the 
broadest  sense  in  which  it  occurs  it  includes  the 
whole  district  between  the  Zagros  mountains  and 
the  Euphrates,  from  the  sources  of  the  twin-river 
Tigris-Euphrates  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  In  a  narrower 
sense  it  signifies  the  strip  of  land  enclosed  between 
the  two  rivers,  where  their  beds  begin  to  converge 
towards  each  other  and  at  last  actually  unite,  and 
where  numerous  canals  formerly  intersected  the 
country  and  connected  their  streams  :  the  southern 
part  of  Mesopotamia,  the  ancient  province  of  Babel, 
and  a  portion  of  the  former  kingdom  of  Chaldaea. 
Babylonia,  as  understood  in  this  narrow  sense,  was 
principally  inhabited  by  Jews,  and  for  this  reason 
was  also  known  by  the  name  of  "  the  land  of  Israel." 
Finally,  in  its  most  limited  sense.  Babylonia  desig- 
nates a  small  district  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Euphrates,  of  which  the  center-point  seems  to  have 
been  the  town  of  Pumbeditha.  This  district  extends 
from  Nahardea  in  the  north  to  Sera  in  the  south,  a 


CH    XIX.  JEWS    IN    BABYLONIA.  505 

distance  of  twenty-two  parasangs  (sixty-eight  miles). 
The  fixing  of  the  boundaries  of  Jewish  Babylonia  is 
not  a  matter  of  indifference  for  history,  as  in  former 
times  it  constituted  a  matter  of  conscience.  Even 
in  Judaea  the  natives  of  Babylonia  of  Jewish  origin 
were  admitted  to  possess  the  most  unsullied  purity 
of  descent,  and  to  have  refrained  from  all  inter- 
course with  heathens,  slaves,  or  persons  born  out 
of  wedlock  ;  Judaea  was  far  behind  Babylonia  in  this 
respect.  An  old  proverb  says  :  "  In  the  matter  of 
descent,  the  Jewish  population  of  the  (Roman) 
countries  is  to  that  of  Judaea,  as  adulterated  dough 
is  to  pure  meal,  but  Judaea  itself  is  only  as  dough 
when  compared  with  Babylonia." 

The  Jewish  province  in  Babylonia  was  divided  into 
several  smaller  districts,  each  of  which  was  known 
by  the  name  of  its  capital.  Thus  there  existed  the 
districts  of  Nares,  Sora,  Pumbeditha,  Nahardea, 
Nahar-Pakod,  Machuza,  and  some  others,  all  of 
them  possessed  of  some  characteristic,  such  as  a  pecu- 
liar dialect,  or  particular  customs  or  manners,  or 
even  distinct  weights  and  measures.  Four  of  these 
towns  were  distinguished  as  prominent  centers, 
each  having  in  turn  been  at  the  head  of  the  entire 
province.  The  first  place  was  occupied  by  Na- 
hardea (also  called  Naarda,  of  which  name  there 
were  both  a  town  and  a  district);  this  was  a  fortified 
city  situated  on  the  Euphrates  and  a  canal  called 
the  Naraga,  and  was  entirely  inhabited  by  Jews  ;  it 
lay  on  the  boundary-line  of  Jewish  Babylonia.  Dur- 
ing a  certain  period  Nahardea  was  a  Babylonian 
Jerusalem ;  here  were  situated,  in  the  time  of 
the  continuance  of  the  Temple,  the  treasure- 
chambers  of  the  Babylonian  communities  for 
the  reception  of  the  gifts  to  the  Temple,  which 
it  was  customary  to  convey  to  Jerusalem  under 
a  strong  escort.  A  few  miles  to  the  south  of 
Nahardea  lay  Firuz-Shabur  (afterwards  Anbar),  a 
fortified  and  thickly-populated  town,  and  the  most 


506  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

important  In  the  country  after  Ctesiphon,  the 
capital. 

Near  by  lay  Pumbeditha,  situated  on  one  of  the 
numerous  canals  of  the  Euphrates,  and  adorned 
with  many  palaces.  Pumbeditha  was  none  the  less 
a  thoroughly  Jewish  town,  with  a  Jewish  congrega- 
tion, and  was  regarded  as  the  capital  of  Jewish 
Babylonia.  Within  its  territory  lay  several  smaller 
towns  and  fortified  castles,  which  nestled  in  the 
shadow  of  the  capital.  The  inhabitants  of  Pum- 
beditha were  considered  acute  and  cunning,  and 
were  even  notorious  for  their  deceit  and  dishonesty. 
"  If  a  man  of  Pumbeditha  accompany  thee,"  said  a 
proverb,  "  change  thy  lodging." 

Sixteen  geographical  miles  (twenty-two  para- 
sangs)  south  of  Pumbeditha  was  situated  the  town 
of  INIata-Mechassia.  It  lay  on  the  shore  of  a  broad 
lake,  Sora,  which  was  in  reality  the  Euphrates, 
widening  out  over  the  low-lying  country  ;  from  its 
position  on  this  lake  the  town  also  derived  the 
name  of  Sora.  It  was  inhabited  by  a  mixed  popu- 
lation of  Jews  and  heathens.  The  region  round 
Sora  was  one  of  the  most  fruitful  parts  of  the  whole 
country ;  by  reason  of  its  low  situation  it  was 
inundated  every  year  by  the  Euphrates  and  its 
tributaries  and  canals,  and  the  overflow  produced 
an  Egyptian  fertility.  Pumbeditha  was  distinguished 
for  its  mafjnificent  buildino^s  and  the  cunnino-  of 
its  population,  while  Mata-Mechassia  was  noted  for 
the  poverty  and  honesty  of  its  inhabitants.  A 
proverb  expresses  this  contrast  in  the  following 
words  :  "  It  is  better  to  live  on  the  dunghills  in 
Mechassia  than  in  the  palaces  of  Pumbeditha." 

With  these  three  towns  of  the  Euphrates,  Na- 
hardea,  Pumbeditha,  and  Mata-Mechassia,  a  fourth 
contested  the  supremacy  :  this  was  Machuza,  situ- 
ated on  the  Tigris,  at  a  distance  of  hardly  twelve 
miles  from  Ctesiphon,  the  capital  of  the  Parthians. 
Machuza,    also    called    Machuza-Malka,    from    the 


CH.  XIX.  MACHUZA.  507 

King's  Canal  (Nahar  Malka)  which  flows  in  prox- 
imity to  the  Tigris,  was  situated  on  an  eminence, 
and  was  fortified  with  two  strong  walls  and  a  moat. 
Close  by  stood  a  castle,  called  Akra  di  Coche, 
which  served  as  a  bulwark  to  the  capital,  Ctesiphon. 
In  spite  of  the  importance  which  Machuza  and  its 
castle  must  have  possessed  for  the  Parthian  and  Per- 
sian rulers,  it  was,  nevertheless,  entirely  inhabited 
by  Jews,  and  an  Amora  expressed  his  surprise  that 
the  gates  of  its  fortress  were  not  provided  with 
the  prescribed  Mezuzas. 

The  most  noted  families  of  Machuza  were  de- 
scended from  proselytes,  for  which  reason  their 
features  differed  from  those  of  the  remainder  of 
the  Jewish  population  of  Babylonia.  They  are 
described  as  having  been  very  frivolous,  addicted  to 
pleasure  and  good  cheer,  and  more  devoted  to  the 
affairs  of  this  world  than  to  those  of  the  next ; 
they  were  called  on  this  account  "  candidates  for 
hell."  It  is  related  of  the  women  of  Machuza  that 
they  indulged  in  pleasure  and  idleness.  Once, 
when  a  Palestinean  teacher  of  the  Law  brougfht 
from  Judaea  to  Nahardea  a  Halacha  allowing 
women  to  wear  golden  head-bands  set  with 
precious  stones  on  the  Sabbath,  it  was  remarked 
that  only  four-and-twenty  women  in  that  town 
availed  themselves  of  this  permission,  while  in 
one  quarter  alone  of  Machuza  there  were  eighteen 
who  appeared  with  most  costly  head-bands.  The 
proximity  of  Ctesiphon,  and  its  wealth,  had  probably 
some  influence  on  the  luxurious  propensities  and 
the  manners  of  the  inhabitants  of  Machuza.  This 
city  also,  which  was  the  residence  of  the  king,  and 
the  newly-built  town  of  Ardashir,  which  lay  close 
by,  were  thickly  populated  with  Jews.  The  entire 
district  of  Babylonia,  with  its  numerous  canals, 
resembled  an  island,  and  its  wonderful  fertility 
made  of  the  whole  country  one  extensive  garden. 
There  was  so  great  a  multitude  of  date  plantations 


508  HISTORY    OK    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

that  it  used  to  be  said  proverbially  of  the  Baby- 
lonians :  "A  basketful  of  dates  for  a  denar,  and  yet 
they  do  not  apply  themselves  to  the  study  of  the 
Law ! " 

The  occupations  followed  by  the  Babylonian 
Jews  were  agriculture,  trades  of  all  descriptions, 
and,  what  is  of  course  natural  in  a  country  depen- 
dent on  its  canals  for  irrigation,  the  digging  and 
cleaning  of  these  artificial  waterways ;  they  also 
bred  cattle,  carried  on  commerce,  undertook  voyages, 
and  cultivated  certain  of  the  fine  arts. 

The  greatness  of  their  numbers  invested  the 
Babylonian  Jews  with  a  certain  amount  of  indepen- 
dence, and  they  seemed  in  this  country  almost  as 
if  in  a  land  of  their  own.  Their  situation  with 
regard  to  the  rulers  of  the  land  was  very  favorable, 
as  they  were  only  called  upon  to  pay  a  poll-tax 
(Charag)  and  a  land-tax  (Taska)  ;  there  was  at  this 
period  much  vacant  ground  in  the  region  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  any  one  could  take  possession  of 
a  plot  on  becoming  answerable  for  the  land-tax 
in  respect  thereof.  The  Jews  possessed  their  own 
political  chief,  who  was  called  the  Prince  of  the 
Captivity  (Exilarch,  Resh-Galutha) ;  he  was  a 
dignitary  of  the  Persian  empire,  and  the  fourth  in 
rank  from  the  king.  His  position  with  regard  to 
the  Persian  kings  was  that  of  a  feudatory.  The 
Resh-Galuthas  were,  in  fact,  vassals  of  the  Persian 
crown,  but  were  simply  confirmed,  not  chosen,  by 
the  monarch.  Their  badges  of  office  were  a  silken 
cloak  and  a  golden  girdle  ;  in  later  times  they  were 
surrounded  by  a  princely  luxuriousness,  rode  in  a 
state  carriage,  possessed  their  own  train  of  attend- 
ants, and  an  outrider  to  announce  their  approach. 
When  they  were  received  in  solemn  audience  by 
the  king,  the  royal  attendants  showed  them  the 
greatest  respect,  and  they  treated  with  the  ruler 
on  a  footing  of  equality.  According  to  the 
usage  of  Eastern  princes,  they   were    entertained 


1 


CH.  XIX.  PRINCES    OF   THE    CAPTIVITY.  5O9 

with  music  at  the  moment  of  rising  from  or  going 
to  bed,  a  custom  which  was  severely  censured  by 
the  strict  teachers  of  the  Law,  on  account  of  the 
mourning  for  Jerusalem. 

The  Princes  of  the  Captivity  were  descendants 
of  the  house  of  David,  for  which  reason  the  people 
gladly  acknowledged  their  sway,  since  it  honored 
itself  and  felt  honored  in  its  princes.  An  old 
chronicle  gives  the  full  details  of  their  names  and 
numbers.  They  traced  back  their  descent  as  far 
as  Zerubbabel,  the  grandson  of  the  Jewish  King 
Jojachin,  who  is  supposed  to  have  returned  to 
Babel,  and  to  have  become  the  ancestor  of  a  long 
line  of  descendants.  It  is  not  until  the  second 
century  that  a  Resh-Galutha,  by  name  Achiya, 
is  visible  through  the  deep  obscurity  of  antiquity. 
Another,  Mar-Huna,  in  the  time  of  Judah  I,  com- 
manded that  his  body  should  be  brought  to  Pales- 
tine, in  order  to  be  buried  in  holy  ground.  From 
that  time  forward,  however,  the  succession  of  the 
Princes  of  the  Captivity  can  be  traced  in  an  un- 
broken chain  till  the  eleventh  century.  They  exer- 
cised considerable  influence  upon  the  development 
of  Jewish  history  in  Babylonia.  Their  relations  with 
the  people  are  indicated  in  a  few  occasional  pas- 
sages only. 

The  Resh-Galutha  was  the  supreme  judge  of  the 
Jewish  communities,  both  in  civil  and  in  criminal 
cases  ;  he  either  administered  justice  in  person,  or 
delegated  his  office  to  judges  of  his  own  nomina- 
tion. The  ordinary  coercive  measure  employed  in 
cases  of  disobedience  was  the  bastinado,  according 
to  Eastern  custom.  The  princes  were  also  entrusted 
with  the  police  of  the  cities,  the  control  of  weights 
and  measures,  the  inspection  of  canals,  and  the 
guardianship  of  public  safety,  to  all  of  which  various 
charges  they  appointed  their  own  officers.  It  is 
nowhere  indicated  what  revenues  the  Princes  of 
the  Captivity  derived  from  the  people  ;  it  is  most 


5IO  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

probable  that  the  primitive  Asiatic  custom  of  making 
presents  to  the  sovereign  obtained.  It  is  not  until 
later  times  that  mention  is  made  of  regular  yearly 
revenues  drawn  by  them  from  certain  regions  and 
cities.  They  enjoyed  an  honorable  public  distinction 
which  was  only  conferred  upon  such  rulers  as  were 
descended  from  David  ;  this  consisted  of  having  the 
scrolls  of  the  Law  brought  to  them  when  they  had 
to  read  a  portion  of  the  Torah  aloud,  whereas 
every  one  else  was  obliged  to  go  to  the  scrolls. 
Wealthy  by  reason  of  the  income  accruing  from 
their  extensive  lands,  they  also  possessed  many 
slaves  and  a  numerous  suite  of  attendants  ;  even 
free  men  placed  themselves  under  their  patronage, 
wearing,  as  sign  of  their  fealty,  the  arms  of  their 
masters  on  their  garments.  The  Princes  of  the 
Captivity  were  most  sensitive  with  regard  to  these 
distinctive  marks,  refusing  to  pardon  even  the 
scholars  whom  they  themselves  supported,  if  they 
laid  aside  or  even  only  covered  over  these  badges. 
There  was  too  much  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Prince, 
and  this  power  was  too  little  restrained  or  regulated 
by  law  or  tradition,  for  cases  of  arbitrariness  and 
abuse  of  authority  not  to  be  forthcoming.  Numerous 
complaints  were  made  of  the  arrogance,  arbitrary 
encroachments,  or  violent  deeds  of  many  of  the 
Princes  of  the  Captivity  or  their  servants  ;  they 
deposed  the  principals  of  the  schools,  appointing 
others  in  their  places  who  were  often  without  merit. 
But  what  power  has  ever  restrained  itself  within 
the  bounds  of  justice  and  equity  ?  In  prehistoric 
times,  that  is  to  say,  before  the  knowledge  of  the 
Law  had  been  carried  to  Babylonia  and  there 
domesticated,  the  ignorance  of  the  Princes  of  the 
Captivity  in  matters  of  religious  practice  appears 
to  have  been  so  profound,  that  it  was  possible  to 
transgress  the  laws  relating  to  food  in  their  house 
with  the  greatest  impunity.  But  history  tells  also 
of  meritorious  persons  among  their  numbers,  who 


CH.  XIX.      RELIGIOUS  DEVELOPMENT  IN  BABYLONIA.    5  II 

in  later  times  combined  a  knowledge  of  the  Jewish 
law  with  the  possession  of  Jewish  virtues,  and 
whose  names  became  a  source  of  glory  to  the 
nation.  The  Princes  of  the  Captivity  often  united 
with  their  political  power  the  authority  of  teachers 
of  the  Law,  equaling  in  this  respect  the  Palestinean 
Patriarchs.  As  certain  of  these  latter  attempted 
to  acquire  political  influence,  in  order  not  to  be 
inferior  to  the  Resh-Galutha — in  which  attempt, 
however,  they  were  not  always  successful — many  of 
the  Princes  of  the  Captivity  endeavored  in  turn  to 
obtain  the  dignity  of  teacher.  All  these  various 
circumstances,  the  great  number  of  the  Jewish 
population  of  Babylonia,  their  independence,  and 
the  concentrated  power  of  the  Princes,  stamp  the 
history  of  the  Jews  of  this  region  with  a  peculiar 
character  ;  new  needs  arose  in  this  country  which 
were  unknown  in  Judaea  ;  new  needs  produced  new 
regulations  and  Halachas,  and  thus  the  Law  entered 
upon  a  new  development  in  which,  as  already 
intimated,  Babylon  played  the  most  important  part. 
During  the  patriarchate  of  Judah  I,  the  young 
students  of  Babylon  had  crowded  in  greater  num- 
bers than  in  former  times  to  the  academies  of 
Galilee,  as  if  desirous  of  catching  the  last  rays  of 
the  setting  sun  of  religion  in  the  mother-country, 
in  order  to  enlighten  therewith  the  land  of  their 
birth.  Chiya  of  Cafri  and  his  two  wonderful  sons, 
his  relatives  Abba-Areka  and  Chanina-bar-Chama, 
Abba  and  his  son  Samuel,  were  all  celebrated  dis- 
ciples of  Judah's  school ;  they  were  either  directly 
or  indirectly  the  instructors  of  Babylonia.  It  is 
true  that  Chiya  and  his  sons,  Judah  and  Chiskia, 
did  not  return  to  their  native  country,  but  died  in 
Galilee,  where  they  were  honored  as  saints  ;  but 
Chiya  exercised  the  greatest  influence  on  the  edu 
cation  of  his  disciple  and  nephew,  Abba-Areka. 
Before  the  return  to  Babylonia  of  Abba-Areka  and 
Samuel  from  the  academy  of  Judah  I  in  Judaea,  an 


512  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

Otherwise  unknown  person,  Shila  by  name,  occupied 
the  post  of  principal  of  the  school  (Resh-Sidra)  in 
Nahardea.  But  with  the  appearance  of  these  two 
men,  who  were  endowed  with  all  the  qualities 
requisite  in  order  to  become  the  founders  of  new 
schools,  extensive  alterations  were  introduced ;  they 
initiated  a  new  departure,  and  raised  Babylonia  to 
the  level  of  Judzea. 

Abba  (born  about  175,  died  247),  who  is  known 
in  history  by  the  name  of  Rab,  had  completed  his 
education,  after  the  death  of  his  father  Aibu,  at  the 
academy  of  Judah  I  in  Tiberias.  Great  astonish- 
ment was  expressed  at  the  early  development  of  the 
wonderful  talents  of  this  youth.  Through  Chiya's 
intercession,  Rab  obtained  a  somewhat  restricted 
advancement,  which  the  Patriarch  Gamaliel  III  after- 
wards refused  to  extend.  Great  things  were  ex- 
pected of  him  in  his  home,  and  when  the  news  of  his 
return  from  Palestine  was  known,  Samuel,  who  had 
already  returned,  and  his  friend  Kama,  went  to 
meet  him  on  the  bank  of  the  Euphrates  canal.  The 
latter  overwhelmed  him  with  questions,  and  even 
Shila,  the  principal  of  the  school,  bowed  to  his 
superior  knowledge.  After  Shila's  death  Rab  ought 
to  have  succeeded  him  in  his  office,  but  he  refused 
the  post  in  favor  of  his  younger  friend,  Samuel, 
whose  home  was  in  Nahardea. 

The  Prince  of  the  Captivity  of  that  period  seems 
to  have  shown  special  regard  for  such  Babylonians 
as  were  learned  in  the  Law,  in  his  appointments 
to  the  offices  within  his  gift.  He  nominated  as 
supreme  judge  in  Cafri  one  of  his  relations,  Mar- 
Ukba,  whose  wealth,  modesty,  character,  and  know- 
ledge of  the  Law  well  fitted  him  for  this  post.  He 
also  appointed  Kama  as  judge,  who,  not  being  rich, 
was  obliged  to  be  indemnified  for  his  loss  of  time  by 
the  suitors.  To  Abba-Areka  was  given  the  post 
of  inspector  of  markets  (Agora-nomos),  carrying 
with  it  the  control  of  the  weights  and  measures. 


CH.  XIX.  RAB.  513 

The  arbitrariness  of  the  rule  of  the  Exilarch  is 
well  illustrated  by  the  following  example.  Abba- 
Areka  had  been  commanded  to  control  the  prices 
of  the  market,  and  to  prevent  the  necessaries  of 
life  from  becoming  too  dear.  Having  refused  to 
obey  this  order,  he  was  thrown  into  prison  and  kept 
there  until  Kama  upbraided  the  Prince  of  the  Cap- 
tivity with  thus  punishing  a  man  who  was  full  of  the 
"juice  of  dates"  (genius).  Abba-Areka  had  occa- 
sion, by  reason  of  his  position  as  Agoranomos,  to 
journey  to  the  various  districts  of  Jewish  Babylonia, 
and  he  thus  became  known  throughout  the  country. 
Artabanus  IV  (211-226),  the  last  Parthian  monarch 
of  the  house  of  Arsaces,  who  had  probably  made  his 
acquaintance  on  one  of  his  circuits,  esteemed  him  so 
highly  that  he  once  sent  him  a  present  of  some 
valuable  pearls.  Between  the  last  Parthian  King 
and  the  first  Babylonian  Amora  there  existed  the 
same  friendly  relations  as  between  the  Jewish 
Patriarch  and  the  Roman  Emperor  of  his  time. 
Artabanus  was  afterwards  deposed  by  Ardashir, 
and  with  him  ended  the  dynasty  of  Arsaces.  When 
Rab  heard  of  the  fall  of  Artabanus,  he  exclaimed 
sorrowfully,  "  The  bond  is  broken." 

Abba  discovered  with  surprise  during  his  journeys 
the  unbounded  ignorance  of  the  Jewish  laws  into 
which  those  communities  remote  from  the  capital 
had  fallen.  In  one  place  nothing  was  known  of  the 
traditional  prohibition  forbidding  meat  to  be  eaten 
with  milk.  In  order  to  repress  these  transgressions 
and  to  remove  this  ignorance,  Rab  extended  many 
laws,  and  forbade  even  what  was  otherwise  allowed. 
In  this  way  there  arose  many  restrictions  which, 
owing  to  his  authority,  acquired  the  force  of  law. 
The  negligence  existing  throughout  the  district  of 
Sora  gave  him  the  idea  of  founding  an  academy  in 
that  very  place,  in  order  that  the  knowledge  of  the 
Law  might  become  more  widely  spread  through  the 
passage  to  and  fro  of  the  disciples.     His    efforts 


514  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

were  crowned  with  complete  success.  If  the  devel- 
opment of  the  Law  has  greatly  contributed  to  the 
preservation  of  Judaism,  this  result  is  for  the  most 
part  due  to  the  labors  of  Abba-Areka.  With  but 
few  intermissions,  Sora  was  the  seat  of  Jewish  science 
for  nearly  eight  centuries. 

The  academy,  which  bore,  as  was  customary,  the 
name  of  "  Sidra,"  was  opened  by  Abba  about  the 
year  219.  Twelve  hundred  disciples,  attracted  by 
Abba-Areka's  reputation,  flocked  together  from 
every  district  of  Babylonia.  More  than  a  hundred 
celebrated  disciples  and  associates  afterwards  dis- 
seminated his  maxims  and  decisions  throughout  the 
land.  The  throng  of  auditors  was  so  great  that  he 
was  obliged  to  enlarge  his  lecture-room  by  enclosing 
a  garden  belonging  to  a  recently  deceased  proselyte, 
which  he  acquired  for  this  purpose  as  vacant  ground. 
The  reverence  entertained  for  him  by  his  disciples 
was  so  profound  that  they  called  him  simply  "  Rab," 
the  Teacher,  in  the  same  way  as  the  Patriarch  Judah 
was  called  Rabbi  or  Rabbenu,  and  this  is  the  appel- 
lation by  which  he  is  generally  known.  His  school 
was  called  Be-Rab  (Be  abbreviated  from  Beth, /louse), 
which  afterwards  became  the  general  name  for 
a  school.  His  authority  extended  beyond  the 
boundaries  of  Babylonia  ;  even  Jochanan,  the  most 
celebrated  of  the  teachers  of  Judaea,  wrote  to  him, 
"  To  our  teacher  in  Babylonia,"  grew  angry  when- 
ever any  one  spoke  slightingly  of  Rab,  and  admitted 
that  the  latter  was  the  only  person  to  whom  he  would 
have  willingly  subordinated  himself.  Rab  was  ac- 
customed to  maintain  such  of  his  numerous  disciples 
as  were  without  means,  for  he  was  very  wealthy, 
and  owned  land,  which  he  cultivated  himself. 
The  excellent  arrangements  which  he  adopted  per- 
mitted his  auditors  to  devote  themselves  to  the 
study  of  the  Law  without  neglecting  their  livelihood. 
In  two  months  of  the  year  (Adar  and  Ellul),  at  the 
commencement  of  autumn  and  spring,  they  assem- 


en.  XIX.  THE    ACADEMY    AT    SORA.  515 

bled  at  Sora.  During  these  two  months,  whicli 
were  called  "months  of  assembly"  (Yarche  Kalla), 
lectures  were  delivered  every  day  from  the  early 
morning-  on  ;  the  auditors  hardly  allowed  themselves 
time  enough  to  swallow  their  breakfast.  The  ordi- 
nary name  for  the  public  lectures  was  Kalla.  Be- 
sides these  two  months,  Rab  devoted  the  week 
before  the  principal  festivals  to  public  lectures,  in 
which  not  only  the  disciples,  but  the  whole  populace, 
were  interested.  The  Prince  of  the  Captivity  used 
also  to  arrive  in  Sora  about  this  time  to  receive  the 
homage  of  the  assembled  crowd.  The  throng  was 
generally  so  great  that  many  were  unable  to  get 
lodgings  in  the  houses,  and  were  consequently 
obliged  to  sleep  in  the  open  air,  on  the  shore  of 
lake  Sora.  These  festival  lectures  were  termed 
Rigle.  The  Kalla-months  and  the  Rigle-week  had 
also  certain  influences  upon  civil  life  ;  the  judicial 
powers  suspended  their  operation  during  these 
periods,  and  creditors  were  forbidden  to  summon 
their  debtors  before  the  court.  Rab  thus  provided 
at  one  and  the  same  time  for  the  instruction  of  the 
ignorant  multitude,  and  for  the  further  advancement 
of  the  deeper  study  of  the  Law  by  the  education  of 
disciples. 

Nothing  is  known  of  any  peculiar  method  em- 
ployed by  Rab.  His  mode  of  teaching  consisted  of 
analyzing  the  Mishna,  which  he  had  brought  with 
him  in  its  latest  state  of  perfection,  of  explaining  the 
text  and  the  sense  of  every  Halacha,  and  of  com- 
paring them  with  the  Boraitas.  Of  these  decisions 
and  deductions,  which  are  known  by  the  name  of 
Memra,  there  exists  a  great  number  from  Rab's 
hand,  and  they,  together  with  those  which  proceeded 
from  Samuel  and  Jochanan,  the  contemporary  prin- 
cipals of  the  schools,  form  a  considerable  part  of 
the  Talmud.  For  the  most  part  he  was  more  in- 
clined than  his  fellow  Amoraim  to  render  the  Law 
severer,  and  to  forbid  such  legal  acts  as  verged  on 


5l6  IIISTORV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX 

the  illegal,  at  least  in  the  opinion  of  the  multitude 
of  Babylonian  Jews,  who  were  incapable  of  nice  dis- 
crimination. Most  of  Rab's  decrees  received  the 
force  of  law,  with  the  exception  of  those,  however, 
which  affected  municipal  law,  for  his  authority  was 
more  respected  in  questions  of  ritual  than  of  civil 
law. 

With  the  most  determined  energy  he  undertook 
the  amelioration  of  the  morals  of  the  Babylonians, 
which,  like  their  religion,  had  fallen  to  a  very  low 
ebb  among  the  lower  classes.  The  ancient  sim- 
plicity of  married  life  which  had  formerly  obtained 
was  now  superseded  in  Babylonia  by  a  hollow  and 
brutal  immorality.  If  a  young  man  and  woman  met, 
and  were  desirous  of  uniting  in  marriage,  they  sum- 
moned the  first  witnesses  at  hand,  and  the  marriage 
was  concluded.  Fathers  gave  their  daughters  in 
marriage  almost  before  they  arrived  at  majority,  and 
the  bridegroom  either  did  not  see  his  bride  until 
after  the  decisive  step  had  been  taken,  when,  doubt- 
less, he  often  repented  of  his  act,  or  else  he  lived  in 
the  house  of  his  intended  father-in-law  in  a  too  in- 
timate relation  with  his  betrothed.  The  law,  instead 
of  condemning  this  immorality,  had  afforded  it  the 
protection  of  its  authority.  Rab  combated  these 
prevailing  customs  with  the  full  force  of  a  moral 
ardor.  He  forbade  the  solemnization  of  marriage 
which  had  not  been  preceded  by  a  courtship,  and  en- 
joined on  fathers  not  to  marry  their  daughters  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  latter,  and  therefore  still  less 
before  their  majority.  He  further  admonished  all 
who  were  desirous  of  marrying  to  make  the  ac- 
quaintance of  the  maiden  of  their  choice  before  their 
betrothal,  lest  when  disappointed,  their  conjugal  love 
should  turn  to  hate,  and  finally  he  forbade  the 
young  men  to  live  in  the  house  of  their  betrothed 
before  marriage.  He  baffled  all  the  legal  artificers 
which  could  be  employed  by  a  husband  to  make  a 
divorce  retrospective  by  withdrawing  the    support 


1 


CH.  XIX.  REFORMS    INTRODUCED    BY    RAB.  5 1 7 

of  the  law  from  such  cases.  All  these  moral  meas- 
ures became  laws  of  general  application,  Rab  also 
increased  the  reputation  of  the  courts  of  justice  ; 
every  one  was  obliged  to  appear  on  being  summoned 
before  the  court,  and  the  bailiffs  were  invested  with 
official  authority  ;  the  punishment  of  excommunica- 
tion was  introduced  for  cases  of  refractoriness.  This 
punishment  was  very  severe  in  Babylonia,  and  con- 
sequently produced  great  effects.  The  transgres- 
sions of  the  offender  were  publicly  announced,  and 
he  was  avoided  until  he  had  made  expiation.  In 
Babylonia,  where  the  Jewish  population  formed  a 
little  world  of  its  own,  this  punishment  was  sufficient 
to  procure  obedience  and  respect  for  the  laws. 
Rab's  energies  were  thus  employed  in  two  direc- 
tions ;  he  refined  the  morals,  and  aroused  intellec- 
tual activity  in  a  country  which,  as  the  sources 
express  it,  had  formerly  been  "  a  vacant  and  unpro- 
tected fallow  field."  Rab  surrounded  it  with  a  two- 
fold hedge,  severity  of  manners  and  activity  of  mind. 
He  was  in  this  respect  for  Babylonia  what  Hillel 
had  been  for  Judaea. 

Rab's  virtues,  his  patience,  conciliatory  disposi- 
tion, and  modesty,  also  put  one  in  mind  of  Hillel. 
He  had  a  bad  wife  who  opposed  him  in  everything, 
but  he  bore  her  vexations  with  patience.  In  his 
youth  Rab  had  acted  badly  towards  Chanina,  the 
head  of  the  school  in  Sepphoris,  and  was  therefore 
unceasing  in  his  efforts  to  obtain  his  pardon.  His 
forgiving  disposition  caused  him  to  lose  sight  of  his 
exalted  station.  Once,  when  he  thought  he  had 
given  offense  to  a  man  of  the  lower  classes,  he  re- 
paired to  the  latter's  house  on  the  eve  of  the  Day  of 
Atonement,  in  order  to  become  reconciled  with  him. 
Whenever  he  was  followed  to  his  school  by  a  crowd 
of  people  on  the  days  of  his  lectures  he  used  to 
repeat  a  verse  of  Job,  in  order  to  prevent  his  pride 
from  rising  too  high :  "  Though  the  excellency  of 
man  mount  up  to  the  heavens,  yet  he  shall  perish 


5l8  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

forever."  Before  repairint^  to  the  court  he  was 
wont  to  exclaim  :  "  I  am  prepared  to  meet  my  death  ; 
here  the  affairs  of  my  house  concern  me  not,  and  I 
return  empty-handed  to  my  home  ;  may  I  be  as  in- 
nocent on  my  return  as  I  was  when  I  set  out."  He 
had  the  satisfaction  of  leaving  a  son,  Chiya,  who  was 
exceedingly  learned  in  the  Law,  and  of  marrying 
his  daughter  to  a  relative  of  the  Prince  of  the  Cap- 
tivity. His  descendants  by  this  daughter  were 
worthy  and  learned  princes.  His  second  son,  Aibu, 
was  not  intellectually  distinguished.  To  him  his 
father  recommended  certain  rules  of  life,  among 
others  a  preference  for  agriculture :  ''  Rather  a 
small  plot  of  land  than  a  great  magazine  for  goods." 

For  eight  and  twenty  years,  until  his  old  age, 
Rab  devoted  himself  to  the  Sidra  at  Sora  (2 19-247). 
When  he  died  all  his  disciples  accompanied  his  body 
to  its  last  resting-place,  and  went  into  mourning 
for  him.  At  the  suggestion  of  one  of  them 
Babylonia  mourned  for  him  a  whole  year,  and  the 
practice  of  wearing  wreaths  of  flowers  and  myrtles 
at  weddings  was  suspended.  All  the  Jews  of 
Babylonia,  except  one,  Bar-Kasha  of  Pumbeditha, 
mourned  for  the  loss  of  their  great  Amora. 

Much  more  original  and  versatile  than  Rab  was 
his  friend,  his  Halachic  opponent,  and  his  fellow- 
worker  in  the  task  of  elevating  the  Jewish  popu- 
lation of  Babylonia,  Samuel  or  Mar-Samuel,  also 
called  Arioch  and  Yarchinai  (born  about  180,  died 
257).  In  a  certain  sense  this  highly  talented  man 
was  an  epoch-maker  in  the  history  of  the  doctrine 
of  Judaism.  Nothing  more  is  known  of  his  youth 
than  that  he  once  ran  away  from  his  father.  As  a 
young  man  he  followed  the  usual  course,  and  went 
to  Judcea  in  order  to  complete  his  education  at  the 
academy  of  the  Patriarch  Judah  I.  It  has  already 
been  narrated  how  he  there  cured  a  disease  of  the 
eyes  from  which  the  ailing  Patriarch  suffered,  and 
how  he  was  nevertheless  refused  his  nomination  as 


CH.  XIX.  MAR-SAMUEL.  519 

a  teacher  by  the  latter ;  how  he  returned  to  his 
home  before  Rab,  and  was  elevated  after  Shila's 
death  to  the  dignity  of  Resh-Sidra. 

Mar-Samuel  was  of  an  even  character,  avoiding  en- 
thusiasm and  demonstrativeness.  While  his  con- 
temporaries confidently  expected  the  renewal  of 
miracles  as  of  old  before  the  appearance  of  the 
Messiah,  he  propounded  the  view  that  everything 
would  still  follow  its  natural  course,  but  that  the 
subjection  of  Israel  to  foreign  rulers  would  come  to 
an  end.  His  intellectual  energies  were  employed 
in  three  branches  of  knowledge  :  the  explanation  of 
the  Law,  astronomy,  and  medicine. 

As  an  Amora  he  was  inferior  to  Rab  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  laws  of  the  ritual,  but  far  sur- 
passed him  in  his  acquaintance  with  the  Jewish 
civil  law.  Samuel  developed  and  enriched  the 
Jewish  law  in  all  its  branches,  and  all  his  decisions 
have  obtained  Halachic  force.  None  of  his  decrees, 
however,  were  possessed  of  such  important  results 
as  the  one  by  which  he  declared  the  law  of  the  land 
to  be  just  as  binding  on  the  Jews  as  their  own  law 
(dina  d'malchuta  dina).  The  object  of  this  precept 
was  not  to  bring  about  a  compulsory  toleration  of 
the  foreign  legislation,  but  to  obtain  its  complete 
recognition  as  a  binding  law,  to  transgress  which 
would  also  be  punishable  from  the  religious  point 
of  view.  This  was  an  innovation  which,  after  all, 
could  only  be  approved  by  reason  of  the  relations 
existing  between  the  Babylonian  Jews  and  the 
Persian  states.  Samuel's  principle  of  the  sanctity 
of  the  law  of  the  land  was  a  manifest  contradiction 
of  older  Halachas,  which  treated  foreign  laws  as 
arbitrary,  and  did  not  consider  their  transgression 
to  be  punishable.  But  the  Amoraim  had  already 
succeeded  in  reconciling  so  many  conflicting  laws 
that  these  old  and  repellent  decisions,  and  this  new 
and  submissive  principle,  were  able  to  exist  side  by 
side.     In    the   sequel    Samuel's  recognition  of  the 


520  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

laws  of  the  country  was  a  means  of  preservation  to 
the  dispersed  nation.  On  the  one  hand  it  reconciled 
the  Jews  to  living  in  that  country  into  which  they  had 
been  cast  by  remorseless  fate.  Their  religious 
consciousness  did  not  feel  at  variance  with  the  laws 
set  up  for  their  observance,  which  were  seldom 
humane.  On  the  other  hand,  the  enemies  of  the 
Jews,  who  in  all  centuries  took  as  their  pretext  the 
apparently  hostile  spirit  of  Judaism,  and  advised 
the  persecution  and  complete  extermination  of  the 
Jewish  nation,  could  be  referred  to  a  Jewish  law, 
which,  with  three  words,  invalidated  their  contention. 
The  Prophet  Jeremiah  had  given  to  the  families 
which  were  exiled  to  Babylon,  the  following  urgent 
exhortation  as  to  their  conduct  in  a  foreign  land  : 
"  Seek  the  peace  of  the  city  whither  ye  have  been 
carried  away  captives."  Samuel  had  transformed 
this  exhortation  into  a  religious  precept :  *'  The  law 
of  the  state  is  binding  law."  To  Jeremiah  and 
Mar-Samuel  Judaism  owes  the  possibiHty  of  exist- 
ence in  a  foreign  country. 

Samuel  possessed  altogether  a  particular  affection 
for  Persian  customs,  and  was  consequently  in 
exceedingly  good  repute  at  the  Persian  court,  and 
lived  on  confidential  terms  with  Shabur  I.  His 
contemporaries  called  him  therefore,  although  it  is 
not  known  whether  as  a  mark  of  honor  or  of 
censure,  "  The  king  Shabur,"  and  also  " Arioch,"  the 
Arian  (partizan  of  the  neo-Persians).  His  attach- 
ment to  the  Persian  dynasty  was  so  great  that  it 
supplanted  the  affection  for  his  fellow-countrymen 
in  his  heart.  When  Shabur  extended  his  conquests 
to  Asia  Minor,  12,000  Jews  lost  their  lives  on  the 
occasion  of  the  assault  of  Mazaca-Caesarea,  the 
Cappadocian  capital.  Samuel  refused  to  go  into 
mourning  for  the  victims,  giving  as  his  reason  that 
they  had  fought  against  Shabur.  He  thus  formed 
a  peculiar  type  ;  living  in  the  midst  of  the  full  tide 
of  Judaism,  immersed  in  its  doctrines  and  traditions, 


CH.  XIX.  SAMUELS    LEARNING.  52  1 

he  raised  himself  beyond  the  narrow  sphere  of  his 
nationality,  and  was  ever  ready  to  extend  his  sym- 
pathies to  other  peoples  and  to  take  note  of  their 
intellectual  efforts.  Rab,  entirely  taken  up  with 
the  affairs  of  his  own  nation,  refused  to  allow  the 
customs  of  the  Persians  to  exert  any  influence  on 
those  of  the  Jews,  and  even  forbade  these  latter  to 
adopt  any  practice,  however  innocent,  from  the 
Magi :  "  He  who  learns  a  single  thing  of  the  Magi 
merits  death."  Samuel,  on  the  other  hand,  learnt 
many  things  of  the  Persian  sages.  With  his  friend 
Ablaat,  he  used  to  study  astronomy,  that  noble 
science  which  brings  mortal  man  into  closer  prox- 
imity with  the  Deity.  The  low-lying  plain  between 
the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,  whose  wide-extended 
horizon  is  unbounded  by  any  hill,  was  the  cradle 
of  astronomy,  which,  however,  soon  degenerated  in 
this  region  into  the  pseudo-science  of  astrology. 
By  reason  of  the  ideas  instilled  into  him  by  his 
Jewish  education,  Samuel  attached  no  importance 
to  the  art  of  casting  nativities,  and  only  occupied 
himself  with  astronomy  under  its  most  elevated 
aspect.  He  used  to  boast  that  he  was  "  as  well 
acquainted  with  the  ways  of  the  heavens  as  with 
the  streets  of  Nahardea."  He  was  unable,  how- 
ever, to  calculate  the  erratic  movements  of  the 
comets.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  the  extent 
of  his  astronomical  acquirements,  or  to  discover 
whether  he  was  in  advance  of  his  times  or  simply 
on  a  par  with  his  contemporaries.  Mar-Samuel 
turned  his  knowledge  of  astronomy  to  practical 
account ;  he  drew  up  a  settled  calendar  of  the 
festivals,  for  the  purpose  of  delivering  the  Baby- 
lonian communities  from  continual  uncertainty  with 
regard  to  the  exact  days  on  which  the  festivals 
would  fall,  and  in  order  to  relieve  them  of  their 
dependence  on  Palestine  for  the  determination  of 
the  time  of  the  appearance  of  the  new  moon. 
Probably  out  of  regard  for  the   Patriarch,  and  in 


522  HISTORY   OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

order  not  to  destroy  the  unity  of  Judaism,  Samuel 
refrained  from  communicating  his  calendar  to  the 
general  public,  and  allowed  the  computation  of  the 
festivals  to  retain  its  former  character  of  a  secret 
art  (Sod  ha-Ibbur).  He  was  blamed  by  certain 
persons,  however,  for  having  in  any  way  interfered 
with  the  calculation  of  the  calendar.  The  extent 
of  Samuel's  knowledge  of  medicine  is  even  less 
known  ;  he  boasted  of  being  able  to  cure  all  diseases 
but  three.  An  eye-salve  of  his  invention  was  in 
great  request. 

Between  Samuel  and  the  founder  of  the  Sora 
academy  there  subsisted  a  fraternal  harmony, 
although  the  Sidra  of  Nahardea  was  eclipsed  by  Rab. 
In  his  modesty  he  willingly  subordinated  himself  to 
Rab.  The  celebrated  Shila  family  was  possessed 
of  the  precedence  in  the  ceremony  of  paying 
homage  to  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity  ;  by  them  it 
was  relinquished  to  Samuel,  and  he,  in  his  turn, 
surrendered  it  to  his  comrade  in  Sora,  contenting 
himself  with  the  third  place.  After  Rab's  death 
Samuel  was  recognized  as  the  sole  religious  chief 
of  Babylon,  and  continued  in  this  capacity  for  ten 
years.  At  first  Jochanan,  of  Judaea,  hesitated 
whether  to  acknowledge  him  as  an  authority.  In 
the  letter  which  the  principal  of  the  schools  of 
Tiberias  sent  to  Babylonia,  he  addressed  Rab  by 
the  title  of  "  our  teacher  in  Babylonia,"  while  Mar- 
Samuel  he  called  simply  "  our  comrade."  The 
teachers  of  Judaea  did  not,  in  fact,  give  him  credit 
for  the  requisite  knowledge  of  the  Halachas,  basing 
their  conclusion  upon  the  fact  that  he  occupied 
himself  with  other  branches  of  science.  It  was  in 
vain  that  Samuel  sent  to  Judaea  a  festival  calendar 
calculated  for  sixty  years  ;  Jochanan  remarked 
slightingly,  when  the  fact  came  to  his  knowledge  : 
"At  any  rate  he  is  well  acquainted  with  arith- 
metic." It  was  not  until  Samuel  forwarded  several 
scrolls,   filled  with  investigations    of  certain   little- 


CH.  XIX.  ACCESSION    OF   THE    SASSANIDES.  523 

known  diseases  of  animals,  that  he  began  to  be 
respected. 

It  was  during  this  period  (the  third  century)  that 
there  occurred  simultaneously  in  the  Roman  and 
Parthian  empires  certain  political  catastrophes 
which  were  attended  with  the  most  important 
results.  Through  their  influence  history  acquired 
an  altered  aspect,  and  considerable  changes  were 
effected  in  the  state  of  things  existing  in  these  two 
countries  and  their  dependencies.  It  was  impos- 
sible for  Jewish  history  to  remain  unaffected  by 
these  events.  During  the  reign  of  the  noble 
Alexander  Severus  occurred  the  overthrow  of  the 
Parthian  dynasty,  which,  beginning  with  Arsaces, 
had  subsisted  during  four  centuries.  A  new  and 
more  vigorous  race  seized  the  scepter,  and  this 
change  of  dynasty  gave  rise  to  many  revolutions 
both  at  home  and  abroad.  The  author  of  these 
changes  was  Ardashir,  or  Arbachshter,  as  he  was 
called  in  his  own  language,  a  descendant  of  the 
race  of  ancient  Persians  (Arians).  Such  of  the 
Persians  as  still  remained  true  to  their  nationality, 
nourished  a  hatred  against  the  impure  dynasty  of 
Arsaces,  on  account  of  the  semi-Grecian  origin  of 
its  members,  their  leaning  to  Greek  views  in  matters 
of  religion,  their  contempt  for  the  national  faith, 
and  finally,  their  impotence  to  check  the  ever- 
increasing  conquests  of  the  Romans.  It  was  with 
them  that  Ardashir  united  himself  and  conspired 
to  overthrow  Artabanus,  the.  monarch  who  enter- 
tained so  great  a  reverence  for  Rab.  A  decisive 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  Artabanus  succumbed, 
and  the  neo-Persian  dynasty  of  the  Sassanides  was 
founded  by  the  conqueror.  The  race  which  thus 
obtained  the  upper  hand  is  known  in  history  by  the 
name  of  the  neo-Persians  ;  the  Jewish  authorities 
called  them  Chebrim  (Chebre),  and  a  deteriorated 
residue  of  the  stock  still  subsists  in  India  under  the 
name  of  the  Guebres.    This  revolution  was  attended 


524  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

by  results  as  important  in  matters  of  religion  as  in 
politics.  In  place  of  the  indifference  with  which 
the  ancient  rulers  had  regarded  the  primitive  wor- 
ship of  fire,  Ardashir  manifested  an  ardent  enthu- 
siasm for  it.  He  proudly  called  himself  "  the 
worshiper  of  Ormuz,  divine  Ardashir,  the  King  of 
the  Kings  of  Iran,  the  offspring  of  a  heavenly  race." 
He  ordered  such  of  the  parts  of  the  ancient  Persian 
law  (the  Zend-Avesta)  as  were  still  extant  to  be 
collected,  and  commanded  them  to  be  regarded  as 
the  religious  code.  Zoroaster's  doctrine  of  the 
twin  principles  of  light  and  darkness  (Ahura- 
Mazda  and  Ahriman)  was  everywhere  enforced  ;  the 
Magi,  the  sacerdotal  caste  of  this  cult,  recovered 
their  credit,  their  influence,  and  their  power,  while 
the  partisans  of  the  Greeks  were  persecuted  with 
fire  and  sword.  The  fanaticism  which  was  thus 
aroused  in  the  Magians  also  caused  them  to  direct 
their  hostile  attacks  against  the  Christians,  who 
resided  in  great  numbers  in  the  districts  of  Nisibis 
and  Edessa  in  upper  Mesopotamia  (conquered 
by  the  Romans),  and  who  possessed  their  own 
schools. 

The  jews  were  not  entirely  exempt  from  the 
attacks  of  this  fanaticism,  and  only  escaped  severe 
persecution  through  their  solidarity,  their  centraliza- 
tion, and  their  powers  of  defense.  In  the  first 
intoxication  of  victory  the  neo-Persians  deprived 
the  Jewish  courts  of  the  criminal  jurisdiction  which 
they  had  been  permitted  to  exercise  until  then  ; 
the  Jews  were  admitted  to  no  offices,  and  were  not 
even  allowed  to  retain  the  supervision  of  the  canals 
and  rivers,  but  they  do  not  seem  to  have  complained 
very  bitterly  of  these  measures.  They  were  even 
compelled  to  submit  to  restraints  upon  their  free- 
dom of  conscience.  On  certain  festivals,  when  the 
Magi  worshiped  light  in  their  temple  as  the  visible 
representation  of  God  (Ahura-Mazda),  the  Jews 
were  not   suffered   to  maintain   any  fire  on   their 


CH.  XIX.  THE    NEO-PERSIANS.  525 

hearths,  nor  to  retain  any  hght  in  their  rooms. 
The  Persians  forced  their  way  into  the  houses  of 
the  Jews,  extinguished  every  fire  and  collected  the 
glowing  embers  in  their  consecrated  braziers, 
bringing  them  as  an  offering  to  their  temple  of 
fire.  They  also  dug  the  corpses  out  of  the  graves, 
because,  according  to  their  notion,  dead  bodies 
lying  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth  desecrated  this 
"  Spenta  Armaita"  (holy  soil).  For  these  various 
reasons  the  majority  of  the  teachers  of  the  Law 
were  not  greatly  prepossessed  in  favor  of  the  neo- 
Persians.  When  Jochanan  heard  that  they  had 
triumphantly  invaded  Jewish  Babylonia,  he  was 
greatly  concerned  for  the  fate  of  his  Babylonian 
brethren,  but  his  anxiety  was  allayed  by  the  assur- 
ance that  the  Persians  were  very  poor  and  would 
therefore  easily  allow  themselves  to  be  bought  off 
with  bribes.  By  reason  of  their  semi-savage  state 
he  referred  to  them  as  "  the  abandoned  people  into 
whose  hands  the  Babylonian  communities  had  been 
delivered."  Levi  bar  Sissi,  who  was  continually 
traveling  to  and  fro  between  Judaea  and  Babylon, 
was  anxiously  questioned  by  the  Patriarch  Judah  II 
as  to  the  character  of  the  conquering  race.  With 
obvious  prepossession  in  favor  of  the  vanquished 
Parthians,  he  described  them  and  the  victorious 
neo-Persians  in  the  following  words :  "  The  former 
are  as  the  armies  of  King  David,  but  the  latter 
resemble  the  devils  of  hell."  Little  by  little,  how- 
ever, the  fanaticism  of  the  neo-Persians  moderated, 
and  there  sprang  up  between  them  and  the  Jews 
so  sincere  a  friendship  that  on  their  account  the 
latter  relaxed  the  severity  of  the  Law,  and  even 
assisted  now  and  again  at  their  banquets.  The 
teachers  of  the  Law  permitted  the  Jews  to  deliver 
up  fuel  which  the  Magi  demanded  of  them  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Festival  of  Light,  and  ceased  to 
consider  this  act  as  a  furtherance  of  idolatry,  though 
it  would  certainly  have  been  regarded  as  such  by 


526  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

the  old  Halacha  in  similar  cases.  Even  Rab,  the 
essence  of  strictness,  acquiesced  in  the  demand  of 
the  Magi,  and  allowed  the  lamps  to  be  brought 
from  the  open  street  into  the  houses  on  the  Sabbath 
on  the  occasion  of  the  Festival  of  the  Hasmonaeans, 
in  order  not  to  give  offense  to  the  prejudices  of  the 
ruling  sacerdotal  class.  This  mutual  toleration, 
doubtless,  first  made  its  appearance  under  the  rule 
of  Shabur  I  (242-271),  the  liberal-minded  monarch 
whose  friendship  with  Samuel  has  already  been 
mentioned.  This  magnanimous  king  assured 
Samuel  that  during  the  many  wars  which  he  had 
waged  against  the  Romans  in  countries  thickly 
populated  with  the  Jews,  he  had  never  spilt  Jewish 
blood,  except  on  the  occasion  of  the  capture  of 
Cappadocia,  when  12,000  Jews  had  been  put  to 
death  as  a  punishment  for  their  stubborn  resistance. 
The  radical  changes  which  occurred  about  this 
time  in  the  Roman  empire  were  also  attended  with 
important  effects  and  reactions  on  Jewish  history. 
The  death  of  Alexander  Sevenis  was  the  signal  for 
anarchy,  the  many-headed  hydra,  to  rage  in  all  its 
terror  in  Rome  and  the  Roman  provinces.  During 
the  short  space  of  half  a  century  (235-284)  the 
throne  was  occupied  by  nearly  twenty  emperors 
and  as  many  usurpers,  who  willingly  laid  down  their 
lives  to  obtain  the  gratification  of  their  desire  to 
wear  the  purple,  if  only  for  a  day,  and  to  decree 
executions  by  the  hundred.  From  nearly  every 
nation  which  Rome  had  subjugated  there  arose  an 
emperor  who  enslaved  the  Italian  Babylon.  The 
time  of  retribution  had  come  ;  the  birds  of  prey 
were  contending  for  the  putrefying  body  of  the 
State.  It  was  during  the  time  of  Samuel  (248)  that 
the  thousandth  anniversary  of  Rome  was  celebrated 
by  the  assassin-emperor  Pliilip,  an  Arab  by  birth 
and  a  robber  from  his  childhood  ;  but  Rome  was 
powerful  wherever  its  legions  were  stationed, 
except  in  Rome   itself,  the  city  whose  senate  was 


CH.  XIX.  ODENATHUS   AND    THE    JEWS.  527 

obliged  to  accept  with  smiling  face  the  humiliations 
which  it  experienced  at  the  hands  of  the  soldier  em- 
perors, and  to  sanction  them  in  servile  humility  by 
Senatus-Consulta.  The  Roman  empire  was  invaded 
on  the  one  hand  by  the  Parthians,  on  the  other  by 
the  Goths,  as  if  in  fulfilment  of  the  sibylline  threats 
of  punishment. 

Valerianus  had  undertaken  a  campaign  with  the 
intention  of  recovering  the  districts  which  had  been 
conquered  by  Shabur.  Rome  now  experienced  the 
further  disgrace  of  seeing  her  emperor  fall  into  his 
enemy's  power,  and  suffer  all  the  humiliations  of 
slavery  at  the  hands  of  the  haughty  victor.  In  the 
eastern  provinces,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
mighty  Persian  empire,  disorder  and  dissolution  had 
reached  a  still  higher  degree.  A  rich  and  adven- 
turous native  of  Palmyra,  Odenathus  by  name,  had 
collected  a  band  of  wild  and  rapacious  Saracens 
around  him,  and  he  and  his  troops  made  frequent 
incursions  from  his  native  city  into  Syria  and  Pales- 
tine on  the  one  side,  and  the  region  of  the  Euphrates 
on  the  other,  plundering  and  laying  waste  the 
country  through  which  they  passed.  Odenathus 
had  already  assumed  the  title  of  Senator.  Why 
should  he  not  become  the  emperor  of  the  Romans, 
like  his  fellow-countryman  Philip  ?  Odenathus  was 
known  in  Jewish  circles  as  the  robber  captain, 
"  Papa  bar  Nazar,"  and  to  him  was  applied  the 
passage  in  Daniel's  vision  :  "  The  little  horn  coming 
up  among  the  greater  horns,  and  having  eyes  like 
the  eyes  of  man,  and  a  mouth  speaking  great 
things."  The  predatory  incursions  of  this  adven- 
turer were  accompanied  by  results  which  were 
highly  detrimental  to  the  Jews  of  Palestine  and 
Babylonia.  He  demolished  the  ancient  city  of 
Nahardea  (259),  which  had  formed  the  central  point 
of  the  Jewish  communities  ever  since  the  time  of 
the  Babylonian  exile.  It  was  many  years  before 
this  town  was  able  to  recover  itself  from  this 
destructive    blow.      The   Amoraim   of    Nahardea, 


528  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX. 

Samuel's  disciples,  were  obliged  to  take  to  flight ; 
they  emigrated  to  the  region  of  the  Tigris.  They 
were — Nachman,  a  son-in-law  of  the  Prince  of  the 
Captivity,  Sheshet,  Rabba  b.  Abbuha,  and  Joseph 
b.  Chama. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  destruction  of  Nahardea 
by  Odenathus,  Samuel's  daughters,  doubtless  to- 
gether with  many  others,  were  taken  prisoners  by 
the  enemy  and  brought  to  Sepphoris.  The  free- 
booters speculated  on  heavy  ransoms,  which  ap- 
peared to  them  more  lucrative  than  the  sale  of  the 
captives  in  the  slave  market,  for  it  was  well  known 
that  the  Jews  spared  no  expense  in  order  to  procure 
the  release  of  their  fellow-countrymen.  Samuel's 
daughters  had  derived  so  much  benefit  from  their 
father's  profound  knowledge  of  the  Halacha  that 
they  succeeded  in  escaping  the  application  of  a 
strict  law,  which  placed  all  maidens  who  had  been 
taken  prisoners  on  the  same  footing  with  those  who 
had  been  dishonored,  thus  incapacitating  them  from 
contracting  a  spotless  marriage.  Before  it  was 
known  whose  daughters  they  were  they  had  already 
recovered  their  freedom,  and  their  assertion  that 
their  innocence  had  received  no  taint  at  the  hands 
of  the  rough  warriors  was  readily  believed.  When 
Chanina  heard  in  Sepphoris  that  they  were  Samuel's 
daughters  he  strongly  enjoined  a  relation  of  theirs, 
Simon  b.  Abba,  to  marry  one  of  them. 

Odenathus,  the  destroyer  of  Nahardea,  gradually 
became  a  petty  Asiatic  prince  of  Palmyra  or  Tadmor, 
the  oasis  which  King  Solomon  had  converted  into  a 
city.  The  Roman  empire  was  so  feeble  and  totter- 
ing that  it  was  this  hitherto  disregarded  warrior  who 
was  obliged  to  oppose  a  bulwark  to  the  conquests 
of  the  Persians  on  Roman  territory.  The  great 
services  which  he  thus  rendered  to  the  empire  com- 
pelled his  recognition  (264)  as  co-emperor  by 
Gallienus,  a  monarch  characterized  by  his  weakness 
and  love  of  satire.  Odenathus  did  not  long  enjoy 
this  high  dignity,  for  in  267  he  fell  by  the  hand  of 


CH.  XIX.  ZENOBIA.  529 

an  assassin,  instigated,  as  the  story  went,  by  Zenobia, 
his  wife.  After  his  death  the  regency  devolved  upon 
Zenobia,  her  two  sons  being  still  minors.  Through 
her  influence  Palmyra,  the  city  of  the  desert,  was 
transformed  into  the  home  of  imperial  pomp,  culture, 
and  refined  taste.  A  Christian  report  represents 
the  empress  Zenobia  as  a  Jewess,  but  the  Jewish 
authorities  make  no  mention  of  this  fact.  No  colors 
seem  to  be  vivid  enough  for  the  Roman  accounts 
of  Zenobia  in  order  to  paint  the  picture  of  her 
strange  personality.  The  palace  of  this  second 
Semiramis,  the  ruins  of  which  still  bear  witness  to 
refined  and  artistic  taste,  was  the  meeting-place 
of  original-minded  geniuses,  with  whom  the  queen 
delighted  to  hold  philosophical  intercourse. 

At  her  court  resided  Longinus,  the  refined  and 
philosophical  lover  of  the  fine  arts,  who  in  his 
aesthetic  work  on  the  Sublime  was  unable  sufficiently 
to  express  his  admiration  of  the  poetical  contents 
of  the  Biblical  account  of  the  Creation,  "  Let  there 
be  light."  Paul  of  Samosata,  Bishop  of  Antioch, 
when  accused  of  heresy,  also  found  shelter  at  her 
court.  Zenobia,  his  patroness,  also  seems  to  have 
had  some  leaning  towards  the  fundamental  truth  of 
Judaism.  The  Jews  were,  nevertheless,  not  par- 
ticularly well  disposed  towards  the  court  of  Palmyra. 
Jochanan,  although  not  blind  to  the  beauties  of 
Greek,  gave  utterance  to  the  most  unfavorable 
opinions  concerning  the  Palmyrene  state  :  "  Happy 
will  he  be  who  sees  the  fall  of  Tadmor."  Sub- 
sequent generations  were  at  a  loss  to  explain  this 
aversion. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  Jews  took  up 
arms  against  Zenobia,  whose  rule  must  also  have 
extended  over  Judaea.  It  is  related  that  a  certain 
Zeira  bar  Chanina  having  been  brought  up  before 
Zenobia  to  receive  sentence  for  an  oftense  which 
seems  to  have  been  of  a  political  nature,  two  of 
Jochanan's  disciples,  Ami  and  Samuel,  presented 
themselves  before  the  empress,  in  order  to  intercede 


530  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XIX 

on  his  behalf  and  obtain  his  Hberation.  They  were 
most  ungraciously  received,  however,  by  Zenobia. 
"  Do  you  think,"  said  she,  "  that  because  God  has 
worked  so  many  miracles  for  your  nation  you  can 
hazard  everything,  simply  putting  your  trust  in 
Him?"  Another  occurrence,  which  is  related  by 
the  same  authority,  seems  also  to  have  taken  place 
during  Zenobia's  reign.  A  certain  Ulla  bar  Kosher, 
of  whom  no  further  mention  is  made  in  history,  was 
prosecuted  for  a  political  offense,  and  fled  to  Joshua 
ben  Levi  in  Lydda.  So  much  importance  must, 
however,  have  attached  to  his  capture  that  a  troop 
of  soldiers  surrounded  Lydda,  and  threatened  to 
destroy  the  city  if  the  fugitive  were  not  delivered  up 
to  them.  In  this  sad  dilemma  in  which  the  life  of  a 
single  individual  must  either  be  sacrificed  or  the 
safety  of  an  entire  community  endangered,  Joshua 
ben  Levi  prevailed  upon  Ulla  to  give  himself  up. 
He  justified  this  course  of  conduct  by  referring  to  a 
Mishnaic  law  which  permits  the  surrender  to  the 
political  power  of  a  culprit  specially  designated,  in 
the  case  of  many  lives  depending  on  such  compliance. 
But  the  Jewish  conscience,  symbolized  by  the  prophet 
Elijah,  refused  to  take  any  part  in  bringing  about 
the  death  of  a  man.  Elijah,  the  ideal  of  pure  zeal 
for  Judaism,  appeared  to  Joshua  ben  Levi  and  in- 
spired him  with  remorse  for  having  allowed  himself 
to  deliver  up  the  culprit ;  he  ought  not  to  have  re- 
lied solely  on  the  simple  preceptive  law,  but  should 
also  have  been  mindful  of  the  "  Mishna  of  the  Pious," 
which  widened  and  elevated  their  views  concerning 
the  precepts  of  duty. 

Zenobia's  reign,  after  enduring  brilliantly  for 
several  years  (267-273),  was  brought  to  a  termina- 
tion by  Aurelian,  who  gained  a  hard-earned  victory 
over  the  haughty  empress,  and  brought  her  in 
golden  fetters  to  Rome  to  figure  in  his  triumph. 
Jochanan  lived  to  see  the  fulfilment  of  his  wish 
regarding  Tadmor,  and  died  a  few  years  after  its 
fail  (279). 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE   PATRIARCHATE   OF   GAMALIEL   IV.   AND   JUDAH    III. 

The  Amoraim  in  Palestine— Ami  and  Assi— The  Brothers  Chiya  and 
Simon  bar  Abba  in  Tiberias— Abbahu  in  Cssarea— The  Em- 
peror Diocletian— Complete  Separation  from  the  Samaritans — 
Character  and  Political  Position  of  Abbahu — Huna  in  Babylonia 
— Chama's  Generosity— Huna's  Contemporaries  and  Successors 
— Judah  ben  Ezekiel— Chasda  of  Cafri— Mar  Sheshet— Nachman 
bar  Jacob— Zeira. 

279 — 320  C.  E. 

The  period  during  which  Christianity  emerged  from 
the  position  of  a  persecuted  community  and  acquired 
that  of  an  established  church,  marks  a  crisis  in  the  de- 
velopment of  the  history  of  the  world,  and  forms  an 
epoch  of  transition  also  in  the  history  of  the  Jews. 
The  influence  exerted  by  the  mother-country  began 
gradually  to  decline.  It  was  Babylonia  that  now  occu- 
pied the  universal  interest,  while  Judaea  became  a  holy 
antiquity  ;  it  still  possessed  the  power  of  arousing 
glorious  memories,  but  was  no  longer  the  scene  of 
memorable  deeds.  The  teachers  of  this  generation, 
indeed,  were  not  few,  including  in  their  numbers  the 
disciples  of  Chanina,  Jochanan,  and  Resh-Lakish  ; 
and  the  youth  of  Babylonia,  smitten  with  a  holy 
longing,  still  preferred  the  schools  of  Palestine  to 
those  of  their  native  land.  But  only  very  few  of 
the  principals  of  the  schools  were  possessed  of  any 
eminence,  and  the  most  important  of  them,  Ami, 
Assi,  Chiya  b.  Abba,  and  Zeira,  were  all  Babylonians 
by  birth.  Abbahu,  the  only  one  who  was  a  native 
of  Judaea,  was  a  person  of  much  originality,  but  of 
no  authority  in  the  Halacha.  The  superiority  of 
Babylon  was  so  readily  acknowledged  that  Ami  and 
Assi,  the  leaders  of  Judaea,  of  their  own  accord  sub- 
ordinated  themselves    to    Rab's    successor.      The 

S3I 


532  HISTORY    OK   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

Babylonian  novices  excelled  their  masters  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  Law  ;  Sora  and  Pumbaditha  took 
the  lead  of  Sepphoris  and  Tiberias.  Even  the 
Patriarchs  of  this  period,  Gamaliel  IV  and  Judah 
III,  possessed  but  an  insignificant  knowledge  of  the 
Law,  and  were  both  obliged  to  receive  instruction  from 
Amoraim.  Under  Judah  the  duty  of  examining 
witnesses  concerning  the  appearance  of  the  new 
moon  degenerated  into  a  mere  pretense  and  a 
formality.  When  Ami  expressed  a  desire  that  this 
duty  should  be  seriously  fulfilled,  the  Patriarch  in- 
formed him  that  he  had  often  understood  from 
Jochanan,  that  as  soon  as,  according  to  astronomical 
calculation,  the  thirtieth  day  was  ascertained  to  be 
the  beginning  of  the  new  month,  it  was  permissible 
to  press  a  witness  into  declaring  that  he  had  per- 
ceived the  new  moon,  although  this  was  not  the 
case.  The  accurate  calculation  of  the  Festivals 
gradually  made  this  burdensome  custom  of  the  ex- 
amination of  witnesses  so  superfluous  that  Judah's 
successor  was  able  to  entirely  abrogate  this  duty  of 
the  Patriarchate.  Of  more  importance  appeared 
to  Judah  the  ordering  of  the  affairs  of  the  com- 
munities and  the  schools,  and  to  this  point  he  de- 
voted his  entire  attention.  He  commissioned  the 
three  principal  Amoraim,  Ami,  Assi,  and  Chiya,  to 
undertake  a  journey  through  the  cities  of  Judaea,  in 
order  to  inspect  the  various  institutions  of  a  religious 
or  educational  character,  and  to  restore  them  in 
those  places  where  they  were  falling  into  decay. 
In  one  town,  where  the  envoys  found  neither 
teachers  of  the  people  nor  of  the  young,  they  sum- 
moned the  elders  to  bring  before  them  the  guardians 
of  the  city.  On  the  armed  guard  of  the  town  being 
brought  into  their  presence,  the  envoys  of  the  Nasi 
exclaimed :  "  These  are  in  nowise  the  guardians 
of  the  city,  but  its  destroyers  ;  the  true  guards  are 
the  teachers  of  the  young  and  of  the  people;  'If 
God  protect  not  the  house,  in  vain  watcheth  the 
warder.* " 


CH.  XX.  DIOCLETIAN.  533 

The  Patriarchate  of  Judah  III  falls  in  the  reigri  of 
Diocletian  and  his  co-emperor,  who,  by  the  strength 
of  their  rule  and  their  sincere  devotion,  delayed  for 
a  time  the  decline  of  the  Roman  empire.  Diocletian 
was  not  unfavorably  disposed  towards  the  Jews. 
He  was,  perhaps,  all  the  more  tolerant  to  them  in 
proportion  as  he  hated  and  persecuted  the  Chris- 
tians; these  latter  he  considered  as  the  sole  cause 
of  the  dissolution  of  the  Empire,  on  account  of  their 
persistent  struggle  against  the  Roman  state  religion, 
and  their  zeal  for  conversion.  The  rioforous  edicts 
which  this  monarch  considered  it  necessary  to 
decree  during  the  last  years  of  his  reign  (303-305), 
and  which  aimed  at  compelling  the  Christians  to 
adopt  the  worship  of  idols,  at  closing  their  churches, 
and  at  prohibiting  their  meetings  for  divine  service, 
did  not  include  the  Jews  within  their  terms,  although, 
curiously  enough,  the  Samaritans  do  not  seem  to 
have  escaped  their  action.  Nevertheless,  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Jews  appear  to  have  exerted  themselves 
in  order  to  prejudice  Diocletian  against  them.  The 
emperor  was  secretly  informed  that  the  Patriarch 
and  his  companions  made  merry  over  his  obscure 
parentage  and  his  surname  Aper  (Boar),  concern- 
ing which  the  emperor  was  especially  sensitive.  The 
story  relates  that  the  emperor,  highly  exasperated, 
commanded  the  Patriarch  and  the  most  distinguished 
members  of  the  community  to  appear  before  him  on 
a  Saturday  night,  at  Paneas,  about  twenty  miles 
from  Tiberias.  As  this  command  was  not  com- 
municated to  them  until  late  on  Friday,  they  found 
themselves  in  the  desperate  dilemma  of  undertaking 
a  journey  on  the  Sabbath,  or  disregarding  the  im- 
perial summons.  On  their  arrival  at  Paneas,  Dio- 
cletian ordered  them  to  bathe  themselves  for  several 
days  previous  to  appearing  before  him  in  audience. 
This  insult  was  intended  as  an  allusion  to  the  un- 
cleanliness  with  which  the  Jews  were  reproached. 
When  at  last  they  were  brought  before  the  emperor, 


534  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

the  Patriarch  and  his  companions  assured  Diocletian 
of  their  loyalty  and  faithfulness,  and  they  are  said 
to  have  convinced  him  that  they  had  been  iniquit- 
ously  calumniated,  whereupon  he  graciously  dis- 
missed them  (about  297  or  298). 

By  reason  of  the  constraint  of  sacrificing  to  the 
gods,  under  which  Diocletian  laid  both  Samaritans 
and  Christians,  the  former  were  completely  and  for- 
ever excluded  from  the  Jewish  community.  A 
peculiar  fate  controlled  the  relations  of  these  two 
kindred  and  neighboring  races,  and  prevented  them 
from  living  on  good  terms  for  any  length  of  time. 
At  any  moment  which  appeared  favorable  to  mutual 
advances,  triflinof  circumstances  were  sure  to  arise 
which  widened  the  breach  between  them.  After 
the  destruction  of  the  Temple  the  two  peoples  lived 
in  tolerably  good  relations  with  one  another ;  the 
Samaritans  were  admitted  to  be  in  many  respects 
strict  Jews.  The  war  of  Hadrian  united  Jew  and 
Samaritan  even  more  closely,  and  this  friendly  rela- 
tion took  so  deep  a  root,  that  Meir's  decision  to 
regard  the  Samaritans  as  heathens  never  gained 
general  acceptance.  Daily  intercourse  and  business 
connections  had  bound  them  closely  to  each  other. 
Even  Jochanan  did  not  hesitate  to  partake  of  meat 
prepared  by  the  Samaritans.  His  successors  were, 
however,  more  severe,  and  contrived  to  bring  about 
a  separation  from  the  Samaritans.  The  occasion  of 
this  rupture  is  said  to  have  been  as  follows  :  Abbahu 
having  once  ordered  some  wine  from  Samaria,  an 
observation  was  made  to  him  by  an  old  man  that 
the  Law  was  no  longer  strictly  observed  in  that 
country.  Abbahu  communicated  this  intimation  to 
his  friends,  Ami  and  Assi,  who  investigated  the 
matter  there  and  then,  and  determined  to  declare 
the  Samaritans  as  heathens,  irrevocably  and  in 
every  respect.  This  was  perhaps  the  last  resolution 
arrived  at  by  the  Synhedrion.  No  mention  is  made 
of  the  Nasi  in  connection   with   this   decree,  thus 


CH.  XX.  SHALIACII    ZION.  535 

affording  a  further  proof  of  the  insignificance  of  the 
authority  enjoyed  by  him,  and  of  the  depth  to  which 
the  Patriarchate  had  fallen.  This  disunion  had  the 
effect  of  weakening  both  Jews  and  Samaritans. 
Christianity,  shrewder  and  more  active  than  its 
parent,  Judaism,  and  more  refined  and  supple  than 
Samaritanism,  its  sister,  gained  the  empire  of  the 
world  soon  after  this  rupture,  and  Jew  and  Samari- 
tan alike  felt  its  superior  power.  Golgotha,  raised 
upon  the  height  of  the  Capitol,  pressed  with  a  two- 
fold burden  on  Zion  and  Gerizim. 

Notwithstanding  the  slight  respect  in  which  the 
Patriarchate  of  Judah  III  (280-300)  was  held,  a 
phenomenon  makes  its  appearance  for  the  first 
time,  which  betrays  indeed  the  poverty  that 
existed  In  Palestine,  but  on  the  other  hand  shows 
the  adherence  of  the  Jews  to  the  Patriarchal  house 
of  David,  the  last  remnant  of  their  ancient  glory. 
It  had  always  been  the  custom  to  announce  to  such 
communities  as  were  situated  at  a  distance,  the 
resolutions  arrived  at  by  the  Synhedrion,  and 
especially  the  period  of  the  festivals,  by  means  of 
special  messengers  (Shaliach  Zion,  Apostoli).  As 
a  rule,  men  of  merit  and  members  of  the  Synhedrion 
were  chosen  to  fill  this  honorable  post,  for  they 
represented  the  highest  authorities,  and  were  also 
required  to  explain  and  apply  the  various  resolu- 
tions. The  more  the  numbers  of  the  Jews  in  the 
Holy  Land  were  lessened  by  revolts  and  wars,  and 
the  greater  the  part  of  the  country  that  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  heathen,  the  more  also  that  extor- 
tionate taxes  spread  poverty  far  and  wide,  the 
greater  difficulty  the  Patriarchs  found  in  defray- 
ing the  expenses  of  their  office  from  their  own 
private  means.  They  were  obliged  to  turn  to 
the  wealthy  communities  of  other  countries  to 
request  contributions  for  their  support.  Originally, 
perhaps,  these  aids  constituted  a  voluntary  contri- 
bution (aurum  coronarium),  forwarded  by  the  com- 


536  HISTORY    OF    TIIF-    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

munities  as  a  proof  of  alleg^iance  on  the  occasion 
of  the  accession  of  a  Patriarch  as  prince  of  the 
Jews.  About  this  time,  however,  Judah  III  found 
himself  obhged  to  send  messengers  to  raise  a 
regular  tax  (canon,  pensio).  Such  an  envoy  was 
Chiya  bar  Abba,  whom  the  Patriarch  Judah  author- 
ized and  sent  abroad  armed  with  peculiar  powers  : 
"  We  send  you  an  excellent  man,  who  possesses 
equal  authority  with  ourselves  until  he  return  unto 
us."  This  same  Chiya  was,  in  fact,  an  excellent 
man,  as  poor  in  means  as  he  was  rich  in  character. 
It  was  only  on  account  of  grievous  necessity  that 
he  allowed  this  post  to  be  conferred  on  him  by  the 
Patriarch,  and  its  acceptance  constituted  in  so  far  a 
sacrifice  that  he  was  obliged  to  quit  the  Holy  Land, 
which  he  had  chosen  as  his  residence  in  preference 
to  his  native  country.  During  a  long  period  he  was 
supported  by  a  rich  and  charitable  family  of  Tiberias, 
named  Silvani  (Beth-Silvani),  who  furnished  him,  as 
a  descendant  of  Aaron,  with  the  tithes  of  the  pro- 
duce of  their  property.  On  a  certain  occasion, 
however,  Chiya  forbade  them  to  commit  a  deed 
which  another  teacher  of  the  Law  declared  to  be 
lawful ;  and  they,  in  return,  made  him  feel  his  depend- 
ency on  their  tithes.  Upon  this  he  determined 
never  again  to  accept  tithes  from  any  one,  and,  in 
order  to  avoid  temptation,  he  resolved  to  quit 
Judsea. 

It  is  in  this  Amora  that  a  singular  fault  may  first 
be  remarked,  which  later  on  became  more  general, 
and  produced  the  most  disastrous  consequences. 
Chiya  b.  Abba,  namely,  was  so  absorbed  in  the 
study  of  the  oral  Law,  that  in  his  devotion  to  it 
he  neglected  the  reading  of  the  written  Law,  the 
Bible.  Being  once  asked  why  the  word  "good" 
does  not  occur  in  the  first  Decalogue,  he  made 
reply  that  he  hardly  knew  if  this  word  really  did 
not  occur  in  that  place.  Chiya  bar  Abba  was  of  a 
gloomy  disposition,  and  in  the  Halacha  he  followed 


CH.   XX.  NEGLECT   OF   THE    BIBLE.  537 

the  severe  tendency  which  refused  even  to  allow 
Jewish  maidens  to  acquire  the  culture  of  the  Greeks, 
although  Jochanan  himself  had  permitted  it,  and 
even  encouraged  it  to  a  certain  extent. 

It  may  be  noticed,  as  a  sign  of  the  times,  that 
the  heads  of  the  schools  at  Tiberias  were  not 
natives  of  the  country,  but  Babylonians  who  had 
emigrated  thither  from  their  own  land.  Ami  and 
Assi  occupied  the  post  formerly  filled  by  Jochanan, 
their  master.  They  delivered  their  lectures  in  the 
peristyles,  which  certainly  dated  at  least  from  the 
period  of  the  Herods.  But  these  buildings,  which 
had  been  crowded  with  listeners  in  Jochanan's  time, 
now  testified  to  the  declining  importance  of  the 
Holy  Land.  Babylonia  was  the  goal  of  such  of  the 
youth  of  Judaea  as  were  desirous  of  studying.  Ami 
and  Assi  only  bore  the  modest  title  of  "  the  Judges, 
or  the  respected  descendants  of  Aaron  in  the  Holy 
Land,"  and  of  their  own  accord  subordinated 
themselves  to  the  Babylonian  authorities. 

Of  greater  importance  and  originality  was  Ab- 
bahu  of  Caesarea  on  the  Sea,  who  was  a  striking 
contrast  to  Chiya  and  Simon,  Abba's  sons.  He 
was  wealthy,  kept  Gothic  slaves,  and  had  ivory  seats 
In  his  house  ;  his  trade  was  the  manufacture  of 
women's  veils.  He  understood  Greek  perfectly, 
which  was  the  case  with  but  few  of  his  contem- 
poraries ;  he  frequented  the  society  of  educated 
heathens,  and  had  his  daughter  taught  Greek.  He 
considered  the  knowledge  of  this  language  as  an 
ornament  to  an  educated  girl,  and  supported  his 
opinion  by  citing  Jochanan's  permission.  The 
austere  Simon  bar  Abba,  who  was  hostile  to  all 
worldly  education,  reproved  this  conduct  in  the 
following  terms  ;  "  He  attributes  this  permission  to 
Jochanan,  because  his  daughter  is  learning  Greek." 
In  answer  to  this  attack  upon  his  veracity,  Abbahu 
protested  that  he  had  really  received  this  tradition 
from  Jochanan's  lips.     By  reason  of  his  familiarity 


538  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

with  contemporary  civilization,  which  many  people 
regarded  as  sinful,  a  verse  of  Ecclesiastes  was 
applied  to  him  :  "  It  is  good  that  thou  takest  up 
this  (the  study  of  the  Halacha)  and  neglectest  not 
that  (the  learning  of  the  Greeks),  for  the  pious  are 
able  to  fulfil  all  duties."  The  Greek  language  was 
in  fact  so  current  among  the  Jews  of  Caesarea,  that 
they  even  recited  the  passage  of  Scripture  relative 
to  the  unity  of  God  (the  Shema)  in  this  tongue. 

Abbahu  was  held  in  great  esteem  by  the  Roman 
Proconsul,  and  probably  also  by  the  Emperor 
Diocletian,  on  account  of  his  profound  learning, 
which  was  heightened  by  the  charm  of  a  dignified 
figure  and  a  generous  character.  By  means  of  this 
influence  with  the  authorities  he  was  enabled  to 
avert  many  severe  measures.  A  case  of  this  de- 
scription affords  at  the  same  time  an  insight  into  the 
general  state  of  things  at  this  period.  Ami,  Assi, 
and  Chiya  bar  Abba,  having  once  pronounced  a 
severe  punishment  on  a  woman  named  Thamar,  who 
was  doubtless  guilty  of  some  breach  of  chastity,  were 
denounced  by  her  to  the  then  Procurator,  on  a 
charge  of  encroaching  on  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Romans.  The  Jewish  judges,  fearful  for  the  con- 
sequences of  this  denunciation,  besought  Abbahu  to 
exert  his  influence  on  their  behalf.  He,  however, 
answered  that  his  efforts  had  failed  to  produce  any 
effect,  by  reason  of  the  existing  desire  of  revenge, 
perhaps  also  on  account  of  the  beauty  of  the  culprit. 
His  reply  was  couched  in  characteristic  terms, 
being  so  conceived  that,  at  first,  the  words  do  not 
convey  their  actual  meaning.  The  import  of  this 
document  was  in  brief  as  follows  :  "  I  have  settled 
everything  as  regards  the  three  slanderers — Euto- 
kos,  Eumathes,  and  Talasseus — but  I  have  labored 
in  vain  on  behalf  of  the  obstinate  and  refractory 
Thamar."  The  lanofua^re  of  this  letter,  which  is  a 
model  of  the  style  of  that  period,  is  for  the  most 
part   pure   Hebrew   embellished   by   a   play   upon 


CH.  XX.  ABBAHU.  539 

words  ;  the  Greek  proper  names  are  translated  into 
the  approximate  Hebrew  terms.  This  style,  when 
handled  with  skill,  invests  the  Hebrew  tongue  with 
an  inimitable  charm  ;  but  it  easily  degenerates  into 
empty  pomp  and  trifling,  which  was  already  in 
Abbahu's  age  to  some  extent  the  case. 

By  reason  of  his  extensive  acquirements  Abbahu 
was  well  fitted  to  engage  in  polemics  against  Chris- 
tianity. During  the  time  of  Diocletian,  Christianity 
had  strained  every  nerve  to  obtain  the  empire  of 
the  world.  The  Roman  legions  were  in  part  com- 
posed of  soldiers  who  had  adopted  this  religion, 
and  Christianity  therefore  redoubled  its  efforts  to 
obtain  proselytes.  Setting  itself  up  in  opposition 
to  Judaism  and  heathenism,  it  brought  down  upon 
itself  severe  punishment  at  the  hands  of  Dio- 
cletian and  his  co-emperor  Galerius,  on  account 
of  its  arrogance.  The  Jews  were  possessed  of  in- 
tellectual weapons,  and  these  they  employed  as 
long  as  they  were  permitted  their  free  use.  Like 
Simlai,  Abbahu  attacked  the  Christian  dogmas  in 
the  most  uncompromising  manner,  and  grounded 
his  opposition,  according  to  the  manner  of  the  time, 
upon  a  verse  in  the  Bible  (Numbers  xxiii.  19) :  "  If 
a  man  say  of  himself,  *  I  am  God,'  he  lieth ;  *  I  am 
the  son  of  man,'  he  will  repent  it ;  *  I  go  to  heaven,' 
he  will  not  confirm  it."  The  doctrine  of  the 
Ascension  was  especially  a  disputed  point  between 
the  teachers  of  the  Church  and  the  synagogue,  and 
its  defender  in  Csesarea  was  Jacob  the  Minaean,  a 
physician  by  profession.  In  order  to  authenticate 
the  Ascension,  the  Christians  brought  forward  the 
Agadic  tradition,  according  to  which  Enoch  as- 
cended into  heaven  without  dying :  in  the  words  of 
the  Bible,  "  and  he  (Enoch)  was  not,  for  God  took 
him."  They  used  this  ambiguous  phrase  in  support 
of  their  opinion.  Abbahu,  however,  proved  by  par- 
allel verses  that,  according  to  the  true  exegesis,  the 
expression    contained   in    this   verse   amounted  to 


540  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

nothing  more  than  a  figure  of  speech  for  "  to  die." 
In  the  succeeding  generation  Abbahu  might,  per- 
haps, have  paid  with  his  life  for  his  bold  truthfulness 
and  his  exact  interpretation. 

Abbahu  was  one  of  those  modest,  gentle,  yielding 
characters  who  are  the  less  conscious  of  their  own 
merit  in  proportion  as  it  is  great.  When  it  was 
proposed  to  ordain  him  as  Rabbi,  he  withdrew  in 
favor  of  Abba  of  Acco,  desiring  first  to  see  the 
distinction  conferred  upon  the  latter,  who  by  this 
promotion  would  have  been  able  to  free  himself  from 
the  burden  of  debt  with  which  he  was  oppressed. 
Another  event  brings  out  yet  more  strongly 
evidence  of  his  unassuming  disposition.  He  was 
once  delivering  discourses,  concurrently  with  Chiya 
b.  Abba,  in  a  strange  town,  the  subject  being 
treated  by  the  latter  according  to  the  Halachic 
method,  while  he  adopted  the  more  edifying  style 
of  the  Agada.  As  was  only  natural,  the  popular 
discourses  of  Abbahu,  being  intelligible  to  all,  were 
better  attended  than  Chiya's  lectures,  which  were 
more  difficult  of  comprehension.  The  latter  having 
manifested  some  irritation  at  the  neglect  w^hich  fell 
to  the  lot  of  his  discourses,  Abbahu  attempted  to 
console  him  in  the  following  words  :  "  Thy  teaching 
resembles  the  most  precious  stones,  of  which  there 
are  but  few  good  judges  ;  mine ,  on  the  contrar)A,  is 
like  tinsel,  which  delights  every  one."  In  order  to 
appease  him  still  further,  Abbahu  showed  his 
offended  companion  all  possible  attention  and  marks 
of  honor  throughout  the  day ;  nevertheless,  Chiya 
was  unable  to  forget  the  slight  which  he  considered 
had  been  inflicted  on  him.  This  anecdote  cannot 
be  regarded  as  altogether  unimportant,  proving  as 
it  does  the  decay  of  serious  studies  in  Judaea  at 
this  time.  The  Halacha,  the  study  of  which 
wrinkled  the  brow  and  exercised  the  mind,  no 
longer  found  listeners,  and  was  obliged  to  quit  the 
field  before  the  light-winged  Agada.     Abbahu  was 


CH.  XX,  THE    METURGEMAN.  54I 

even  unwilling'  to  lay  any  stress  upon  his  modesty. 
He  once  exclaimed  :  "  With  all  my  boasted  humility, 
I  am  still  far  behind  Abba  of  Acco,  for  he  is  not 
even  angry  with  his  expositor  (Meturgeman)  when 
the  latter  dares  to  make  his  own  additions  to  the 
analyses  which  are  Avhispered  to  him."  A  flaw  had 
thus  made  itself  apparent  in  that  method  of  teaching, 
which  had  formerly  invested  the  discourses  with  so 
much  solemnity  and  merit.  Instead  of  being  merely 
the  organ  of  the  lecturer,  the  Meturgeman  per- 
mitted himself  to  introduce  his  own  views  into  the 
expositions.  A  complaint  was  made  that  the  inter- 
preters only  accepted  their  office  out  of  conceit,  in 
order  to  display  their  fine  voice  or  their  flowery 
language.  This  condition  of  things  was  aptly 
described  in  the  following  verse :  "  It  is  better  to 
hear  the  severity  of  the  wise  than  the  song  of 
fools."  From  this  habit  of  the  interpreters,  the 
lectures  degenerated  into  an  empty  word  jingle, 

Abbahu's  generous  and  thoroughly  noble  views 
may  also  be  gathered  from  another  characteristic 
sketch,  which  at  the  same  time  affords  a  faithful 
picture  of  the  customs  of  the  period.  It  was 
usual  on  the  occasion  of  a  drought,  an  event  of 
not  uncommon  occurrence  in  Judsa,  for  the  most 
meritorious  member  of  the  community  to  offer  up 
the  prescribed  prayers  for  rain.  The  person  who 
on  one  occasion  was  recommended  to  Abbahu  as 
the  most  worthy,  happened  to  be  a  man  of  the 
worst  fame,  known  to  the  wits  as  the  "  five  sins  " 
(Pentekaka).  Being  summoned  before  Abbahu, 
and  questioned  by  the  latter  respecting  his  occu- 
pation, he  admitted  his  infamous  calling.  "  I  am," 
said  he,  "  a  go-between  ;  I  clean  out  the  play-house, 
carry  the  clothes  to  the  bathers,  divert  the  bathers 
with  jokes,  and  play  upon  the  flute."  "And  hast  thou 
never  done  a  good  deed  in  all  thy  life  ?  "  demanded 
Abbahu.  "One  day,"  said  Pentekaka,  "when  I 
was  cleaning  the  theater,  I  saw  a  woman  leaning 


542  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

against  a  column  and  weeping.  In  answer  to  my 
inquiry  as  to  the  cause  of  her  grief,  she  told  me 
that  her  husband  was  a  prisoner,  and  that  there 
was  nothing  left  for  her  to  do  in  order  to  procure 
his  release  but  to  sacrifice  her  honor.  As  soon  as 
I  heard  this,"  continued  Pentekaka,  "  I  sold  my  bed, 
my  coverlet,  everything  that  I  had  in  the  world, 
gave  the  proceeds  to  the  woman,  and  said  to  her : 
'  Go,  free  thy  husband  without  paying  the  price  of 
sin.' "  At  these  words  Abbahu  could  not  contain 
himself,  and  exclaimed  to  Pentekaka,  that  medley 
of  sublime  virtue  and  vulgar  dishonor  :  "  Thou  alone 
art  worthy  to  pray  for  us  in  our  trouble." 

The  theater  at  this  period  participated  in  the 
general  immoral  tone  of  the  times,  and  was  by 
no  means  a  nursery  of  culture  or  refinement ; 
buffoons  diverted  the  crowd,  and  Judaism  was  often 
laid  under  contribution  to  furnish  a  subject  for  their 
coarse  jokes.  Abbahu,  who  was  acquainted  with 
events  which  occurred  outside  the  Jewish  world, 
complained  of  the  frivolous  manner  in  which  Jewish 
institutions  were  held  up  to  ridicule,  and  cites, 
among  others,  the  following  examples.  A  camel 
was  brought  into  the  theater  in  mourning  trappings  ; 
thereupon  ensues  the  following  dialogue  :  "  Why  is 
the  camel  In  mourning?  "  *'  Because  the  Jews,  who 
strictly  observe  the  Sabbatical  year,  cannot  even 
get  herbs  to  eat,  and  are  obliged  to  live  upon 
thistles.  The  camel  mourns  because  its  food  is 
thus  snatched  away."  Enter  Momus  (the  buffoon) 
with  his  head  shaved.  "  Why  does  Momus  mourn  ?  " 
"  Because  oil  is  dear."  "  And  why  is  oil  so  dear?  " 
"  Because  of  the  Jews.  They  consume  everything 
on  the  Sabbath  that  they  have  earned  during  the 
week  ;  not  even  wood  enough  remains  for  them  to 
cook  their  food  ;  they  must,  therefore,  burn  their  bed, 
and  being  without  a  bed,  must  sleep  upon  the  ground 
and  wallow  in  the  dust ;  in  order  to  avoid  uncleanli- 
ness,  they  use  a  great  deal  of  oil,  and  that  is  the 


CH.  XX.  GREEK    COMEDY.  543 

reason  that  oil  is  so  dear."     Thus  had  the  degene- 
rate Greeks  prostituted  the  art  of  Aristophanes  ! 

Abbahu  also  possessed  a  certain  reputation  in 
the  study  of  the  Law,  but  did  not  rank  as  an 
authority ;  his  province  was  the  Agadic  exegesis. 
By  reason,  however,  of  his  influence  in  the  political 
world,  his  colleagues  flattered  him  to  excess — fear- 
ing to  correct  him  even  when  he  committed  errors 
in  teaching.  It  appears  that  Csesarea,  where  Ushaya 
the  elder  had  formerly  established  a  temporary 
school,  was  now  elevated  by  Abbahu  to  a  par  with 
Tiberias  as  an  academical  city,  where  the  greatest 
Amoraim  of  Palestine  assembled.  The  synagogue 
in  Caesarea,  whence  had  proceeded  under  Nero 
the  first  movement  of  revolt  against  the  Romans, 
resulting  eventually  in  the  loss  of  independence  to 
the  Jewish  state,  was  perhaps  Abbahu's  academy, 
and  it  appears  to  have  still  borne  the  fatal  name  of 
"  the  Revolution  synagogue  "  (Kenishta  di-meradta). 
In  the  same  way  as  Simon  bar  Abba  was  accus- 
tomed to  misfortune,  Abbahu  was  attended  by  good 
luck,  which  did  not  forsake  him  even  in  his  old  age. 
He  had  two  promising  sons,  Abimai  and  Chanina. 
The  latter  was  sent  by  him  to  Tiberias  for  the 
purpose  of  perfecting  his  education  ;  but  instead 
of  applying  himself  to  study,  Chanina  spent  his 
time  in  burying  the  dead,  whereupon  his  father 
reprimanded  him  in  a  letter  which  is  remarkable  for 
its  laconic  brevity  :  "  Has  Csesarea,  then,  no  graves, 
that  I  should  be  obliged  to  send  thee  for  this 
purpose  to  Tiberias  ?  Study  must  precede  practical 
work."  Abbahu  was  the  last  important  personage 
of  Judaea  during  Talmudical  times.  For  fifteen  suc- 
cessive centuries  it  had  given  birth  to  intellectual 
giants,  judges,  generals,  kings,  prophets,  poets, 
soferim,  patriots,  teachers  of  the  Law.  It  now 
ceased  to  produce,  and  brought  forth  no  new  cele- 
brities into  the  world.  When  Abbahu  died,  says 
the  legend,  the  statues  of  Caesarea  wept  for  him. 


544  HISTORY   OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

In  Babylonia,  on  the  contrary,  the  Hvely  ardor 
and  activity  begun  by  Rab  and  Samuel,  the  founders 
of  the  study  of  the  Law  in  their  native  land,  con- 
tinued to  increase  after  their  death.  Durino-  the 
half-century  over  which  their  labors  had  extended, 
the  study  of  the  Law  had  taken  so  deep  a  root  that 
the  plant  throve  better  in  foreign  than  in  its  native 
soil.  A  lively  emulation  to  acquire  a  knowledge 
of  the  Law,  and  to  regulate  their  life  by  this 
standard,  possessed  all  classes  of  society.  It  was 
accounted  the  highest  honor  to  be  recognized  as  a 
master  of  the  Law  (Zorba-me-Rabbanan),  and  the 
greatest  disgrace  to  be  reckoned  among  the  igno- 
rant. The  immorality  which  had  formerly  obtained 
in  Jewish  Babylon  vanished  together  with  the  gross 
ignorance,  and  domestic  and  public  life  fashioned 
itself  according  to  the  ideal  which  had  been  incul- 
cated with  such  enthusiasm  by  the  two  great 
teachers,  Rab  and  Samuel.  Babylonia  assumed, 
in  many  respects,  the  role  of  the  Holy  Land, 
even  as  regards  the  contributions  to  the  priests, 
which  seem,  however,  to  have  been  applied  to 
the  uses  of  the  teachers  of  the  Law :  learning 
was  of  more  account  than  the  priesthood.  Baby- 
Ionia  had  become  a  regular  Jewish  state,  whose 
constitution  was  the  Mishna,  and  whose  public 
props  were  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity  and  the 
school  assembly.  This  impetus  to  a  higher  life  also 
communicated  itself  to  the  princes  of  the  captivity, 
and  they  likewise  applied  themselves  to  the  study 
of  the  Law.  Nehemia  and  Ukban,  Rab's  grand- 
children, and  Nathan,  their  father,  were  appointed 
Resh-Galutas  in  this  generation  ;  by  reason  of  their 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  Halacha  they  received 
the  title  of  honor  of  Rabbana.  This  happy  move- 
ment, which  permeated  all  classes  of  Jewish  society 
in  Babylonia,  was  a  sign  that  Judaism  was  not  yet 
dead,  but  still  possessed  sufficient  vigor  to  put  forth 
new  shoots.     It  was    furthered    to   the   utmost  of 


CH.  XX.        TROGRESS  IN  BABYLONIA.  545 

their  power  by  the  successors  of  Rab  and  Samuel, 
of  whom  the  most  prominent  were  :  Huna,  who  was 
the  chief  teacher  of  the  Sora  academy,  and  at  the 
same  time  was  regarded  as  rehgious  head  both  in 
Babylon  and  abroad ;  Judah  ben  Ezekiel,  who 
founded  a  new  school  in  Pumbeditha,  and  introduced 
a  new  method  of  studying  the  Halacha  ;  Nachman 
b.  Jacob,  who  transferred  his  academy  to  Shekan- 
Zib  on  the  Tigris,  after  the  destruction  of  Nahardea 
(259) ;  and  finally  Chasda,  Sheshet,  and  Rabba  bar 
Abbahu.  Almost  all  of  these  Amoraim  possessed 
their  own  peculiar  tendency,  and  thus  variety  and 
diversity  were  introduced  into  the  narrow  circle  of 
scholars  in  the  Babylonian  schools. 

Huna  was  born  about  212,  at  Dio  Kart,  and  died 
in  297.  He  was  Rab's  successor  in  Sora,  and  the 
authority  of  this  period,  to  whom,  as  already  nar- 
rated, the  Amoraim  of  Judsea  voluntarily  subordi- 
nated themselves.  The  story  of  his  life  presents 
at  once  a  perfect  picture  of  the  manners  of  this 
period,  and  shows  how  indefatigable  zeal  for  the 
Law  went  hand  in  hand  with  secular  occupations, 
with  agriculture  and  other  industries.  Although 
related  to  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity,  Huna  was 
not  originally  wealthy.  He  cultivated  his  small 
field  with  his  own  hands,  and  was  not  ashamed  of 
his  labor.  He  used  to  remark  to  his  visitors,  who 
came  to  him  to  judge  their  differences,  "  Bring  me 
a  man  to  till  my  ground  and  I  will  be  your  judge." 
Often  he  returned  home  from  the  field  with  his 
spade  upon  his  shoulder.  He  was  once  perceived  in 
this  condition  by  Chama  b.  Anilai,  the  richest,  and 
at  the  same  time  the  most  charitable  and  generous 
man  in  Babylonia.  This  liberal  man  almost  realized 
the  ideal  in  his  exercise  of  the  Jewish  virtue  of 
being  a  father  to  the  poor.  Bread  was  baked  day 
and  night  in  his  house  for  the  relief  of  the  poor, 
doors  were  placed  on  all  sides,  so  that  all  who  were 
needy  might  enter,  and  he  who  came  hungry  into 


546  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH,  XX. 

the  house  left  it  satisfied.  When  Chama  went  out 
he  held  his  hand  continually  in  his  purse,  so  as  not 
to  be  obliged  to  keep  those  who  felt  ashamed  to  ask 
for  charity  in  a  painful  situation  while  he  was  search- 
ing for  his  money. 

At  the  time  of  the  famine  he  caused  wheat  and 
barley  to  be  left  about  at  night  for  such  persons 
as  were  prevented  by  their  sense  of  honor  from 
mixing  with  beggars.  If  an  extraordinary  tax  was 
to  be  levied,  Chama  was  certain  to  take  a  large 
share  of  the  burden  upon  his  own  shoulders.  This 
beneficent  person  possessed  so  much  modesty,  not- 
withstanding his  extraordinary  wealth,  that  when- 
ever he  met  Huna  returning  from  his  labor,  with 
his  spade  upon  his  shoulder,  he  begged  to  be 
allowed  to  carry  it  for  him,  out  of  reverence  for  the 
principal  of  the  school.  Huna,  however,  never 
permitted  him  to  do  this  :  "  Thou  art  not  accus- 
tomed to  do  such  a  thing  in  thine  own  town,  there- 
fore will  I  not  allow  it  here." 

Later  on  Huna  grew  rich,  and  had  his  fields 
cultivated  by  laborers,  who  received  a  portion  of  the 
crops  ;  his  cattle  grazed  on  the  steppes  of  South 
Babylonia.  He  employed  his  wealth  in  the  most 
noble  manner.  On  stormy  days,  when  the  winds 
which  blow  from  the  Syrian  desert  devastated  the 
country  and  covered  the  city  with  ruins,  he  used 
to  go  about  in  a  litter,  in  order  to  inspect  the  houses 
in  Sora,  and  pull  down  any  walls  which  might  be  in 
a  falling  condition.  If  the  proprietors  were  not  in 
a  position  to  build  their  houses  up  again,  Huna 
would  have  it  done  at  his  own  expense.  During 
the  hours  of  meals,  all  the  doors  in  his  house  were 
left  open,  and  it  was  announced  in  a  loud  voice  that 
all  who  were  needy  might  enter  and  be  satisfied. 
Other  tales  are  related  of  his  easier  and  assiduous 
charity.  The  indigent  scholars  who  attended  his 
school,  which  was  situated  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Sora,  were  maintained  at  his   expense  during  the 


I 


CH.  XX. 


HUNA.  547 


months  of  study,  although  their  numbers  were 
anything-  but  small.  Eight  hundred  attended  his 
lectures,  and  there  were  thirteen  expositors  placed 
in  different  parts  of  the  building,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  make  the  discourse  audible  and  intelligible  to  the 
whole  assembly.  The  profound  reverence  with 
which  his  noble  character,  his  erudition,  and  his 
modesty  inspired  his  friends,  was  nevertheless 
incapable  of  blinding  them  to  his  faults,  however 
small  they  were.  The  teachers  of  the  Law  were 
extremely  severe  with  regard  to  one  another's 
conduct,  and  were  unrelenting  towards  any  of  their 
number  who  did  not  come  up  to  the  ideal  of  the 
Law. 

It  was  during  the  time  of  Huna  that  public  life  in 
Babylonia,  which  was  in  most  intimate  connection 
with  the  schools,  became  organized  in  a  manner 
that  was  unchanged  for  almost  eight  centuries. 
Gradually  and  involuntarily  there  was  formed  a 
hierarchy  of  the  principal  and  subordinate  digni- 
taries. The  school,  which  met,  as  already  men- 
tioned, during  certain  months  of  the  year,  was 
called  the  Metibta  (session),  and  the  principal 
member  of  this  assembly  was  known  as  the  Resh- 
Metibta  (Director).  Next  in  rank  to  the  President 
came  the  Reshe-Kalla  (Professors),  whose  duty 
consisted  in  elucidatins:  during:  the  first  three  weeks 
of  the  Kalla  month,  the  theme  which  the  Principal 
would  take  as  the  text  of  his  discourses.  The 
judicial  offices  were  separated  from  the  professor- 
ships ;  as  justice  was  still  meted  out,  according  to 
ancient  custom,  before  the  gates  of  the  city,  the 
judges  were  called,  by  reason  of  this  circumstance, 
the  Dayane-di-Baba  (Judges  of  the  Gate).  In 
matters  of  theory  they  were  subordinate  to  the 
Principal ;  they  were  appointed  by  the  Prince  of  the 
Captivity,  on  whom  they  were  dependent  in  matters 
of  practice. 

For  forty  years  Huna  presided  over  the  Metibta, 


548  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

and  by  reason  of  his  undisputed  authority,  Baby- 
lonia became  completely  independent  of  Judaea. 
He  boldly  acted  upon  the  principle  which  his  master 
Rab  had  been  unable  to  carry  through,  and  placed 
Babylonia  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  Judrea  as 
regarded  the  Law.  "  We  consider  being  in  Babylon 
just  the  same  as  being  in  the  Holy  Land,"  was  a 
principle  first  established  by  Huna.  He  thus  broke, 
the  last  tie  that  united  the  land  of  the  captivity  to 
the  mother-country,  or  perhaps  it  would  be  more 
accurate  to  say  that  he  merely  gave  expression  to 
the  actual  state  of  things,  for,  as  a  matter  of  fact. 
Babylonia  far  surpassed  Judaea.  Only  as  a  mark 
of  respect,  or  in  case  it  was  desired  to  obtain  a 
solemn  sanction  of  an  opinion,  was  it  usual  in 
Babylonia  to  obtain  a  decision  from  the  Holy  Land. 
During  the  period  over  which  Huna's  labors  ex- 
tended, the  Sora  Metibta  bore  sway  in  Babylonia. 
Huna  died  suddenly  (297)  when  over  eighty 
years  of  age,  leaving  his  fame  and  his  virtues  to  his 
son  Rabba.  The  highest  honors  were  paid  to  his 
remains  by  his  friends  and  pupils.  The  funeral 
discourse  opened  with  the  following  words  :  "  Huna 
deserved  that  the  Holy  Spirit  should  descend  upon 
him."  His  corpse  was  carried  to  Judsea,  probably 
in  execution  of  his  dying  wish  ;  there  it  was  met  by 
the  most  distinguished  men,  such  as  Assi  and  Ami, 
who  procured  its  interment  in  the  vault  of  Chiya, 
another  Babylonian.  It  gradually  became  a  pious 
custom  to  be  buried  in  Judaea's  holy  earth,  to  which 
was  attributed  an  expiatory  power.  The  resur- 
rection was  confidently  expected  to  take  place 
in  that  country,  which,  it  was  also  believed,  would  be 
the  scene  of  the  coming  of  the  Messiah.  Those  who 
had  died  in  unhallowed  countries  would  roll  about  in 
the  light,  loose  earth,  until  they  reached  the  Holy 
Land,  where  they  would  again  be  revivified.  In 
place  of  living  inhabitants,  who  were  continually 
decreasing,  Judaea  was  becoming  every  day  more 


CH.  XX.  JUDAH    BEN    EZEKIEL.  549 

thickly  populated  with  corpses.  The  Holy  Land, 
which  had  formerly  been  one  immense  temple, 
inspiring  great  deeds  and  noble  thoughts,  was  now 
a  holy  grave,  which  could  render  nothing  holy  but 
death.  Of  the  numerous  sanctuaries  which  had 
formerly  existed,  the  dust  alone  now  remained  as  an 
object  of  veneration.  The  entire  central  region  of 
Judaea,  the  mountains  of  the  King,  was  so  exclu- 
sively inhabited  by  heathens,  that  it  was  proposed 
to  declare  it  exempt  from  the  tribute  to  the  priests. 
The  antithesis  and  complement  to  Huna  was  his 
younger  comrade,  Judah  ben  Ezekiel  (born  220, 
died  299).  Although  he  had  been  a  disciple  of 
Rab,  Judah  seems  to  have  inclined  more  to  Samuel, 
whose  characteristics  he  inherited.  He  possessed 
a  strongly  marked  personality,  and  was  highly 
talented,  but  at  the  same  time  had  so  many  angles 
and  edges  that  he  was  continually  coming  into 
collision  with  persons  and  circumstances.  He  Was 
the  descendant  of  an  ancient  Jewish  stock,  which 
was,  perhaps,  able  to  trace  back  its  origin  to  families 
mentioned  in  the  Bible,  and  for  this  reason  he  was 
unusually  susceptible  on  the  point  of  nobility  of 
blood  and  purity  of  descent.  A  friend  of  simplicity 
in  most  matters,  he  vehemently  attacked  all 
who  gave  the  preference  to  artificial  refinement. 
Although  he  held  the  Holy  Land  in  great  reverence, 
he  nevertheless  blamed  those  who  left  Babylonia  in 
order  to  be  educated  in  the  schools  of  Judaea,  and 
was  unrelenting  towards  such  of  his  friends  and 
pupils  as  emigrated  thither.  Judah  founded  for  the 
first  time  an  academy  in  Pumbeiditha,  which  city, 
since  the  destruction  of  Nahardea,  had  become  the 
center  for  northern  Babylonia,  as  Sora  was  for  the 
south.  The  Pumbeditha  school,  which,  under  Judah, 
was  second  only  to  the  Soranian,  attained  in  later 
times  to  the  position  of  the  leading  academy.  For 
nearly  eight  centuries  it  asserted  its  pre-eminence 
with  but  few  intermissions,  and  was  almost  the  last 


550  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

remnant  of  Jewish  antiquity  which  beheld  unmoved 
the  birth  of  a  new  epoch. 

True  to  the  character  of  the  inhabitants  of  his 
native  city,  Judah  ben  Ezekiel  allowed  the  intellect 
to  predominate  so  greatly  over  the  heart,  that  he 
only  consecrated  one  day  in  each  month  to  prayer, 
the  rest  of  the  time  being  devoted  to  the  study  of 
the  Law.     He  had  already  been  distinguished  by 
Samuel  as  the  "  acute,"  and  later  on  became  the 
creator  of  that  acute  system  of  dialectics  which  in 
former  times  had  gained  a  transitory  acceptance  in 
Judaea,  and  now  became  current  in  and  indigenous 
to  Babylonia.     This  system  differed  materially  from 
that  employed  by  the  Tanaites,  for  it  went  direct 
to  the  heart  of  the  matter,  while  the  other  clung  to 
the  formulae  of  the  rules  of  interpretation.     Judah's 
discourses  were  confined  solely  and  simply  to  the 
treatment  of  matters  of  jurisprudence,  as    occult 
comparisons  and  distinctions,  deductions  and  appli- 
cations, here  find  their  proper  place,  and  theory 
and    practice   go   hand   in  hand.      The   remaining 
portions  of  the  Mishna  were  neglected  at  Judah's 
school ;  he  seems,  in  fact,  to  have  experienced  a 
sort  of  aversion  to   studying  such  parts  of  it  as 
contained  Halachas  treating  of  the  laws  of  Levitical 
purity  which  had  fallen  into  disuse.     Under  Judah's 
influence,  the  extensive  subject-matter  of  the  Law 
shrank  to  the  contracted  dimensions  of  a  sphere  in 
which  nothing  was  included  but  what  was  applicable 
to   reality  and  everyday  life.      He  introduced  the 
precise   custom   of    communicating   not    only    the 
matter  of  the  traditions,  but  even  the  names  of  the 
persons  who  had  handed  them  down.    Nevertheless, 
it  is  remarkable  that  his  own  brother,  Rami  (R.  Ami), 
questioned  the  accuracy  of  the  traditions   handed 
down   by  him,  and  even  gave  him  the   lie   direct. 
"Accept  not  the  decrees,"  he  would  often  exclaim, 
"  which  my  brother  Judah  puts  forward  under  the 
name  of  Rab  or  Samuel ;  but  thus  and  thus  were 


CH.  XX.  JUDAH    AND    RAMI.  55I 

they  handed  down."  In  another  respect  also,  Rami 
was  the  opponent  of  his  brother ;  he  quitted  Baby- 
lonia and  emigrated  to  Judaea,  although  Judah 
severely  censured  such  a  course,  which,  he  con- 
sidered, constituted  no  slight  crime  against  religion. 
He  even  regarded  the  return  of  the  Babylonian 
exiles  under  Ezra  and  Zerubbabel  as  a  violation  of 
the  Law,  and  considered  that  it  had  better  never  have 
come  about ;  for  the  prophet  Jeremiah  had  im- 
pressed on  the  captives  that  they  should  also  die 
in  Babylon.  The  only  excuse  which  he  found  for 
the  pious  Ezra  and  his  emigration  was  the  assertion 
that  the  latter  had  led  to  Judasa  such  families  as 
were  of  doubtful  origin,  in  order  to  prevent  their 
intermarrying  with  those  whom  he  left  behind. 

As  has  already  been  mentioned,  another  of 
Judah's  peculiarities  was  an  extreme  severity  with 
regard  to  the  purity  of  the  race.  He  was  so  par- 
ticular on  this  point  that  he  delayed  marrying  his  son 
Isaac  long  after  the  latter  had  reached  maturity, 
because  he  was  not  certain  whether  the  family  from 
which  he  desired  to  procure  him  a  wife  was  spotless 
beyond  all  dispute.  Upon  this  point  his  friend 
Ulla  pertinently  remarked  :  "  How  do  we  know  for 
certain  that  we  ourselves  are  not  descended  from 
the  heathens  who  violated  the  maidens  of  Zion  at 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem  ?  "  Judah's  punctiliousness 
with  regard  to  purity  of  descent  caused  him  many 
a  vexation.  There  once  came  to  Pumbeditha  a 
distinguished  citizen  of  Nahardea,  who  claimed  to 
be  descended  from  the  Hasmonseans,  perhaps  from 
the  unfortunate  king,  Hyrcanus  II,  who  had  resided 
in  Babylonia  for  several  years.  This  Nahardean, 
who  was  connected  with  the  most  esteemed  families 
of  his  native  town,  was  exceedingly  vexed  that 
Judah  ben  Ezekiel  should  be  conceded  the  priority 
on  every  occasion,  and  once  exclaimed  scornfully : 
"Who  is  this  Judah  bar  Sheveskeel  ?  "  When  this 
tale  came  to  Judah's  ears,  he  excommunicated  the 


552  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH,  XX. 

Nahardean  for  his  irreverence,  and  when  he  heard 
that  the  latter  actually  called  all  persons  slaves,  he 
was  so  carried  away  by  his  passion  that  he  publicly 
stigmatized  him  as  a  descendant  of  slaves.  In 
consequence  of  this  insult,  the  Nahardean  com- 
plained to  Nachman,  the  son-in-law  of  the  Prince 
of  the  Captivity.  Nachman,  who  was  as  overbearing 
as  Judah  was  passionate,  sent  the  latter  a  summons 
to  appear  before  him  to  justify  his  conduct.  The 
Principal  of  Pumbeditha  was  not  a  little  astonished 
at  thus  being  called  upon  to  give  an  account  of  his 
conduct  to  Nachman,  who  was  not  only  younger, 
but  of  less  consequence  than  himself.  Huna,  how- 
ever, with  whom  he  took  counsel,  prevailed  upon  him 
to  comply  with  this  summons  out  of  regard  for  the 
Prince  of  the  Captivity. 

Owing  to  his  profound  learning,  his  acutieness 
of  intellect,  and  his  estimable  character,  Judah 
enjoyed  undisputed  authority  both  in  Babylonia  and 
abroad.  When  Huna  died  Judah  was  chosen  by 
the  Sora  Metibta  as  their  Principal  (297);  under  him 
and  his  successor  there  was  but  a  single  academy 
which  was  recognized  by  every  one.  His  authority 
was  recognized  even  in  Judaea.  He  once  excom- 
municated a  certain  distinguished  member  of  the 
Metibta  whose  reputation  was  attacked.  When  the 
latter  visited  him  on  the  occasion  of  his  last  illness, 
he  openly  stated  that  he  was  proud  of  having 
spared  not  even  such  a  man  out  of  regard  for  his 
position.  As  Judah  died  without  having  raised  the 
ban,  it  was  necessary  to  appeal  to  the  Patriarch,  in 
accordance  with  the  custom  which  obtained  in  such 
cases.  Judah  had  only  held  the  office  of  general 
Resh-Metibta  for  two  years  when  he  died  at  a  ripe 
old  age. 

The  college  elected  in  Judah's  place  the  octo- 
genarian, Chasda  of  Cafri  (born  217,  died  309). 
He  was  one  of  Rab's  disciples,  and  entertained  so 
great  a  reverence  for  his  teacher  that  he  committed 


CH.  XX.  CHASDA    OF    CAFRI.  553 

to  memory  all  the  decisions  which  the  latter  had 
ever  given,  and  promised  a  reward  to  any  one  who 
would  communicate  to  him  any  unknown  trait  of 
"our  great  master,"  as  he  called  him.  Chasda  is 
known  as  the  most  fortunate  of  the  Amoraim. 
Originally  poor,  he  was  afterwards  blessed  with 
such  extraordinary  gifts  of  fortune  that  his  wealth 
became  proverbial.  Sixty  marriages  were  cele- 
brated in  his  house,  and  it  is  said  that  no  member 
of  his  family  died  during  his  lifetime.  Although  he 
had  attended  Huna's  discourses,  his  method  of  in- 
struction rather  resembled  that  employed  by  Judah  ; 
he  was  extremely  fond  of  acute  explanations. 
Chasda's  superiority  over  Huna,  which  he  caused 
the  latter  to  feel  on  one  occasion,  contributed  to  the 
creation  of  an  estrangement  between  the  two,  which, 
it  is  said,  lasted  for  forty  years.  In  consequence 
of  this  difference  Chasda  appears  to  have  with- 
drawn from  Sora  to  the  neighboring  town  of  Cafri, 
but  there  he  felt  isolated  and  slighted.  Once  when 
the  college  of  Sora  appealed  to  him  for  his  opinion 
of  some  dubious  case,  he  took  offense  and  exclaimed  : 
"  What !  do  you  even  pick  up  damp  wood  ?  Proba- 
bly you  expect  to  find  a  treasure  beneath  it." 
While  Huna  still  held  the  post  of  Principal,  Chasda 
erected  a  school  in  Sora  at  his  own  expense  (293), 
but  he  still  retained  the  position  of  disciple  with 
regard  to  the  former,  and  gave  no  decisions  in 
practice.  It  was  not  until  Judah's  death  that  he 
was  appointed  Principal  of  the  college  ;  he  held  this 
office  for  ten  years,  and  died  in  309  at  the  age  of 
ninety-two. 

His  Halachic  opponent  was  Mar-Sheshet,  who 
like  himself  had  been  a  disciple  of  Rab  and  a  pupil 
of  Huna.  Sheshet's  memory  was  so  retentive  that 
he  knew  by  heart  not  only  the  whole  IMishna,  but 
also  all  the  13oraitas.  Whenever  Chasda  and  Sheshet 
met,  the  former  was  dismayed  at  his  opponent's 
imposing  array  of  Boraitas,  while  the  latter  trembled 


554  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

at  Chasda's  subtle  expositions.  He  was,  in  fact,  a 
sworn  enemy  of  that  hair-splitting  style  of  teaching 
which  Judah  had  introduced  into  the  Pumbedithan 
school,  and  which  had  quickly  degenerated  into 
mere  subtilty.  Whenever  a  person  started  any 
specious  objection,  Sheshet  would  ironically  inquire  : 
"  Comest  thou  not  from  Pumbeditha,  where  they 
can  pass  an  elephant  through  the  eye  of  a  needle?" 
Sheshet's  relations  with  the  Resh-Galuta  of  this 
period  afford  a  striking  proof  of  the  neglect  into 
which  religious  practices  had  fallen  in  the  house  of 
the  Prince  of  the  Captivity,  and  of  the  uncouth  bar- 
barity which  still  continued  to  rule  there.  When- 
ever the  Resh-Galuta  invited  Sheshet  to  partake  of 
his  hospitality  he  was  met  by  a  repeated  refusal. 
Upon  being  urged  to  explain  the  cause  of  this 
incivility,  Sheshet  answered  that  the  slaves  of  the 
Resh-Galuta  had  not  yet  abandoned  the  custom  of 
cutting  the  meat  that  was  to  be  served  in  the 
banquet  from  living  animak.  Although  the  Prince 
of  the  Captivity  may  have  been  ignorant  of  this 
barbarous  habit  of  his  servants,  it  is  nevertheless 
apparent  that  he  paid  no  great  attention  to  the 
religious  conduct  of  his  household.  It  was  not 
unusual  for  the  slaves  of  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity 
to  indulge  in  practical  jokes  at  the  expense  of  the 
teachers  of  the  Law  who  visited  their  master,  often 
shutting  them  up  in  the  dungeons.  Nothing  further 
is  known  of  Sheshet,  except  that  after  the  destruc- 
tion of  Nahardea  he  founded  a  school  at  Silhi  on  the 
Tigris. 

The  youngest  member  of  this  circle  of  the 
Amoraim  was  Nachman  ben  Jacob,  one  of  Samuel's 
disciples  (born  about  235,  died  324).  He  was  the 
representative  of  that  haughty  self-reliance  of  the 
Babylonian  Jews,  which  was  founded  upon  their 
prosperity,  their  independence,  and  the  certainty  of 
a  livelihood.  He  was  a  son-in-law  of  the  Prince  of 
the  Captivity,  whose  daughter,  Yalta,  he  had  married 


CH.  XX.  NACHMAN    BEN    JACOB.  555 

after  the  death  of  her  first  husband,  and  he  pos- 
sessed to  the  full  the  pride,  ostentation,  and  arro- 
gance characteristic  of  the  princely  house.  Like 
any  oriental  prince,  he  was  attended  by  eunuchs, 
ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  make  their  master's 
exalted  position  felt  by  any  one  who  should  dare 
depreciate  his  reputation.  He  had  been  appointed 
chief  judge  by  his  father-in-law,  and  was  so  proud 
of  this  dignity,  that  when  his  colleagues  attempted 
to  place  themselves  on  an  equality  with  him,  he 
forcibly  reminded  them  that  he  alone  was  com- 
petent to  act  as  judge.  He  even  did  not  hesitate 
to  decide  many  cases  without  the  assistance  of  his 
colleagues,  although  it  was  considered  an  arrogant 
act  to  sit  in  judgment  alone.  His  character  was 
devoid  of  gentleness  and  humanity.  Once  when 
the  slaves  of  the  Resh-Galuta  had  forcibly  dispos- 
sessed an  old  woman  of  some  building  materials,  in 
order  to  erect  a  tabernacle  therewith,  he  was  ap- 
pealed to  by  the  latter  to  award  her  redress  for  this 
violation  of  the  Law :  *'  The  Prince  of  the  Captivity 
and  his  doctors,"  said  she,  "are  sitting  in  a  stolen 
tabernacle."  Nachman,  however,  scarcely  listened  to 
her  ;  whereupon  she  pointedly  exclaimed,  "  I  am  the 
daughter  of  a  man  (Abraham)  who  possessed  318 
slaves,  and  cannot  even  find  a  hearing  for  my  com- 
plaint ! "  To  this  remark  Nachman  returned  a 
harsh  answer,  and  finally  decreed  that  at  most  she 
was  only  entitled  to  compensation  for  the  stolen 
materials.  He  was  even  less  considerate  in  his 
treatment  of  his  slaves,  whose  sense  of  human  dignity 
he  outraged  in  a  manner  revolting  to  morality. 
His  female  slaves  were  not  permitted  to  contract 
any  lasting  union,  but  were  given  in  turn  to  differ- 
ent men,  according  as  such  changes  were  consid- 
ered to  afford  a  better  chance  of  profit.  In  this  he 
was  entirely  unlike  his  master,  Samuel,  who  united 
his  male  and  female  slaves  in  lawful  wedlock  for  life. 


556  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

Even  the  teachers  of  the  Law  were  treated  by 
Nachman  with  imperiousness  and  disdain.  His  wife, 
Yalta,  the  daughter  of  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity, 
had,  contrary  to  custom,  committed  her  child  by  her 
first  husband  to  the  custody  of  a  nurse,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  marry  Nachman.  She  even  exceeded  her 
husband  in  pride,  and  possessed  all  the  whims  and 
insolence  of  a  petty  oriental  princess.  She  exacted 
homagfe  of  the  learned  men  with  whom  her  husband 
associated ;  and  when,  on  one  occasion,  Ulla  with- 
held his  respects,  she  insulted  him  of  set  purpose. 
He  was  in  the  habit  of  making-  frequent  journeys 
between  Palestine  and  Babylonia,  and  was  probably 
also  poor.  It  was  with  reference  to  these  two 
points  that  Yalta  observed  of  him, "  Travelers  are  full 
of  twaddle,  and  rags  of  vermin." 

Jewish  jurisprudence  is  indebted  to  Nachman  for 
an  important  decision,  the  account  of  the  origin  of 
which  affords  some  indication  as  to  the  state  of 
morality  at  this  period.  According  to  the  principles 
of  the  old  Jewish  code,  when  a  person  was  summoned 
before  the  court  to  answer  for  a  debt,  and  insufficient 
evidence  w^as  forthcoming  against  him,  he  was  only 
allowed  to  purge  the  charge  by  an  oath,  if  he  parti- 
ally admitted  the  claim  ;  if  he  repudiated  it  alto- 
gether, no  oath  could  be  administered.  This  law 
was  based  upon  the  assumption  that  every  one  was 
actuated  by  motives  of  patriarchal  probity,  which 
rendered  them  incapable  of  the  audacity  of  openly 
repudiating  a  just  claim.  But  this  simple  honesty 
could  no  longer  be  assumed  to  exist ;  on  the  con- 
trary, it  had  been  supplanted  by  a  certain  wily 
cunning,  which  succeeded,  by  reason  of  the  wide- 
spread knowledge  of  the  Law,  in  availing  Itself  of  the 
letter  in  order  to  evade  the  spirit.  It  was  for  this 
reason  that  Nachman,  profiting  by  experience,  in- 
troduced the  oath  of  purgation  (Shebuot  hesset)  in 
those  cases  where  the  claim  was  totally  denied,  and 
this  decision  eventually  obtained  the  force  of  law. 


CH.  XX.  ZEIRA.  557 

As  has  already  been  mentioned,  Nachman  emigrated 
from  Nahardea  after  its  destruction,  and  established 
himself  in  Shakan-Zib,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were 
notorious  for  their  love  of  mockery.  It  is  not  re- 
lated whether  he  again  transferred  his  residence  to 
Nahardea,  after  that  city  was  restored. 

A  connecting  link  between  Judaea  and  Babylonia, 
of  which  two  countries  the  former  was  slowly 
declining  while  the  latter  was  gradually  coming  to 
the  fore,  was  formed  by  Zeira,  who  was  the  highest 
authority  in  Judaea  during  the  following  generation. 
The  history  of  this  man  brings  into  prominent  relief 
the  opposition  existing  between  the  mother-country 
and  the  Babylonian  colony.  He  had  been  a  pupil 
of  Huna  and  Judah,  but  was  dissatisfied  with  the 
method  of  teaching  employed  in  Babylonia,  and 
yearned  for  the  simple  method  of  the  Amoraim, 
which  obtained  in  the  schools  of  Galilee.  He  hesi- 
tated to  quit  Babylonia,  however,  in  deference  to 
Judah's  dislike  of  emigration.  When,  at  last,  he 
stole  away,  so  to  speak,  from  his  native  country, 
his  longing  to  behold  the  Holy  Land  was  so  irre- 
sistible, that  he  ventured  to  cross  the  Jordan  by  a 
rope,  so  as  not  to  lose  time  in  searching  for  a 
bridge.  A  Christian  who  was  witness  of  the  trav- 
eler's haste,  remarked  reprovingly  to  Zeira  :  "  You 
Jews  have  not  yet  abandoned  your  old  fault  of  pre- 
cipitancy, which  showed  itself  among  you  at  Mount 
Sinai";  whereupon  the  latter  rejoined:  "  Ought  I 
to  delay  a  single  moment  to  enter  the  Holy  Land, 
the  sight  of  which  was  not  even  vouchsafed  to 
Moses  and  Aaron,  our  teachers  ? " 

Arrived  at  Tiberias,  Zeira  endeavored  to  forget 
the  minute  analysis  which  constituted  the  Baby- 
lonian method  of  teachinof.  The  leo-end  adds  that 
he  fasted  for  forty  days,  in  order  to  give  weight 
to  his  prayers,  in  which  he  entreated  that  the 
hateful  Babylonian  system  might  vanish  entirely 
from  his  memory.     Judcea  and  its  peculiar  method, 


558  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XX. 

on  the  other  hand,  seemed  to  him  to  be  surrounded 
with  a  halo  of  glor}',  and  "  the  atmosphere  of  the 
Holy  Land  appeared  to  him  pregnant  with  wisdom." 
The  characteristic  tendency  of  Babylonia,  however, 
had  gained  so  strong  a  hold  on  his  mind  that  he 
was  unable  to  free  himself  from  it,  even  in  Judaea. 
However  greatly  he  strove  to  acquire  the  simplicity 
of  the  Judrean  method,  he  never  succeeded  in 
entirely  eradicating  the  influence  of  the  Babylonian 
rational  analysis,  and  it  was  on  account  of  this  very 
superiority  which  he  himself  failed  to  recognize,  that 
he  was  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  Amoraim  of 
Judaea.  The  dignity  of  teacher  was  conferred  upon 
him  within  a  very  short  time.  His  modesty  was  so 
great,  however,  that,  like  King  Saul,  he  hid  himself, 
and  only  consented  to  be  ordained  when  it  was 
represented  to  him  that  remission  of  sins  was 
attached  thereto.  In  the  encomium  which  it  had 
become  customary  to  recite  on  the  occasion  of  an 
ordination,  allusion  was  made  to  Zeira's  small, 
insignificant  figure,  in  the  following  terms  :  "With- 
out brilliancy,  without  glitter,  but  not  without  charm." 
He  became  one  of  the  authorities  of  Judaea,  together 
with  Ami,  Assi,  and  Abbahu,  all  of  whom  he  out- 
lived. At  his  grave  a  poet  recited  an  elegy,  which 
shows  better  taste  than  most  of  the  verses  pro- 
duced on  similar  occasions  ;  it  ran  somewhat  as 
follows : — 

"To  him  whom  fruitful  Sinear  hath  borne, 
The  Holy  Land  a  crown  of  wisdom  lent ; 
And  sad  Tiberias  droops  her  head,  to  mourn 
For  him  who  was  her  chiefest  ornament" 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

THE   TRIUMPH    OF    CHRISTIANITY   AND    ITS    RELATIONS   TO 
JUDAISM. 

Hillel  II. — His  Calendar — Heads  of  Judsean  Schools  :  Jonah,  Jose, 
and  Jeremiah — The  Expansion  of  Christianity — Constantine — 
The  Decadence  of  the  Jewish  Schools  in  Babylonia — The  Pum- 
beditha  School — Development  of  Talmudical  Dialectics — The 
Persian  Queen  Ifra  and  her  son  Shabur  II. — The  Emperor 
Julian — Favor  shown  towards  the  Jews — Proposed  Rebuilding 
of  the  Temple — Roman  Tolerance. 

320—375  c.  E. 

The  period  during  which  Christendom  asserted  its 
triumphant  sway  marked  a  decisive  crisis  in  the 
history  of  nations,  and  closed  also  an  epoch  in 
Jewish  history.  The  harvest  which  had  slowly  and 
invisibly  been  maturing  during  the  preceding  cen- 
turies was  now  ripe,  Christianity,  although  hated 
and  persecuted,  had  still  remained  defiant,  and  at 
last  disarmed  its  enemies  by  drawing  them  within 
the  circle  of  its  influence.  The  Roman  Empire, 
which  seems  to  have  felt  an  instinctive  dread  of  its 
approaching  dissolution  through  the  religion  of 
Christ,  submitted  to  baptism,  thus  prolonging  its 
assigned  length  of  existence  by  the  space  of  a 
century  and  a  half.  Heathenism,  which  was  nour- 
ished by  and  in  turn  bred  irrational  ideas,  deceit, 
and  immorality,  was  obliged  to  surrender  its  life 
of  shams,  and  make  room  for  another  form  of 
religion. 

The  new  religion  which  thus  pressed  triumphantly 
to  the  fore,  possessed  innumerable  advantages 
over  heathenism,  in  that  it  laid  down  in  theory 
as  a  fundamental  principle,  a  worthier  conception 
of    God   and    a   purer   morality,    although   it   was 

559 


560  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXL 

very  far  from  conforming  in  practice  to  these 
tenets.  At  the  same  time  as  Rome  and  Italy  lost 
their  importance  and  retained  only  a  shadow  of 
their  former  greatness,  Judaea  and  Tiberias,  which 
had  taken  the  place  of  Jerusalem,  sank  into  insig- 
nificance. Like  Italy,  the  seat  of  heathen  civilization, 
Judaea  was  impoverished  and  stunted  by  Christi- 
anity. By  means  of  the  political  power  to  which 
this  religion  now  attained — the  possession  of  the 
imperial  dignity  placing  the  axe  of  the  lictors  and 
the  sword  of  the  legions  under  its  command — 
Judaea  was  soon  deprived  of  its  intellectual  life,  and 
the  school  of  Tiberias  lost  the  power  of  attraction 
which  it  had  so  long  exercised,  and  sank  into 
decadence. 

While  Babylonia  was  raised  during  the  next  fifty 
years  to  the  pinnacle  of  its  fame  by  the  exertions 
of  three  original  Amoraim,  Rabba,  Abayi,  and 
Raba,  the  Judaean  Amoraim  of  this  period  were  of 
no  importance.  The  few  men  of  these  times 
whose  names  have  survived  are  Chaggai,  who 
became  an  authority  by  reason  of  his  age,  Jonah  II 
and  Jose,  the  disciples  and  successors  of  Ami  and 
Assi.  The  sole  recognized  authority  of  Judaea  was 
Jeremiah  ;  but  he  was  an  emigrant  from^  Babylonia, 
where  he  had  been  so  little  appreciated  that  he 
had  been  turned  out  of  the  schools.  The  office  of 
Patriarch  also  sank  at  this  period  into  complete 
insignificance,  its  holder,  Hillel  II,  having  in  imi- 
tation of  his  great-grandfather  Hillel,  self-deny- 
ingly  resigned  a  portion  of  his  power.  It  is 
remarkable  that  at  the  same  time  as  the  Patriarchate 
lost  all  consequence  in  Judaea,  it  acquired  a  showy 
splendor  abroad,  as  if  the  corpse  were  being 
adorned  before  being  lowered  into  the  grave. 
During  the  last  century  of  the  existence  of  the 
office,  the  Patriarchs  received  the  pompous  titles  of 
"Highness"  [illustres),  "Worshipful"  (spectabiles), 
"  Famous "  (clarissimi),  which   titles  they  enjoyed 


CH.  XXI.      THE    TOLERANCE    OF    CONSTANTINE.  56 1 

in  conjunction  with  the  highest  dignitaries  of  the 
State,  with  whom,  to  all  appearances,  they  were 
thus  placed  on  an  equality.  "  Let  him  who  dares 
to  publicly  insult  the  illustrious  Patriarchs  be  visited 
with  severe  punishment,"  commands  an  imperial 
edict,  which,  although  dating  from  a  later  period, 
rests  nevertheless  on  the  earlier  legislation  affecting 
the  Patriarchs. 

The  Emperor  Constantine,  who  had  aggrandized 
the  Church,  and  laid  the  dominion  of  the  earth  at 
her  feet,  had  at  the  same  time  given  her  the  doubt- 
ful blessing,  "  By  the  sword  thou  shalt  live." 
He  had  originally  placed  Judaism,  as  a  religion,  on 
an  equal  footing  with  the  other  forms  of  worship 
existing  in  the  Roman  Empire.  For,  before  adopt- 
ing the  Christian  faith,  and  determining  above  all 
things  to  put  a  stop  to  religious  persecutions 
throughout  his  dominions,  Constantine  had  pub- 
lished a  sort  of  edict  of  toleration,  wherein  he  had 
commanded  that  every  man  should  enjoy  the  right 
of  professing  any  religion  without  thereby  becoming 
an  outlaw.  The  Jews  were  likewise  included  in 
this  act  of  toleration,  and  their  patriarchs,  elders, 
and  the  principals  of  the  schools  and  synagogues 
enjoyed  the  same  privileges  as  the  Christian  ecclesi- 
astics and  the  heathen  priests.  These  decisions  con- 
tinued in  force,  and  in  later  times  were  sanctioned 
by  new  laws,  although  another  spirit  began  to  sway 
the  newly-founded  Byzantine  court.  The  rule  was 
established  that  the  members  of  the  synagogue  who 
dedicated  themselves  to  the  Law,  the  Patriarchs, 
Priests,  and  other  religious  officials,  should  be 
relieved  from  all  municipal  and  other  onerous 
offices.  Taking  as  models  the  constitution  of  the 
Roman  priesthood,  and  the  Christian  system  of 
bishops,  the  Patriarch  of  Judaea  was  regarded  as 
the  chief  of  all  the  Jews  in  the  Roman  Empire. 
Constantine's  impartial  justice,  however,  lasted  but 
a  short  time.     The  more  Christianity  asserted  its 


562  HISTORY   OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

influence  over  him,  the  more  did  he  affect  the 
intolerance  of  that  religion,  which,  forgetful  of  its 
origin,  entertained  as  passionate  a  hatred  of  Judaism 
and  its  adherents  as  of  heathenism.  Sylvester, 
Bishop  of  Rome,  Paul,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople, the  new  capital,  and  Eusebius  of 
Ceesarea,  the  first  historian  of  the  Church,  did  not 
fail  to  incite  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire  against 
the  Jews.  Judaism  was  stigmatized  as  a  noxious, 
profligate,  godless  sect  {feralzs,  nefaria  sectd) 
which  ought  to  be  exterminated  from  the  face  of 
the  earth  wherever  possible.  An  imperial  edict  was 
published  to  the  effect  that  the  Jews  were  no  longer 
to  make  converts,  those  entering,  as  well  as  those 
receiving  newcomers  into  the  faith  being  threatened 
with  punishment  (315).  Finally  the  proselytism  of 
the  Christians  was  afforded  the  aid  of  the  State,  and 
the  Jews  were  forbidden  to  pronounce  upon  such 
of  the  members  of  their  community  as  apostatized 
the  punishment  which  Christianity  was,  however, 
permitted  to  inflict  in  a  terribly  aggravated  degree 
upon  its  own  adherents  who  left  its  fold.  "All  who 
dare  attack  the  apostates  with  stones  or  in  any 
other  manner,  shall  be  delivered  to  the  flames, 
together  with  their  accomplices."  It  was  impos- 
sible, in  fact,  that  Jews  without  fixed  opinions 
should  not  be  tempted  by  Constantine's  decided 
leaning  towards  Christianity,  and  the  prospect  of 
profit,  to  change  their  religion.  The  Church 
expressly  aimed,  by  all  sorts  of  promises,  at 
seducing  the  weaker  members  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity from  their  faith,  laying  especial  emphasis 
on  the  disadvantages  which  would  accrue  from 
adherence  to  Judaism,  and  on  the  benefits  which 
the  apostate  would  derive  from  the  State.  "  Why 
do  you  suffer  death  for  your  God?  See  to  what 
punishments  and  pillagings  He  has  condemned 
you  !  Come  to  us  ;  we  will  make  you  dukes,  and 
governors    and    captains."      "The    sinful    Roman 


CH.  XXI.  THE    COUNCIL    OF    NICE.  563 

Empire,  the  son  of  thy  mother,  attempts  to  make 
the  faithful  waver,"  such  were  the  texts  from  which 
the  public  orators  of  the  synagogue  had  henceforth 
to  preach.  The  privileges  of  the  Jews  were  abol- 
ished by  Constantine — as,  for  instance,  in  the  city 
of  Cologne — and  it  was  decreed  by  him  that,  with 
the  exception  of  two  or  three  men,  all  of  them  were 
liable  to  be  called  upon  to  fill  the  burdensome 
municipal  offices. 

Then  the  world  witnessed  the  hitherto  undreamt- 
of spectacle  of  the  first  general  convocation  of  Nice, 
consisting  of  several  hundred  bishops  and  priests, 
with  the  emperor  at  their  head  (325).  Christianity 
thought  to  celebrate  its  triumph,  but  only  succeeded 
in  betraying  its  weakness  and  internal  disunion. 
For  on  the  occasion  of  this,  its  first  official  appear- 
ance, in  all  the  splendor  of  its  plenitude  of  spiritual 
and  temporal  power,  there  remained  no  trace  of  its 
original  character.  The  Essenean  doctrine  of  humil- 
ity, brotherly  love,  and  community  of  possessions ; 
the  Pauline  zeal  for  morality  and  sound  opinions  ; 
the  ardor  of  the  Alexandrian  school  for  scientific 
erudition  ; — all  had  vanished.  Dogmatical  disputes, 
whether  Christ  the  Son  was  equal  to  the  Father, 
whether  he  resembled  or  differed  from  him,  disputes 
all  the  more  bitterly  carried  on  because  of  the  im- 
possibility of  settling  the  question  either  way, — these 
were  the  points  which  henceforward  constituted  the 
foreground  of  the  history  of  the  Church  which  was 
destined  to  represent  the  history  of  the  world. 
At  the  Council  of  Nice  the  last  thread  was  snapped 
which  connected  Christianity  with  its  parent  stock. 
The  festival  of  Easter  had  up  till  now  been  cele- 
brated for  the  most  part  at  the  same  time  as  the 
Jewish  Passover,  and  indeed  upon  the  days  calcu- 
lated and  fixed  by  the  Synhedrion  in  Judaea  for  its 
celebration ;  but  in  future  its  observance  was  to  be 
rendered  altogether  independent  of  the  Jewish  cal- 
endar, '*  For  it  is  unbecoming  beyond  measure  that 


564  HISTORY    OK    Till':    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

on  this  the  holiest  of  festivals  we  should  follow  the 
customs  of  the  Jews.  Henceforward  let  us  have 
nothing  in  common  with  this  odious  people  ;  our 
Savior  has  shown  us  another  path.  It  would  indeed 
be  absurd  if  the  Jews  were  able  to  boast  that  we 
are  not  in  a  position  to  celebrate  the  Passover 
without  the  aid  of  their  rules  (calculations)."  These 
remarks  are  attributed  to  the  Emperor  Constantine, 
and  even  though  they  may  not  have  been  uttered 
by  him,  they  were  nevertheless  the  guiding  prin- 
ciple of  the  Church  which  was  now  to  decide  the 
fate  of  the  Jews. 

The  first  utterance  of  Christianity  on  the  very 
day  of  its  victory  betrayed  its  hostile  attitude 
towards  the  Jews,  and  gave  rise  to  those  malignant 
decrees  of  Constantine  and  his  successors,  which 
laid  the  foundation  of  the  bloody  persecutions  of 
subsequent  centuries.  Constantine  re-enacted — 
undoulDtedly  at  the  instigation  of  the  clergy — the 
law  of  Hadrian,  w^hich  forbade  the  Jews  to  live  in 
Jerusalem.  Only  on  the  anniversary  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  city  were  they  allowed,  on  making  cer- 
tain payments  to  the  officials,  to  mourn  on  the  ruins 
of  the  Temple.  The  clergy  further  succeeded  in 
obtaining  a  law  from  Constantine  prohibiting  the 
Jews  from  making  converts  among  the  slaves. 
Christianity  claimed  the  monopoly  of  expansion, 
and  forbade  Judaism  to  increase  its  influence  either 
by  making  proselytes  or  by  converting  its  slaves. 
Constantine  seems,  however,  to  have  protected  the 
jews  against  the  arrogance  of  such  of  their  brethren 
as  had  gone  over  to  Christianity  ;  these  converts, 
for  the  most  part  possessed  of  no  fixed  opinions, 
attempted  to  revenge  themselves  on  their  former 
fellow-countrymen  and  co-religionists.  One  of  these 
apostates,  Joseph  by  name,  seems  at  this  period  to 
have  vigorously  persecuted  the  Palestinean  Jews. 
He  had  been  one  of  the  assessors  of  the  Patriarch 
in  the  Synhedrion  of  Tiberias,  and  had  been  en- 


CH.  XXI.  JOSEPH    THE    APOSTATE.  565 

trusted  with  the  honorable  office  of  delei^ate  and 
envoy  to  the  communities  of  CiHcia.  There  he  had 
frequently  associated  in  secret  with  a  bishop,  and 
had  obtained  the  writincjs  of  the  New  Testament  to 
read.  The  Cilician  Jews  raised  doubts  as  to  his 
orthodoxy,  and  as,  in  addition  to  this,  he  was  not 
greatly  beloved,  on  account  of  his  high-handed 
treatment  of  the  teachers  and  religious  dignitaries, 
some  of  whom  he  even  degraded,  certain  of  the 
Cilicians  entered  his  residence  by  surprise,  and 
discovered  him  reading  the  gospel.  How  is  it  pos- 
sible to  blame  the  Jews  of  Cilicia  for  venting  upon 
his  person  their  indignation  at  his  deceit?  They 
are  said  to  have  thrown  him  into  the  river  Cydnus, 
and  he  is  supposed  to  have  escaped  death  only  by 
a  miracle.  Nothing  now  remained  for  Joseph  but 
to  publicly  announce  his  adoption  of  Christianity. 
If  he  is  to  be  believed,  many  Jews,  including  the 
most  learned  and  worthy  among  them,  nourished  at 
this  period  a  secret  predilection  for  Christianity. 
Joseph  even  relates  a  thoroughly  incredible  tale  of 
the  aged  Patriarch  (probably  Judah  III),  according 
to  which  the  latter  was  a  secret  adherent  of  the 
religion  of  Jesus,  and  feeling  a  desire  to  be  baptized, 
he  invited  a  bishop  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Tiberias,  under  pretext  of  obtaining  his  medical 
advice. 

The  Christian  clergy  of  Palestine,  and  probably 
the  bishop  Eusebius,  who  stood  in  high  favor  with 
the  emperor,  took  care  that  Joseph  should  be  well 
rewarded  for  his  apostasy.  Constantine  conferred 
upon  him  the  dignity  of  Comes,  which  carried  with 
it  a  sort  of  immunity  from  punishment  in  case  of 
misdemeanor  or  violation  of  the  law.  He  was  also 
granted  permission  by  the  emperor  to  build  the  first 
churches  of  Galilee — at  Tiberias,  Sepphoris  (Dio- 
caesarea),  Nazareth,  and  Capernaum — where  but 
few  Christians  had  hitherto  resided. 

The  Patriarch's  son  and  successor,  Hillel  II,  who 


566  HISTORY   OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

is  said  to  have  been  still  a  minor  at  the  death  of  his 
father,  was  defamed  by  Joseph  with  a  twofold  pur- 
pose ;  he  desired,  in  the  first  place,  to  brand  with 
infamy,  simply  by  the  force  of  calumny,  a  fellow- 
countryman  of  exalted  position  who  had  sufficient 
reason  to  hate  him  ;  and  secondly,  he  wished  to 
attest  the  miraculous  power  of  the  sign  of  the  cross. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  appointed  guardian  and 
tutor  to  the  young  Patriarch,  of  whom  he  related 
that,  being  led  astray  by  his  youthful  companions, 
he  had  abandoned  himself  to  a  life  of  indulgence, 
and  had  even  seduced  honest  and  virtuous  women 
by  the  use  of  magical  arts.  This  same  Patriarch, 
Hillel  II,  who  flourished  from  about  320  to  365,  was, 
however,  one  of  the  most  estimable  successors  of 
the  elder  Hillel ;  he  was  certainly  no  votary  of 
Christianity,  and  was  favored  by  an  emperor  who 
likewise  had  reason  to  dislike  the  arrogant  Church. 
It  was  in  reality  under  Constantius  (327-330), 
the  fratricide  and  arch-persecutor  of  heretics,  that 
the  Christian  rule  was  introduced  into  the  Roman 
empire,  and  that  the  misfortunes  of  the  Jews  com- 
menced. If  the  champions  of  the  Church  had  not 
been  blinded  by  vindictiveness  and  dogmatism,  they 
would  necessarily  have  perceived  that  by  accepting 
the  support  of  the  political  power  they  were  ac- 
knowledging the  authority  of  a  master  and  turning 
the  spear  against  their  own  breasts.  The  emperor 
Constantius  could  boldly  exclaim,  "  Let  my  will  be 
religion  and  the  law  of  the  Church  !  "  It  was  not 
the  fathers  of  the  Church  who  decided  questions  of 
religion  in  the  last  instance,  but  the  eunuchs  and 
the  serving-w^omen  of  the  court.  How  could  the 
Jews  expect  humane  treatment  when  the  members 
of  the  Church,  from  the  emperor  down  to  the  most 
humble  of  his  subjects,  were  prompted  by  a  spirit 
of  fanaticism  to  persecute  one  another  on  account 
of  verbal  disputes  ?  At  the  very  beginning  of  Con- 
stantius' reign,  the  Jewish  teachers  of  the  Law  were 


CH.  XXI.  CONSTANTIUS.  567 

banished  ;  in  consequence  of  this  decree  several  of 
them  emigrated  to  Babylonia.  Among  those  who 
were  exiled  there  were  two  who  are  known  by 
name :  Dime  and  Isaac  bar  Joseph.  These  perse- 
cutions seem  to  have  been  aggravated  in  the  course 
of  time  ;  the  teachers  of  the  Law  were  threatened 
with  death,  whereby  the  stream  of  emigration  from 
Judaea  was  naturally  increased.  Abin  and  Samuel 
bar  Judah  were  among  the  later  emigrants  {337-33S). 
The  consequences  of  these  events  were  the  decline 
of  the  Academy  of  Tiberias  and  the  general  decay 
of  active  teaching.  Up  till  then  there  had  still 
existed  a  sort  of  Synhedrion,  employing  the  usual 
method  of  voting  at  its  meetings  ;  Haggai,  Jonah, 
and  Jose  are  named  as  members  of  it. 

The  sentiment  of  hostility,  nourished  by  Con- 
stantius  against  the  Jews,  also  manifested  itself  in 
several  laws  concerning  them.  The  causes  of  this 
persecution  remain  involved  in  complete  obscurity, 
and  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  whether  the  apos- 
tate Joseph,  that  second  Acher,  was  in  any  way 
connected  therewith.  Marriages  between  Jews  and 
Christian  women,  which  appear  to  have  been  of  not 
infrequent  occurrence,  were  punished  with  death 
under  the  emperor  Constantius  (339).  Of  even 
greater  consequence  was  the  law  concerning  slaves 
which  was  promulgated  by  him.  Whereas  his  father 
had  only  forbidden  the  admission  of  slaves  into  the 
Jewish  community,  and  had  simply  punished  the 
transgression  of  this  prohibition  by  declaring  for- 
feited all  slaves  so  admitted,  Constantius  decreed 
(339)  that  the  circumcision  of  a  Christian  slave 
entailed  the  pain  of  death  and  the  entire  loss  of 
fortune.  He  even  forbade  the  reception  of  heathen 
slaves  into  the  covenant  of  Judaism.  The  grounds 
for  this  law  were  twofold :  it  was  desired  that 
Judaism  should  receive  no  increase  through  its 
adoption  by  slaves,  and  also  that  Christians  should 
not  serve  Jewish  masters,  "  the  assassins  of  God." 


568  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH-.  XXI. 

This  preposterous  view  has  been  held  by  the  Church 
ever  since,  and  prevails  even  at  the  present  day, 
although  in  another  form.  These  restraints  and 
rigors  were  by  no  means  legal,  for  the  Jews  were  still 
reputed  citizens  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  in  con- 
sequence of  this  equality  with  the  other  inhabitants, 
ought  not  to  have  been  subject  to  any  exceptional 
laws.  But  what  were  right  and  law  to  this  emperor, 
who,  as  unscrupulous  as  he  was  weak,  was  swayed 
by  the  eunuchs  and  the  ecclesiastics  of  the  court? 
His  conceits  and  caprices  were  law.  Constantius, 
or  the  ecclesiastics  of  his  court,  were  the  founders 
of  the  Christian  State. 

The  sufferings  of  the  Jews  became  unbearable 
when  Constantius  sent  his  cousin  and  co-emperor 
Gallus  to  the  East  to  operate  against  the  ever- 
increasing  power  of  the  Persians  (351).  Gallus, 
who  was  addicted  to  debauchery,  abandoned  the 
conduct  of  the  war  to  his  legate  Ursicinus.  The 
latter,  during  three  long  years,  worked  more  dire 
distress  in  Judaea  than  any  imperial  master.  As 
the  Roman  legions  were  quartered  in  the  cities  of 
Judaea,  Ursicinus  made  it  the  duty  of  the  Jewish 
inhabitants  to  furnish  the  provisions  necessary  for 
their  maintenance,  and  prosecuted  his  demands 
so  inexorably  that  the  Jewish  communities  were 
thereby  driven  to  violate  the  laws  of  their  religion. 
The  Roman  military  officials  demanded,  for  ex- 
ample, that  the  troops  should  be  supplied  with  new 
bread,  even  on  the  Sabbath  and  the  feast  of  un- 
leavened bread.  The  communities  of  Judaea  were 
so  disheartened  that  the  teachers  of  the  Law  vied 
with  one  another  in  granting  indulgences  and 
mitigating  the  severity  of  the  Law.  The  two 
authorities  of  Tiberias,  Jonah  and  Jose,  taught  that 
it  was  lawful  to  bake  for  Ursicinus'  army  on  the 
Sabbath  ;  and  the  teachers  of  Neve,  a  Gaulanite 
town,  permitted  leavened  bread  to  be  baked  for 
the  legions  during  Passover.     In  their  distress  the 


CH.  XXI.  EDICTS    AGAINST   THE    JEWS.  569 

religious  representatives  quieted  their  consciences 
with  the  excuse,  which  they  dekided  themselves 
into  believing,  that  the  enemy  did  not  expressly 
demand  the  transgression  of  the  Law,  but  simply 
required  the  regular  supply  of  the  army.  But 
Ursicinus*  intention  appears  really  to  have  been  to 
institute  a  religious  persecution,  for  at  Senbaris,  a 
small  town  situated  about  four  miles  from  Tiberias, 
he  burnt  a  scroll  of  the  Law  which  had  been 
consecrated  to  the  public  use,  and  this  act  could 
not  relate  in  any  way  to  the  service  of  the  army. 
Besides  this,  an  intolerable  weight  of  taxes  bur- 
dened the  Jews  of  Palestine,  who  were  for  the 
most  part  greatly  impoverished.  Among  these 
burdens  were  the  supply  of  natural  produce  (corn 
and  cattle),  the  payment  of  a  poll-tax,  of  the  tribute, 
and,  in  addition  thereto,  of  a  tax  levied  on  every 
trade,  and  of  all  sorts  of  fines.  The  complaints 
which  were  uttered  against  these  onerous  taxes 
found  an  echo  in  the  pulpit.  "  In  the  same  way  as 
when  a  garment  hanging  on  a  hedge  of  thorns  has 
been  disengaged  from  one  side,  it  is  immediately 
torn  by  the  other,  so  does  it  happen  to  us  under 
the  rule  of  Esau  (Rome),  No  sooner  have  the 
supplies  of  produce  been  carried  off  than  it  is  the 
turn  of  the  poll-tax,  and  before  this  has  been  paid, 
the  tribute  is  demanded.  Wicked  Esau  behaves 
with  artful  cunning  towards  Israel.  Thou  hast 
stolen  or  killed.  Thou  hast  not  stolen  ?  Who 
stole  with  thee  ?  Thou  hast  not  killed  ?  Who  was 
thy  accomplice  ?  Pay  down  thy  fines,  provide 
supplies,  pay  the  poll-tax  and  other  imposts." 

These  multitudinous  oppressions  with  which  the 
Jews  were  visited  by  the  first  Christian  emperors, 
inspired  them  with  the  courage  of  despair  and 
roused  them  to  a  fresh  revolt.  Although  but  little 
is  known  of  this  rebellion  and  its  consequences, 
the  accounts  appearing  to  be  but  lightly  sketched, 
it  is  possible  nevertheless  to  collect  some  isolated 


570  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

particulars.  The  seat  of  the  revolt  was  at  Sepphoris, 
where,  under  cover  of  the  night,  the  Jews  surprised 
the  Roman  troops  stationed  there,  slaughtered  them, 
and  gained  possession  of  their  weapons.  According 
to  one  account  the  Jews  were  led  by  a  chief  of  the 
name  of  Patricius  or  Patrick  (Netira),  whom  they 
raised  to  the  position  of  prince.  Masters  of  the 
mountain  town  of  Sepphoris,  they  ventured  upon 
extensive  incursions  into  the  surrounding  country, 
with  a  view  to  revenging  themselves  on  their 
enemies  for  the  outrages  to  which  they  had  so  long 
been  subjected.  Similar  revolts  must  also  have 
occurred  at  this  time  in  the  two  most  important 
towns  of  Judaea,  Tiberias  and  Lydda,  as  well  as  at 
various  other  places.  Thus  the  revolt  acquired  not 
inconsiderable  dimensions,  and  for  this  reason 
Constantius  was  obliged  to  reinforce  his  colleague 
Gallus  with  fresh  legions.  With  the  aid  of  these 
troops  the  latter  completely  suppressed  the  rebel- 
lion, but  showed  so  little  mercy  to  the  vanquished 
that  not  even  the  children  were  spared.  Many 
thousands  of  Jews  fell  as  the  victims  of  an  insur- 
rection in  which  prudence  had  been  overcome  by 
despair.  Sepphoris  was  razed  to  the  ground,  and 
Tiberias,  Lydda,  and  the  other  cities  which  had 
joined  the  rebellion  were  partially  destroyed  (352). 
As  had  always  been  the  case  after  similar  re- 
bellions, those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  revolt 
were  hunted  down,  so  that  none  of  them  might 
escape  punishment ;  the  inhabitants  of  Sepphoris, 
being  the  originators  of  the  rising,  were  most 
rigorously  sought  out  by  Ursicinus.  In  order  to 
escape  this  persecution  they  made  themselves 
unrecognizable  by  masking  their  faces,  and  by  this 
means  escaped  detection  for  a  while.  At  last, 
however,  traitors  came  forward  and  informed  the 
authorities  of  the  deceit  practised  by  the  Sep- 
phorians,  and  the  latter  were  accordingly  seized 
and  executed  on  the  spot.     Many  of  the  refugees 


CH.  XXI.       PERSECUTIONS    AFTER    THE    REVOLT.  57 1 

had  meanwhile  hidden  themselves  in  the  subter- 
ranean passages  of  Tiberias,  where  they  were  safe 
from  the  Romans.  Huna  relates  :  "  When  we  took 
refuge  in  the  subterranean  passages,  we  had  torches 
with  us  ;  if  they  showed  but  a  feeble  light,  we  knew 
that  it  was  day,  while  when  they  burned  more 
brightly  we  perceived  that  night  was  at  hand." 
According  to  this,  the  refugees  must  have  passed 
some  time  in  these  caverns. 

Meanwhile  Constantius  appears  to  have  re- 
enacted  Hadrian's  edict  against  the  Jews,  for  the 
discharge  of  religious  duties  was  prohibited,  and 
even  the  computation  of  the  calendar  and  trade  in 
articles  of  religious  use  were  forbidden.  When  it 
was  desired  to  inform  Raba,  who  was  at  this  period 
the  principal  of  the  schools  in  Machuza,  of  the  in- 
tended intercalation  of  a  month,  and  of  the  restraint 
laid  on  the  exercise  of  religion,  it  was  necessary  to 
adopt  a  mysterious  and  enigmatical  style,  and  to 
make  use  of  obscure  allusions.  The  news  was 
communicated  in  the  following  terms  :  "  Men  came 
from  Reket  (Tiberias),  and  the  eagle  (the  Romans) 
caught  them ;  for  they  held  in  their  hand  that  which 
is  fabricated  at  Luz  (a  blue-purple  color  for  fringes). 
But  by  God's  mercy  and  their  own  merits,  they  have 
nevertheless  escaped  in  safety.  The  successors  of 
Nachshon  (Patriarch)  desired  to  appoint  a  supporter 
of  the  months  (intercalated  month),  but  the  Arameans 
(Romans)  would  not  allow  it;  notwithstanding 
this,  they  assembled  and  intercalated  the  month  of 
the  death  of  Aaron  (Ab)."  This  secret  epistle  to 
Babylonia  betrays  the  distress  which  existed  in 
Judaea  at  this  period.  The  dispersed  and  weakened 
Synhedrion  must  have  been  prevented  from  insert- 
ing the  usual  supplementary  month  in  the  spring 
(Adar),  and  must  have  been  compelled  to  transpose 
it  to  some  unusual  season  which  had  not  been 
sanctioned  by  the  Law.  On  one  occasion,  about 
this    period,   the  Jews   were  forbidden  to  observe 


572  IIISTOKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

the  Day  of  Atonement,  and  were  accordingly 
compelled  to  postpone  it  till  the  Sabbath.  This 
condition  of  distress  in  which  Judaea  was  plunged 
was  not  at  all  altered  wh(^n  the  barbarous  Gallus 
was  put  to  death  at  Constantius'  command,  and 
Ursicinus  fell  into  disfavor  (354).  The  adherents 
of  Judaism  were  regarded  at  the  imperial  court  of 
Constantinople  as  simple  atheists,  by  reason  of  their 
refusal  to  recognize  Jesus.  This  view  gave  rise  to  the 
law  (357)  that  all  Christians  who  joined  the  "blas- 
phemous "  communities  of  the  Jews  should  incur  the 
punishment  of  the  forfeiture  of  their  possessions. 
The  creatures  of  Constantius,  Eusebius  the  chamber- 
lain among  others,  had  specially  aimed  at  the  con- 
fiscation of  property,  and  they  burdened  the  Jews 
with  illegal  taxes,  heavy  beyond  measure,  hoping  to 
exterminate  them  by  impoverishment  and  exhaus- 
tion. New  tables  of  taxes  had  already  been  drawn 
up,  with  a  view  to  still  further  increasing  their 
severity,  on  the  pretext  that  as  the  Jews  were 
atheists  they  deserved  no  protection.  They  were 
delivered  from  this  oppression  in  an  unexpected 
manner  by  the  Emperor  Julian,  who  differed  as 
greatly  from  his  brother  Gallus,  as  from  his  cousin 
and  co-emperor,  Constantius. 

The  miserable  condition  of  Judsea  was  the  occa- 
sion of  an  act  of  self-renunciation  on  the  part  of  the 
Patriarch  Hillel,  which  has  not  yet  been  thoroughly 
appreciated.  The  custom  had  prevailed  up  till  now 
of  keeping  secret  the  computation  of  the  new  moon 
and  the  leap  year,  and  of  making  known  the  times  of 
the  festivals  to  the  communities  in  the  neighboring 
lands  by  announcing  them  by  messengers.  During 
the  persecutions  under  Constantius  this  method 
had  proved  itself  to  be  impracticable  and  useless. 
Whenever  the  Synhedrion  was  prevented  from  fixing 
the  date  of  the  leap  year,  the  Jewish  communities 
in  distant  countries  were  left  in  utter  doubt  concern- 
ing  the   most    important    religious    decisions.      In 


CH.  XXI.  HILLEL  S   CALENDAR. 


1/  o 


order  to  put  a  stop  to  all  difficulty  and  uncertainty, 
Hillel  II  introduced  a  final  and  fixed  calendar  ;  that 
is  to  say  he  placed  at  every  one's  disposal  the 
means  of  establishing  the  rules  which  had  guided 
the  Synhedrion  up  till  then  in  the  calculation  of  the 
calendar  and  the  fixing  of  the  festivals.  With  his 
own  "hand  the  Patriarch  destroyed  the  last  bond 
which  united  the  communities  dispersed  throughout 
the  Roman  and  Persian  empires  with  the  Patri- 
archate. He  was  more  concerned  for  the  certainty 
of  the  continuance  of  Judaism  than  for  the  dignity 
of  his  own  house,  and  therefore  abandoned  those 
functions  for  which  his  ancestors,  Gamaliel  II  and 
Simon  his  son,  had  been  so  jealous  and  solicitous. 
The  members  of  the  Synhedrion  favored  this 
innovation  ;  they  only  desired  that  the  second  day 
of  the  festivals,  which  had  always  been  celebrated 
by  the  communities  not  situated  in  Palestine, 
should  not  now  be  disregarded,  Jose  addressed 
to  the  Alexandrian  communities  an  epistle  contain- 
ing the  following  words  :  ''  Although  we  have  made 
you  acquainted  with  the  order  of  the  festivals, 
nevertheless  change  not  the  custom  of  your  ances- 
tors "  {i.e.  to  observe  the  second  day  of  the  festivals). 
The  same  recommendation  was  also  made  to  the 
Babylonians  :  "  Adhere  closely  to  the  customs  of 
your  fathers."  This  advice  was  conscientiously 
followed,  and  the  second  day  is  observed  by  all  the 
non-Palestinean  communities  even  at  the  present 
time. 

The  method  of  calculating  the  calendar  intro- 
duced by  Hillel  is  so  simple  and  certain  that  up  to 
the  present  day  it  has  not  required  either  emen- 
dation or  amplification,  and  for  this  reason  is  ac- 
knowledged to  be  perfect  by  all  who  are  competent 
to  express  an  opinion  on  the  subject,  whether  Jews 
or  non-Jews.  The  system  is  based  upon  a  cycle  of 
nineteen  years,  in  which  seven  leap  years  occur. 
Ten  months  in  every  year  are  invariable,  and  con- 


574  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

sist  alternately  of  twenty-nine  and  thirty  days  ;  the 
two  autumn  months  only  which  follow  Tishri  (the 
most  important  of  all  the  months)  are  left  variable, 
as  being  dependent  on  certain  circumstances  in 
astronomy  and  Jewish  law.  This  and  other  com- 
putations rest,  however,  on  rules  so  simple,  and  are 
so  plain  and  easy,  that  the  veriest  tyro  is  thereby 
enabled  to  draw  up  a  calendar  for  a  hundred,  or 
even  a  thousand  years.  It  has  not  been  ascertained 
how  much  of  this  system  was  invented  by  Hillel, 
and  how  much  he  owed  to  tradition,  for  it  is  indis- 
putable that  certain  astronomical  rules  were  re- 
garded as  traditional  in  the  patriarchal  house  ;  in 
any  case,  Hillel  appears  to  have  made  use  of 
Samuel's  calendar  This  calendar  and  the  year  of 
its  introduction  are  now  known.  It  was  published 
in  the  670th  year  of  the  Seleucidean  era,  the  359th 
of  the  common  reckoning. 

The  oppression  which  thus  fell  upon  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Palestine,  and  which  gave  rise  to  Hillel's 
calendar,  augmented  the  importance  and  influence 
of  Babylonia,  and  although  Christianity  could  boast 
of  having  broken  up  the  academies  and  destroyed, 
so  to  speak,  the  Temple  of  the  Law  in  Judaea,  the 
destruction  was  nevertheless  merely  local.  In  Baby- 
lonia the  study  of  the  Law  acquired  so  vigorous  an 
impetus  that  the  achievements  of  ancient  times  were 
almost  eclipsed  ;  the  study  of  the  Law  was  now 
celebrating  the  period  of  its  maturity.  Two 
methods  of  instruction  in  the  traditions  especially 
had  developed,  namely,  that  of  receiving  the 
authentic  terms  of  the  traditions  and  handing  them 
down  in  exactly  the  same  words,  and  that  of  making 
a  fruitful  application  of  the  same,  and  of  further 
amplifying  them.  Each  of  these  methods  was  rep- 
resented by  one  of  the  academies  of  Babylonia ; 
Sora  was  receptive,  Pumbeditha  creative.  Alto- 
gether Sora  can  be  regarded  only  as  a  continuation 
of  the  academies  of  Judaea,  as  a  sort  of  Babylonian 


CH.  XXI.  SORA    AND    PUMBEDITHA.  575 

Tiberias  ;  and  although  the  spirit  which  reigned 
there  underwent  a  chano-e  under  the  influence  of  the 
Babylonian  method,  still  the  Soranian  school  never 
furthered  the  cause  of  study  to  any  appreciable 
extent.  It  was  Pumbeditha  that  raised  learning  to 
its  highest  level.  The  acute  scholars  of  Pumbe- 
ditha, produced  by  Judah  ben  Ezekiel's  Academy, 
held  sway  at  this  period  over  Babylonia  and  the 
dependent  countries.  The  leaders  and  representa- 
tives of  this  movement  formed  a  triumvirate,  con- 
sisting of  Rabba,  and  his  comrades  and  disciples, 
Abayi  and  Raba.  It  was  these  three  that  gave  the 
finishing  touch  to  the  work  of  completing  the 
Talmud,  or  rather  who  raised  the  study  of  the 
Halacha  to  the  rank  of  an  intellectual  system  of 
dialectics. 

Rabba  bar  Nachmani  (born  about  270,  died  330) 
possessed,  like  the  family  to  which  he  belonged, 
certain  original  qualities.  He  was  of  a  family  from 
Mamal  or  Mamala,  a  city  of  Galilee,  the  inhabitants 
of  which  were  for  the  most  part  descendants  of 
Aaron,  and  members  of  the  family  of  Eli ;  they 
asserted  that  they  participated  in  the  curse  with 
which  this  house  had  been  visited,  and  which  pre- 
vented any  of  its  members  from  ever  attaining 
extreme  old  age.  Whoever  went  to  Mamala  was 
astonished  at  seeing  so  many  persons  with  black 
hair ;  a  grey-haired  man  was  a  rarity. 

Rabba  had  three  brothers,  whose  names  were 
Kailil,  Ushaya,  and  Chananya  ;  all  of  them  lived 
in  the  greatest  poverty,  which  misfortune  they  also 
ascribed  to  the  curse  resting  on  the  house  of  Eli. 
Ushaya,  the  younger,  and  Chananya,  who  had 
returned  to  Judaea,  obtained  a  precarious  living  as 
shoemakers.  By  reason  of  the  scarcity  of  customers, 
they  were  sometimes  obliged  to  sell  their  work  to 
prostitutes.  Nevertheless,  their  minds  remained  so 
pure  and  chaste  that  they  were  never  reproached 
with  a  single  immodest  glance ;  they  were  conse- 


576  HISTORY    OK   THE    JKWS.  CH.  XXI. 

quently  held  in  high  esteem,  and  were  known  as  the 
"  saints  of  the  land  of  Israel."  These  two  brothers 
applied  themselves  to  the  Agada,  the  favorite  study 
in  Judaea,  while  Rabba,  their  sober  brother,  who  as 
a  child  had  shown  signs  of  great  acuteness  of 
mind,  evinced  a  predilection  for  the  Halacha,  in 
which  province  his  labor  was  epoch-making.  He 
had  determined  to  remain  in  Babylonia,  and  his 
brothers,  unable  to  quiet  their  apprehensions  con- 
cerning his  lot,  used  all  their  endeavors  to  persuade 
him  to  come  to  Judaea.  "  It  is  not  all  one,"  ran 
their  message  to  him,  "  whether  one  dies  in  or  out 
of  Judaea  ;  for  the  Patriarch  Jacob  attached  great 
weight  to  being  buried  in  the  Holy  Land.  Although 
thou  art  learned,  still  it  is  better  to  have  a  master 
chan  to  educate  thyself.  And  if  thou  thinkest  that 
there  is  no  teacher  of  importance  to  be  found  in 
the  academies  of  Judaea,  we  inform  thee  that  thou 
wouldst  indeed  find  such  a  one  here."  In  conse- 
quence of  this  pressing  invitation,  and  contrary  to 
the  principles  of  Judah,  his  teacher,  Rabba  emigrated 
to  Judaea.  Some  time  after,  however,  he  returned 
to  Babylonia,  probably  because  he  was  dissatisfied 
with  the  Judaean  method  of  teaching.  Rabba's 
worldly  affairs  are  described  as  most  miserable,  and 
are  frequently  contrasted  with  Chasda's  uninter- 
rupted happiness. 

After  the  death  of  his  teacher  Judah  in  299,  the 
Pumbedithan  College,  which  was  composed  of 
lovers  of  dialectics,  esteemed  Rabba  to  be  the  only 
person  worthy  of  occupying  the  vacancy  thus 
created  in  the  school.  He  was  therefore  offered 
the  honor  of  becoming  Judah's  successor,  but  his 
exceeding  modesty  induced  him  to  decline  the  post. 
The  vacancy  was  eventually  filled  by  Huna  ben 
Chiya,  whose  wealth  was  so  immense  that  he  fur- 
nished his  audience  in  the  lecture-room  with  gilded 
seats.  Although  the  greater  number  of  the  dis- 
ciples frequented  Sora,  the  Pumbedithan  Academy 


CH.  XXI,       LEARNING  IN  BABYLONIA.  577 

nevertheless  counted  400  students.  Both  Rabba 
and  his  friend  Joseph  associated  themselves  with  the 
local  academy,  and  subordinated  themselves  to  the 
principal,  in  order  to  prevent  the  school  from  being' 
deprived  of  the  reputation  which  it  had  at  last  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining.  When  it  came  to  be  known  in 
what  manner  Huna  ben  Chiya  had  acquired  his 
wealth,  which  had  been  amassed  by  the  farming  of 
tolls,  he  was  given  to  understand  that  the  dignity 
of  teacher  must  not  be  stained  by  association  with 
that  hateful  trade,  and  that  he  must  give  up  either 
one  or  the  other.  Having  abandoned  the  calling 
of  farmer  of  tolls,  he  was  recognized  by  the  college, 
which  followed  Rabba's  example,  as  a  worthy  prin- 
cipal of  the  academy.  Joseph  was  the  only  person 
who  refused  to  acquiesce  in  the  appointment. 
The  not  altogether  spotless  reputation  of  its  prin- 
cipal, however,  threatened  to  become  a  cause  of 
ruin  to  the  Pumbedithan  Academy ;  care  was  there- 
fore taken  after  the  death  of  Huna  to  make  a  better 
choice,  in  order  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of  the  people 
and  to  attract  a  numerous  audience.  Two  men 
appeared  worthy  to  fill  this  post,  Rabba  bar 
Nachmani  and  Joseph  ben  Chiya,  the  one  dis- 
tinguished for  Talmudical  dialectics,  and  the  other 
for  Halachic  erudition.  The  choice  between  the  two 
was  so  difficult  that  it  was  determined  to  take 
counsel  of  Judaea,  and  the  following  question  was 
accordingly  asked  :  "  Who  possesses  the  superiority, 
Sinai  (man  of  learning),  or  the  remover  of  moun- 
tains (man  of  acuteness)  ?  "  In  Tiberias,  where  the 
acute  method  of  teaching,  although  not  hated,  was 
nevertheless  held  in  low  esteem,  the  decision  was 
given  in  favor  of  the  former.  But  Joseph  enter- 
tained scruples  against  accepting  this  dignity. 
His  nativity  had  once  been  cast  by  a  Chaldean, 
who  had  informed  him  that  he  would  obtain  a 
position  of  great  authority,  but  would  not  be  able 
to  retain  it  longer  than  two  years  and  six  months, 


578  IIISTUKV    OF    THE    JEWS,  CH.  XXI, 

after  which  he  would  die.  In  spite  of  the  legal 
prohibition  forbidding  credence  to  be  given  to  the 
wisdom  of  the  Chaldeans,  the  most  noted  teachers 
of  the  Law  were  unable  to  free  themselves  from 
its  influence  ;  daily  example  was  stronger  than  the 
Law.  Joseph  having  refused  the  post  thus  offered 
to  him,  it  was  conferred  upon  Rabba  (309),  and  in 
him  the  Pumbedithan  Academy  found  its  ideal. 

Rabba  restored  anew  to  the  academy  its  ex- 
tinguished fame,  and  attracted  to  his  discourses  a 
crowd  of  students,  amounting  at  times  to  as  many 
as  1200.  He  did  not  confine  his  lectures  to  the 
practical  part  of  jurisprudence  alone,  as  Judah  had 
done,  but  treated  of  all  the  subjects  contained  in 
the  Mishna ;  he  sought  to  reconcile  the  various 
contradictions  existing  in  the  Mishna,  the  Boraitas, 
and  the  additions  made  by  the  Amoraic  authorities 
(Memra),  and  generally  to  introduce  clearness  into 
the  study  of  the  Halacha.  He  even  turned  his 
attention  to  the  remote  subject  of  the  laws  of 
Levitical  purity,  which  he  succeeded  in  making 
comprehensible  ;  but  in  this  branch  of  study,  which 
had  vanished  out  of  every-day  life,  he  stood  quite 
alone,  a  fact  that  he  frequently  lamented.  He  was 
distinguished  by  a  desire  to  enter  deeply  into  the 
motives  not  only  of  the  Pentateuch,  but  also  of  the 
Sopheric  and  Mishnaic  laws,  and  to  draw  conclusions 
from  them.  The  formulae  which  he  employed  as  an 
introduction  to  these  investigations  ran  as  follows  : 
"Wherefore  has  the  Law  commanded  this?"  or 
"  Why  are  such-and-such  things  prohibited  by  the 
teachers  of  the  Law?"  His  luminous  conception 
and  treatment  of  his  subject  invested  it  with  life, 
while  the  variety  which  he  succeeded  in  impart- 
ing to  a  dry  theme  by  means  of  the  occasional 
introduction  of  an  Agadic  sentence  made  it  both 
interesting  and  captivating.  At  times  he  would 
entertain  the  students  with  interesting  anecdotes 
before  beginning  his  discourse,  and  as  soon  as  he 


CH.  XXI.  RABBA.  579 

thought  that  he  had  put  them  in  a  cheerful  temper, 
he  would  beg-in  to  treat  of  more  serious  and  weighty 
subjects.  His  guiding  principle  was  that  the  soul 
must  be  prepared  for  the  reception  of  serious 
thoughts,  and  that  this  receptivity  was  best  awakened 
by  cheerfulness.  Rabba  often  put  catch  questions 
to  his  pupils,  or  expressed  paradoxical  opinions, 
in  order  to  test  their  judgment  or  sharpen  their 
intellect.  Rabba  holds  the  same  important  position 
among  the  Amoraim,  as  Akiba  among  the  Tana- 
ites.  He  collected  scattered  and  fragmentary 
subjects  under  general  heads.  For  this  reason  the 
reverence  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  teachers  of 
the  Law  equaled  that  which  was  entertained  for 
the  founder  of  Babylonian  Jewish  life.  But  in  pro- 
portion as  he  was  beloved  by  this  circle,  he  was 
obnoxious  to  the  populace  of  Pumbeditha.  His 
fellow-countrymen  could  not  forgive  this  severe 
censor  for  the  sharp,  reproachful  words  with  which, 
in  his  honesty  and  stern  morality,  he  strove  to 
combat  their  deceits  and  artifices.  Once,  on  the 
occasion  of  a  drought,  when  Rabba  had  proclaimed 
a  public  fast,  and  had  ordered  prayers  to  be  offered 
up,  without  succeeding  in  obtaining  rain,  he  ex- 
claimed reproachfully  to  the  populace :  "  It  is  not 
because  we  leaders  of  the  people  are  worse  than  in 
the  time  of  my  master  Judah,  that  Heaven  refuses 
to  gratify  our  wishes  ;  nor  is  it  because  we  are  less 
diligent  in  the  study  of  the  Law.  But  what  can  be 
done  by  the  representatives  of  the  people  when  the 
entire  race  is  degenerate  ?  " 

On  account  of  their  needy  circumstances  Rabba 
and  another  Amora,  Ada,  appear  to  have  become 
the  colleagues  (Chacham)  of  Mar-Ukban,  a  grand- 
child of  Rab,  and  at  that  time  Prince  of  the  Cap- 
tivity, at  whose  expense  they  were  probably  sup- 
ported. While  the  principals  of  the  Soranian 
Academy  were  wealthy,  often  supporting  the  entire 
expenses  of  the  schools,  and  maintaining  a  large 


580  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

number  of  disciples  from  their  own  purse,  those  of 
Pumbeditha  generally  possessed  but  small  means. 
This  circumstance  necessitated  the  establishment 
of  an  academical  fund  at  Pumbeditha,  to  which 
the  communities  and  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity 
probably  contributed. 

In  Rabba's  time  the  Babylonian  Jews  were  the 
victims  of  a  transitory  persecution,  which,  although 
insignificant  when  compared  with  those  which  had 
occurred  in  the  Roman  empire,  was  nevertheless 
calculated  to  arouse  the  sufferers  from  their  feeling 
of  profound  safety.  It  was  during  the  long  reign 
(310-380)  of  Shabur  II,  the  new  king  of  the  Sassa- 
nian  dynasty,  who  had  been  acknowledged  as  ruler 
while  yet  unborn,  that  the  friendly  relation  in  which 
the  Jews  had  stood  to  the  Persian  court  became 
disturbed,  and  it  is  possible  that  they  would  have 
been  as  cruelly  persecuted  as  the  Christians,  had 
it  not  been  that  Ifra-Ormuzd,  the  king's  mother, 
was  prepossessed  in  favor  of  Judaism  and  the 
Jews.  The  account  briefly  narrates  that  a  body  of 
troops  marched  into  Pumbeditha,  whereupon  Rabba 
and  Joseph  took  to  flight.  A  serious  charge  had 
been  brought  against  Rabba,  the  king  or  his 
councillors  having  been  secretly  informed  that,  by 
means  of  Rabba's  discourses  during  the  Kalla 
months,  his  1200  students  had  been  induced  to 
evade  the  payment  of  the  poll-tax.  A  royal  bailiff 
was  sent  out  with  orders  to  seize  the  person  of  the 
principal  of  the  Pumbedithan  Academy.  Being 
warned  in  advance,  Rabba  fled,  and  in  order  to 
escape  detection  he  wandered  about  in  the  sur- 
rounding country.  His  death  was  caused  by  fright 
at  the  rustling  of  the  wind  in  the  trees,  which  the 
fugitive  mistook  for  the  tramp  of  advancing  soldiery. 
Abayi  and  Raba,  his  most  distinguished  disciples, 
together  with  the  rest  of  the  members  of  the 
academy,  went  in  search  of  his  corpse,  which  they 
eventually  found  covered  over  and  hidden  by  birds. 


CH.  XXI.  TRANSLATIONS    OF    SCRIPTURE.  581 

They  mourned  during  seven  days  for  this  highly 
esteemed  Amora  (330).  The  charge,  which  was 
the  occasion  of  Rabba's  death,  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  further  prosecuted.  The  queen-mother, 
Ifra,  even  sent  a  purse  of  denars  to  his  successor, 
leaving  it  to  him  to  make  the  best  and  most  pious 
use  of  it,  whereupon  he  employed  it  in  ransoming 
Jewish  prisoners. 

Rabba's  successor  and  friend,  Joseph  ben  Chiya 
(born  about  270,  died  about  333),  was  sickly  and 
sensitive,  and  possessed  a  passionate  disposition. 
He  was  aware  of  his  failings  and  complained  that 
they  prevented  him  from  enjoying  life.  He  seems  to 
have  been  very  wealthy,  and  to  have  possessed  fields, 
palm-trees  and  vineyards,  from  which  latter — as  he 
cultivated  them  more  carefully  than  was  generally 
the  case — he  obtained  better  wine  than  was  com- 
monly produced.  Upon  being  afflicted  with  blind- 
ness, he  grieved  less  for  the  loss  of  his  sight  than 
on  account  of  his  being  thereby  relieved  from 
performing  various  religious  duties. 

Joseph  was  exceptional  among  the  principals  of 
the  Pumbedithan  Academy,  inasmuch  as  he  attached 
more  weight  to  the  acquisition  of  a  knowledge 
of  the  Mishna  and  the  Boraitas  by  committing 
them  to  memory,  than  to  the  drawing  of  ingenious 
conclusions.  For  this  reason  he  was  known  by 
the  title  of  "  Sinai "  and  "  Possessor  of  Store- 
houses." Besides  studying  the  Halacha,  he  turned 
his  attention  to  the  Targum  or  Chaldaic  transla- 
tion of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  The  Torah,  and  pro- 
bably also  isolated  portions  of  the  Prophets,  which 
were  used  for  public  reading  (Haftara),  had  long 
ago  been  translated  into  the  Aramaic  dialects — 
both  the  Syriac  and  the  Chaldaic.  There  existed 
various  Chaldaic  translations  of  the  Torah  for  the 
use  of  those  who  were  ignorant  of  Hebrew  :  one 
of  these,  based  probably  on  the  favorite  Greek 
version    of    Akylas,   bore    the    name    of   Targum 


582  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

Onkelos ;  the  Syrian  translation,  employed  by  such 
of  the  Jews  of  Syria  and  Mesopotamia  as  spoke 
Syriac,  was  called  Peshito  (the  simple).  The 
greater  portion  of  the  Prophets,  however,  had  not 
been  translated,  and  it  was  Joseph  who  first  took 
in  hand  a  Chaldaic  translation  thereof.  Some  per- 
sons believed  that  this  was  a  work  of  piety,  as 
Joseph  was  prevented  by  his  blindness  from  read- 
ing, and  was  unwilling  to  recite  the  Hebrew  text 
by  heart,  on  account  of  the  prohibition  against 
oral  quotation  of  the  written  Law.  He  therefore 
set  about  translating  the  Prophets  on  his  own 
account,  in  order  to  be  able  to  quote  any  desired 
passage  in  Chaldaic.  Joseph's  translation  was 
incorporated  in  the  Targum,  and  was  accepted  as  a 
decisive  authority  on  questions  relating  to  the 
explanation  of  doubtful  words. 

He  was  exceedingly  severe  in  maintaining  dis- 
cipline in  his  capacity  of  principal  of  the  Academy ; 
he  floofcred  one  of  the  students — Nathan  bar  Assa — 
for  journeying  on  foot  from  the  Academy  to  Pumbe- 
ditha  on  the  second  day  of  one  of  the  festivals. 
The  few  years  during  which  he  retained  his  office 
were  in  many  ways  embittered.  He  was  stricken 
by  a  severe  illness,  through  which  he  lost  his 
memory,  and  it  was  consequently  often  necessary 
for  his  pupils  to  remind  him  that  he  himself  had 
formerly  taught  them  the  very  facts  which  he  was 
then  disputing.  Although  they  endeavored  to 
spare  his  feelings  when  drawing  his  attention  to  his 
absurd  mistakes,  nevertheless,  in  his  irritation,  he 
regarded  these  corrections  as  a  slight,  and  com- 
plainingly  exclaimed  :  "  Be  indulgent  with  an  old 
man  whom  misfortune  has  caused  to  forget  all  he 
learnt ;  and  forget  not  that  the  fragments  of  the 
first  tables  of  the  Law  were  preserved  by  the  side 
of  the  unbroken  tables." 

Joseph's  hard  lot  may  be  considered  as  typical 
of  the    decay   of   the    method   of    teaching   which 


CH.  XXI.  ABAYI.  583 

depended  on  the  power  of  memory.  It  heaps  up 
the  treasures  of  learnin<i^  and  tradition,  guardin^^ 
every  atom  of  its  hoard  as  painfully  as  a  miser,  and 
warns  off  all  inHuences  exerted  by  the  employment 
of  the  intellect,  as  if  they  might  obscure  its  mirror- 
like purity  ;  but  in  an  unlucky  moment  the  store  that 
has  been  laboriously  collected  suddenly  vanishes; 
memory  is  extinguished,  and  there  remain  no  means 
of  recovering  the  lost  treasures. 

The  Soranian  school,  the  home  of  culture,  also 
began  to  decline,  through  neglecting  to  further  the 
development  of  the  Law.  After  Chasda's  death, 
the  post  of  principal  was  held  for  twelve  years 
(309-320)  by  Huna's  son,  Rabba  or  Rab  Abba  ; 
but  the  studious  youths  were  more  strongly  attracted 
by  the  rising  star  of  the  Pumbedithan  Academy. 
For  this  reason  Rabba's  modesty  is  the  only  circum- 
stance in  connection  with  which  any  remembrance 
of  him  is  retained.  After  the  death  of  Rabba  bar 
Huna,  the  Soranian  Academy  was  deserted,  and  it 
was  not  frequented  until  half  a  century  later,  when 
it  began  to  regain  its  lost  renown. 

After  Joseph's  death,  the  college  was  embar- 
rassed as  to  whom  it  should  appoint  as  his  suc- 
cessor. There  were  four  who  seemed  worthy  to 
occupy  this  post,  being  all  equally  esteemed  ;  they 
were  Abayi,  Raba,  Zeira  II,  and  Rabba  bar  Matana. 
The  college  accordingly  determined  to  vote  for  the 
one  who  should  give  the  most  striking  answer,  to 
which  no  objection  could  be  offered,  to  a  question 
that  was  raised.  Abayi  was  victorious  in  this 
intellectual  tournament,  and  was  chosen  as  principal. 
Abayi,  whose  surname  was  Nachmani  (born  about 
280,  died  338),  was  an  orphan  ;  his  father  Kailil  had 
died  before,  his  mother  immediately  after,  his  birth. 
A  governess  took  the  place  of  his  mother,  while 
Rabba,  the  sagacious  Amora  of  Pumbeditha,  filled 
that  of  his  father.  In  after-life,  Abayi  spoke  with 
gratitude  and  emotion   of  his    foster-mother,    and 


584  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

gave  her  name  to  several  healing  medicaments. 
To  his  uncle  Rabba,  Abayi  owed  his  knowledge  of 
the  Law  and  his  skill  in  Talmudical  dialectics.  Like 
Raba,  his  contemporary  Amora,  he  aroused  great 
expectations  during  his  early  youth,  and  it  used  to 
be  said  of  them,  "  The  bud  shows  what  the  melon 
will  be."  Abayi  appears  to  have  possessed  but  a 
moderate  fortune.  Like  the  majority  of  the  Baby- 
lonian teachers  of  the  Law,  however,  he  had  a 
small  field  of  his  own,  which  he  cultivated  by  the 
agency  of  a  freeman.  His  character  was  mild  and 
yielding,  and  he  retained  these  qualities  in  his 
intercourse  with  the  various  classes  of  society.  His 
maxim  was  :  that  man  should  be  sagacious  in  the 
fear  of  God,  gentle  and  conciliatory  in  his  speech, 
and  at  peace  with  his  brethren,  with  his  relations,  in 
fact,  with  all  the  world,  even  with  the  heathen 
abroad,  so  that  he  might  be  beloved  and  esteemed, 
and  possess  influence  over  his  fellow-men.  At  this 
time  opinions,  words,  and  deeds,  were  still  one  and 
the  same.  Abayi's  integrity  was  even  acknowledged 
by  such  of  the  Samaritans  as  dwelt  in  Babylonia. 
Having  once  lost  an  ass  which  was  found  by  some 
Samaritans,  it  was  brought  back  by  them  to  its 
owner,  though  he  was  not  able  to  mention  any 
special  mark  by  which  it  could  be  recognized.  "  If 
thou  wert  not  Nachmani,"  said  they  to  him,  "  we 
should  not  have  restored  the  ass  even  if  it  had 
borne  some  particular  mark."  Under  Abayi's 
direction  of  the  Pumbedithan  Academy  (333-338) 
the  number  of  students  diminished  to  about  two 
hundred,  and  therefore  in  remembrance  of  the 
crowd  of  scholars  who  had  flocked  thither  during 
the  time  of  his  predecessors,  Rab  and  Huna,  he 
called  himself  an  "  orphan  of  orphans."  It  was 
not  that  less  interest  and  pleasure  than  formerly 
were  now  felt  in  study,  but  that  Abayi  possessed 
a  rival  in  Raba,  who  had  founded  a  school  of  his 
own    in    Machuza   on    the  Tigris,   whither  he  had 


CH.  XXI.  RABA    OF    MACHUZA.  585 

attracted  many  students.  Both  of  these  teachers 
brouijht  the  Pumbedithan  method  to  its  orreatest 
perfection.  RivaHng"  one  another  in  talent  and 
ingenuity,  they  discovered  answers  to  questions 
which  Rabba  and  Joseph  had  been  unable  to  solve. 

The  traditions  which  had  been  handed  down  no 
longer  afforded  material  for  discussion,  every 
point  which  they  presented  having  already  been 
thoroughly  elucidated  ;  new  themes  were  therefore 
propounded  and  solved  by  the  help  of  recognized 
formulae.  These  subtle  Talmudical  dialectics  re- 
ceived the  names  of  their  most  proficient  adepts, 
and  were  known  as  the  "  Havayot  (reflections) 
d'Abayi  ve  Raba." 

Before  his  death,  Abayi  heard  of  the  cruel  per- 
secutions to  which  his  coreligionists  in  Judaea  were 
subjected  under  Constantius,  The  fugitives  who 
conveyed  this  sad  news  to  Babylonia,  also  brought 
with  them  new  Halachas,  from  the  circle  of  which 
Jochanan  was  the  head,  and  thus  inspired  the 
learned  students  of  Babylonia  with  new  vigor. 

Abayi  died  in  the  prime  of  life  (338).  After  his 
death,  the  office  of  principal  was  conferred  upon 
Raba  bar  Joseph  bar  Chama  of  Machuza  (born 
299,  died  352),  without  any  discussion,  as  if  this 
was  expected  as  a  matter  of  course.  Raba  was 
wealthy,  talented  and  acute,  but  possessed  his 
weak  points,  which  caused  him  to  be  considered 
inferior  to  his  fellow  Amoraim,  although  he  sur- 
passed them  in  acuteness  of  intellect.  He  was 
well  acquainted  with  his  own  character,  and  de- 
scribed himself  in  the  following  words :  "  I  have 
always  cherished  three  wishes,  of  which,  while  two 
have  been  fulfilled,  the  gratification  of  the  third 
has  not  been  vouchsafed  to  me.  I  desired  Huna's 
learning  and  Chasda's  wealth,  and  obtained  both ; 
but  Rabba  bar  Huna's  unassuming  modesty  was 
not  allotted  to  me."  Although  he  was  superior 
to    the    majority    of    his     fellow-countrymen,    his 


586  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

character  was  tainted,  nevertheless,  with  certain 
pecLiHarities  of  the  Machuzans  ;  he  was  hixurious, 
proud  and  overbearing,  and  although  his  fellow- 
countrymen  did  not  enjoy  the  best  of  reputations 
in  Babylonia,  he  flattered  them  to  excess.  He  was 
exceedingly  desirous  of  winning  and  retaining  their 
favor.  "  When  I  became  judge,"  he  relates,  "  I  was 
afraid  that  I  should  no  longer  retain  the  attachment 
of  the  Machuzans,  but  as  they  recognize  my  impar- 
tiality in  giving  judgment,  all  must  either  hate  or 
all  love  me."  Abayi  seems  to  have  reproved  this 
tendency  of  Raba  to  sacrifice  moral  dignity  for  the 
acquisition  of  popular  favor.  "  When  a  teacher  of 
the  Law,"  said  he,  "  is  too  greatly  beloved  by  his 
fellow-citizens,  it  is  not  because  of  his  great  merit, 
but  on  account  of  his  indulgence,  which  causes  him  to 
refrain  from  calling  attention  to  their  vices,  and 
from  earnestly  reprimanding  them." 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Machuza  were  descended  for  the  most  part 
from  proselytes,  for  which  reason  the  aristocratic 
Babylonian  Jews  forbore  to  contract  marriages  with 
them.  As  the  Machuzans  thus  seemed  to  be  at  a 
loss  how  to  obtain  wives,  Zeira  II  declared  in  a 
public  discourse  that  it  was  allowable  for  them  to 
marry  persons  who  had  been  born  out  of  wedlock. 
This  permission,  however,  implying  as  it  did  a  sort 
of  degradation  of  the  Machuzans,  was  so  offensive 
to  their  pride,  that  they  almost  stoned  him  to  death 
with  the  fruits  with  which  the  booths  were  decorated 
(the  incident  occurring  during  the  celebration  of  the 
feast  of  Tabernacles),  just  as  King  Alexander  Jan- 
naeus  had  once  been  attacked  in  the  outer  court  of 
the  temple.  Raba  could  hardly  find  words  severe 
enough  with  which  to  blame  Zeira's  candor :  "  Who 
would  give  utterance  to  so  inconsiderate  a  decision 
in  a  community  containing  so  many  descendants  of 
proselytes  !  "  In  order  to  enlist  the  favor  of  the 
populace  still  more  strongly  on  his  side,  he  demon- 


CH.  XXI.  CHARACTER    OF    RABA.  587 

strated,  In  opposition  to  Zeira's  theory,  that  prose- 
lytes might  marry  even  the  daughters  of  priests, 
and  he  succeeded  by  this  flattery  in  charming  the 
Machuzans  so  greatly  that  they  overwhelmed  him 
with  presents  of  silken  stuffs.  In  after-times  Raba 
attempted  to  restrict  the  equality  which  he  had 
accorded  somewhat  too  freely  to  the  proselytes,  pro- 
bably on  account  of  its  having  caused  displeasure  in 
various  circles  ;  at  the  same  time  he  remarked  that 
proselytes  might  ally  themselves  with  bastard 
families.  This  decision  having  caused  dissatisfac- 
tion, Raba  appeased  his  fellow-countrymen  with  the 
following  words  :  "  I  only  meant  well  towards  you, 
and  leave  you  free  to  act  either  way." 

Another  of  Raba's  failings  was  that,  although 
exceedingly  wealthy,  he  was  not  entirely  free  from 
covetousness,  which  he  allowed  to  become  apparent 
on  several  occasions.  A  proselyte  of  Machuza, 
Issor  by  name,  had  deposited  with  Raba  a  sum  of 
12,000  sus  (denars),  in  order  to  bequeath  it  to  his 
son,  who  was  being  brought  up  as  a  student  of  the 
Law.  Issor  having  fallen  ill,  Raba  resolved  to  keep 
possession  of  this  money  as  property  to  which  there 
was  no  heir,  a  proselyte  being  unable  to  leave  his 
fortune  to  a  son  born  before  his  adoption  of  Judaism, 
as  the  Talmudical  law  does  not  recognize  such  off- 
spring as  a  son.  At  all  events,  the  principal  of  the 
schools — familiar  as  he  was  with  all  the  intricacies 
of  the  Law — was  determined  to  nullify  Issor's  dis- 
posal of  his  fortune  in  favor  of  his  son.  Meanwhile, 
another  person  who  was  equally  well  acquainted 
with  the  Law,  suggested  to  the  anxious  father  that, 
although  he  was  prevented  from  making  over  the 
money  in  question  to  his  son  by  will,  he  was,  never- 
theless, at  liberty  to  do  so  by  declaring  before  wit- 
nesses that  the  money  belonged  to  the  latter.  Raba 
was  greatly  incensed  at  the  man  who  offered  this 
counsel,  and  complained  as  bitterly  of  this  secret 
advice  as  if  he  had  thereby  been  deprived  of  a  law- 


588  HISTORY    OF   THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

fully  acquired  fortune.  Raba's  conduct  also  violated 
an  accepted  Halacha  which  treats  of  a  similar  case. 
According  to  this  law,  although  a  man  is  not  obliged 
to  hand  over  to  such  of  the  sons  as  may  have 
become  proselytes,  the  property  committed  to  his 
keeping  by  a  heathen,  of  which  the  latter  had 
not  otherwise  disposed,  an  offense  is,  nevertheless, 
committed  against  the  higher  laws  of  morality  by 
withholding  it  from  them. 

Another  example  of  Raba's  selfish  conduct  is 
afforded  by  the  fact  that  he  exacted  a  higher  rent 
from  the  tenants  of  his  fields  than  was  customary  in 
Babylonia.  At  times  his  behavior  towards  persons 
of  slender  means  was  marked  by  a  harshness  which 
was  in  glaring  opposition  to  the  doctrines  of  charity 
and  pity,  inculcated  equally  by  the  Halachas  and  the 
Scriptures. 

The  conduct  of  his  brother  Saurim  was  even 
more  heartless  ;  he  posed  as  a  moral  censor,  and 
whenever  any  of  the  poorer  members  of  the  com- 
munity appeared  to  him  not  to  be  religious  enough 
he  made  slaves  of  them,  and  compelled  them  to 
carry  him  about  in  his  gilded  litter.  Even  to  this 
conduct  Raba  offered  no  objection,  but  sanctioned 
his  brother's  arbitrary  proceedings  by  referring  to 
a  long-forgotten  law,  which  countenanced  the  treat- 
ment of  the  Jews  as  slaves,  in  case  they  no  longer 
lived  in  accordance  with  the  Law. 

During  this  period  the  simple  manners  and  the 
honesty  which  had  obtained  among  the  Jews  of 
Babylonia  in  former  times,  fell  to  a  low  ebb  with 
many  of  them,  and  made  room  for  luxury,  vanity, 
and  thirst  for  power.  Many  a  teacher  of  the  Law  was 
clad  in  gorgeous  garments  and  was  carried  about  in 
a  gilded  litter.  They  no  longer  felt  themselves  one 
with  the  people  from  whom  they  had  risen,  but 
constituted  a  particular  caste,  a  patrician  class,  who 
mutually  protected  and  maintained  one  another's 
interests,  looking  down  with  pride  and  contempt  on 


CH.  XXI.  THE    RABBIS    AND    THE    PEOPLE.  589 

the  lower  orders  of  the  populace,  Raba  himself 
admitted  that  whenever  he  was  called  upon  to 
decide  a  point  of  law  in  which  a  person  of  the  same 
class  of  society  as  himself  was  concerned,  he  was 
unable  to  sleep  until  he  succeeded  in  interpreting 
the  law  in  his  favor.  If  a  member  of  the  school 
brought  his  produce  to  market,  he  was  invested 
with  the  privilege  of  being  allowed  to  sell  before 
any  one  else,  in  order  that  he  might  obtain  higher 
prices.  The  cause  of  a  member  was  always  heard 
first  in  the  court.  The  teachers  of  the  Law  of  such 
communities  as  paid  their  taxes  in  a  lump  sum, 
were  exempt  from  all  imposts.  Raba  allowed  the 
associates,  in  places  where  they  were  not  known, 
to  declare  their  rank,  in  order  that  they  might  enjoy 
the  advantages  attaching  thereto.  What  a  contrast 
to  former  times,  when  the  Tanaites  hesitated,  at 
the  risk  of  their  lives  even,  to  derive  any  benefit 
from  their  knowledge  of  the  Law  !  Raba  went  to 
extreme  lengths  in  according  privileges  to  the 
doctors  of  the  Law.  He  permitted  the  associates 
to  pass  themselves  off  as  worshipers  of  fire  in  order 
to  escape  payment  of  the  charag. 

The  course  of  conduct  thus  pursued  by  the  learned 
classes  gradually  awoke  a  dislike  of  them  among 
the  people.  The  lower  classes  spoke  of  them  con- 
temptuously as  '*  those  scholars."  The  mockery 
expressed  by  this  epithet  must  have  been  so  bitter 
that  on  their  side  the  teachers  of  the  Law  branded 
as  heretics  (Epicureans)  all  who  made  use  of  the 
expression.  Scholarship  thus  no  longer  obtained 
recognition.  "What  do  we  profit  by  the  scholars?" 
the  people  asked  themselves  ;  "all  their  knowledge 
is  employed  for  their  own  benefit."  At  the  head  of 
this  opposition  to  the  Rabbis  stood  the  family  of  the 
physician,  Benjamin  of  Machuza,  which  seems  to 
have  been  possessed  of  great  importance,  as  Raba 
paid  great  attention  to  its  members.  "  W'hat  ad- 
vantage do  we  really  derive  from  the   teachers  of 


590  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

the  Law?"  said  they  jeeringly  ;  "  they  can  neither 
allow  us  to  eat  ravens,  nor  forbid  us  to  eat  pigeons  ?  " 
— meaning  that  in  spite  of  all  their  dialectics  they  were 
unable  to  proceed  beyond  the  circle  of  established 
customs.  Although  Raba  declared  this  utterance 
of  Benjamin  Assia  to  be  heretical,  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  excommunicated  him,  but  rather  that 
he  treated  him  with  great  consideration  ;  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  latter  belongred  to  the  retinue  of  the 
Prince  of  the  Captivity. 

Meanwhile  the  zeal  for  the  study  of  the  Law 
had  greatly  increased.  Disciples  crowded  in  even 
greater  numbers  than  formerly  to  Raba's  academy 
in  Machuza,  neglecting  in  their  ardor  their  business 
pursuits.  Raba  was  obliged  to  warn  them  against 
this  excess  :  "  I  pray  you  do  not  come  to  my  school 
in  the  spring  and  autumn  months,  lest  you  should 
neglect  the  time  of  the  harvest  and  of  the  prepara- 
tion of  wine  and  oil,  and  so  be  troubled  throughout 
the  year  by  the  cares  of  life."  Raba's  discourses 
were  even  more  popular  than  Abayi's  by  reason  of 
the  clearness  of  his  explanations,  the  exactitude  of 
his  distinctions,  and  the  boldness  of  his  treatment 
of  the  subject-matter  of  tradition.  Raba  showed  a 
decided  preference  for  analyzing  the  Mishna  to  the 
bare  study  of  its  dry  subject-matter.  The  former 
method  offered  a  wide  field  for  the  employment  of 
dialectical  powers,  while  the  Mishna,  taken  in  its 
simplest  sense,  became  a  mere  matter  of  memory. 
On  this  account  Raba  placed  the  Amoraim  above 
the  Tanaites  ;  the  former  explained,  or  explained 
better,  such  points  as  were  doubtful  to  the  latter. 
He  was  accustomed  to  say  that  a  grain  of  pepper 
(acuteness)  was  better  than  a  basketful  of  melons. 
In  contrast  to  Zeira  I,  who  was  adverse  to  that  method 
of  teaching  which  encouraged  ingenious  reasoning, 
and  valued  highly  the  simplicity  of  the  Mishna,  Raba 
declared  that  "whoso  breaketh  stones  injureth  him- 
self thereby  (Eccles.  x.  9)  ;  thus  are  they  character- 


CH.  XXI.  SHABUR.  59I 

ized  who  know  merely  the  Mishna  ;  but  he  who 
splitteth  wood  warmeth  liimself ;  such  are  they  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  Talmud."  The  true  Talmud, 
the  attractive  collection  of  nice  questions,  answers, 
comparisons  and  distinctions,  the  lofty  flight  of 
thought,  which,  starting  from  a  point,  passes  with 
the  quickness  of  lightning  over  the  intermediate 
steps  of  a  chain  of  reasoning,  the  dialectic  form  of 
the  Talmud  is  the  product  of  this  period.  The 
triumvirate,  Rabba,  Abayi,  and  Raba,  were  Talmud- 
ists  in  the  real  meaning  of  the  word,  i.  e.^  dialec- 
ticians. In  this  sense  the  Talmud  was  the  creation 
of  the  Pumbedithan  and  Machuzan  schools.  In 
Judaea  there  was  scarcely  a  notion  of  it.  By  reason 
of  his  extensive  acquirements,  his  profound  intellect, 
and  perhaps  also  on  account  of  his  wealth,  Raba 
remained  the  sole  authority  during  his  continuance 
at  the  head  of  the  academy.  Questions  were  re- 
ferred to  him  even  from  Judaea,  when  the  frequent 
persecutions  under  Constantius  and  Gallus  involved 
the  Holy  Land  in  the  deepest  misery. 

This  period  was  by  no  means  the  happiest  for  the 
Jewish  subjects  of  the  Persian  crown  ;  they  were 
not  spared  during  the  obstinate  struggle  between 
Rome  and  Persia.  A  Persian  army  was  stationed 
at  Machuza,  and  had  to  be  maintained  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town.  As  the  population  was 
entirely  Jewish,  this  duty  was  attended  with  many 
inconveniences.  Shabur  II  was  no  friend  of  the 
Jews.  In  ancient  times  numerous  Jewish  families 
had  been  transported  to  Armenia,  and  now  lived 
there  in  their  own  cities  ;  of  these,  Shabur  led  an 
immense  multitude  (estimated  at  71,000)  into  cap- 
tivity, and  colonized  them  in  Susiana  and  Ispahan. 
This  latter  city,  which  had  formerly  been  the  capital 
of  the  Persian  empire,  received  the  name  of  Jehudia, 
from  the  many  Jews  who  settled  there  after  the 
captivity.  Shabur  appears  to  have  oppressed  the 
Jews  of  Babylonia  in  no  less  degree,  for  Raba  was 


592  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH,  XXI. 

obliged  to  expend  considerable  sums  of  money  in 
preventing  persecution.  His  friends  extolled  his 
good  luck  in  being,  to  a  certain  extent,  exempted 
from  the  misfortunes  to  which  the  Jewish  people 
had  been  predestined,  seeing  that  up  till  then  he 
had  been  subjected  to  no  extortions.  To  these 
congratulations  Raba  replied  as  follows :  "  You 
know  not  how  much  I  am  obliged  to  do  in  secret 
for  Shabur's  court!"  On  one  occasion  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  he  managed  to  escape  a  per- 
sonal danger  which  theatened  him  in  his  capacity 
of  principal  of  the  schools.  He  had  ordered  a  Jew 
to  be  flogged  for  having  held  carnal  intercourse  with 
a  Persian  woman,  and  the  chastisement  had  caused 
the  death  of  the  culprit.  The  case  happening  to 
come  to  Shabur's  knowledge,  he  commanded  a  heavy 
punishment  to  be  inflicted  on  Raba  for  having  ex- 
ercised the  criminal  jurisdiction.  The  latter  appears 
to  have  escaped  the  penalty  by  flight,  but  his  house 
was  pillaged.  All  further  consequences  of  this 
occurrence  were  averted  by  Ifra,  the  queen-mother, 
who  is  reported  to  have  said  to  her  son  :  "  Do  not 
meddle  in  any  way  with  the  Jews,  for  God  grants 
them  whatever  they  pray  for."  In  striking  contrast 
with  her  son,  Ifra-Ormuzd  entertained  a  special  liking 
for  the  Jews,  and  in  particular  for  the  teachers  of  the 
Law,  to  whom  at  times  she  vouchsafed  a  glance  into 
the  most  secret  recesses  of  her  heart.  In  the  same 
way  as  she  had  formerly  sent  a  purse  of  gold  to 
Joseph,  she  now  forwarded  400  golden  denars  to 
Raba.  Rami,  a  contemporary,  was  of  opinion  that 
this  present  ought  to  be  refused,  as  it  was  not 
lawful  to  receive  alms  of  the  heathens.  Notwith- 
standing this,  Raba  accepted  the  money,  but  dis- 
tributed it  amongst  the  heathen  poor.  The  queen- 
mother  Ifra  also  sent  an  animal  for  sacrifice  to  the 
principal  of  the  school  in  Machuza,  which  she 
requested  might  be  offered  up  according  to  the 
Jewish  rites,  in  order  to  prove  her  adoration  of  the 


CH.  XXI.        THE  SCHOOL  AT  NARES.  593 

only  God.  Raba  did  not  live  to  see  either  the 
introduction  of  the  calendar  by  Hillel,  or  the  short 
period  during"  which  prosperity  smiled  upon  the 
Jews.  He  died  after  holding  his  office  for  fourteen 
years. 

After  Raba's  death  the  importance  of  Machuza 
began  to  decline,  and  Pumbeditha,  which  had 
unwillingly  surrendered  the  palm  to  Raba,  now 
occupied  its  former  position.  It  is  remarkable  that 
from  this  time  forward  mediocrity  began  to  reign, 
as  if  intellectual  activity  needed  recreation  after  so 
many  exertions.  Not  one  of  Raba's  successors 
was  sufficiently  able  to  compensate  for  his  loss. 
The  principals  of  the  Babylonian  schools,  Nachman 
ben  Isaac,  Papa,  and  Chama  of  Nahardea,  were 
possessed  of  no  conspicuous  importance ;  the 
Pumbedithan  spirit  of  severe  analysis  and  ingenious 
dialectics  was  indeed  cultivated,  but  in  nowise 
advanced. 

Nachman  ben  Isaac  (born  about  280,  died  356) 
was  chosen  as  the  leader  of  the  Pumbedithan  Me- 
tibta,  but  merely  on  account  of  his  advanced  age,  his 
extraordinary  piety,  and  perhaps  also  of  his  inde- 
pendence. His  tenure  of  office  only  extended  over 
four  years,  and  was  not  rendered  memorable  by 
any  noteworthy  feature.  During  this  period  a  new 
academy  was  founded  at  Nares,  in  proximity  to 
Sora,  situated  on  the  canal  of  the  same  name. 

The  founder  of  this  new  academy,  of  which  he 
became  the  principal,  was  Papa  bar  Chanan  (born 
about  300,  died  375).  He  had  early  been  left  an 
orphan,  was  wealthy,  and  by  trade  a  brewer  of  beer 
from  dates.  His  friend,  Huna  ben  Joshua,  equally 
wealthy,  and  his  partner  in  business,  became  a 
teacher  at  this  academy.  But  the  two  together 
were  not  able  to  fill  the  void  which  Raba's  death 
had  occasioned.  It  is  true  that  the  members  of 
the  Machuzan  academy  gathered  around  them  ;  but 
opportunities  soon  arose  of  effecting  comparisons, 


594  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

the  results  of  which  were  anything  but  favorable  to 
the  new  chiefs. 

The  following  anecdote  will  serve  to  indicate  the 
character  of  the  principal  of  the  Nares  academy. 
Certain  of  the  younger  teachers  of  the  Law  had 
come  to  Nares  in  order  to  be  present  at  Papa's 
lectures.  This  latter,  however,  left  his  subject  in 
so  confused  a  condition,  that  they  secretly  began  to 
make  signs  one  to  the  other.  Papa,  seeing  this, 
was  exceedingly  mortified,  and  said  to  them :  "  Let 
those  present  depart  from  here  in  peace."  Another 
member,  one  Simai  bar  Ashi  (father  of  the  Ashi 
who  became  famous  later  on),  used  to  importune 
Papa  with  questions  which  quite  exceeded  his 
modest  capabilities.  Papa,  in  despair  lest  he  should 
be  put  to  shame  before  his  pupils,  would  throw 
himself  down  in  prayer,  and  beseech  the  merciful 
God  to  preserve  him  from  the  terrible  feeling  of 
confusion.  Simai,  havinor  been  an  unobserved 
witness  of  this  fervent  prayer,  made  up  his  mind 
that  henceforward  he  would  keep  silence,  and  no 
longer  involuntarily  mortify  Papa. 

In  the  Halacha,  Papa  was  the  representative  of  a 
school  which  was  so  devoid  of  self-dependence, 
that  its  partisans  did  not  even  hold  an  opinion  of 
their  own  concerning  the  views  of  others.  Whenever 
two  or  more  conflicting  opinions  left  the  meaning 
of  a  precept  of  the  Law  in  doubt.  Papa  would  say: 
"  Let  us  adopt  both  views,  or  act  according  to  all 
these  opinions."  Papa  remained  at  his  post  during 
nineteen  years  (355-375),  and  the  stupor  into  which 
all  minds  were  thrown  during  this  period  was  only 
dissipated  by  his  successor.  Pumbeditha  possessed 
a  principal  of  equal  insignificance  in  Chama  of 
Nahardea,  whose  character  a  single  anecdote  will 
sufifice  to  indicate.  King  Shabur  asked  him  whether 
the  practice  of  burying  the  dead  was  founded  on 
the  Torah,  or  whether  it  was  simply  an  ancient 
custom.     The  question  arose  from  the  usage  of  the 


CH.  XXI.  THE    EMPEROR    JULIAN.  595 

Persians,  who  neither  buried  nor  burned  the  corpses 
of  their  dead.  Chama,  however,  could  bring  forward 
no  passage  of  Scripture  in  support  of  burial.  Acha 
ben  Jacob,  a  member  of  the  household  of  the  Prince 
of  the  Captivity,  and  therefore  privileged  to  say 
many  things,  expressed  the  following  opinion  of 
this  principal :  "  The  world  is  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  fools  ;  why  did  he  not  instance  the  verse, 
'And  thou  shalt  bury  him  on  the  same  day '  ?  " 

In  the  course  of  the  twenty-one  years  (356-377) 
during  which  Chama  held  office,  a  change  occurred 
in  the  Roman  Empire  which  was  not  without 
weighty  consequences  for  the  communities  of  Judaea 
and  Babylonia.  A  nephew  of  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantius,  Julian,  effected  a  revolution  which,  however, 
was  only  temporary.  Emperor  Julian  was  one  of 
those  masterful  characters  who  impress  their  names 
indelibly  on  the  memory  of  man.  It  was  only  an 
early  death  and  the  hatred  of  the  ruling  Church 
which  prevented  him  from  obtaining  the  title  of 
"Great."  Although  a  member  of  Constantine's 
family,  the  fratricidal  sword  of  the  Constantines 
hung  over  his  head,  and  he  was  compelled  by 
fear  of  death  to  give  hypocritical  adhesion  to  the 
Christian  religion,  which  he  hated.  Almost  by  a 
miracle  he  was  created  co-emperor  by  his  uncle 
Constantius,  who  hated  him  from  the  bottom  of  his 
heart,  and  had  already  held  a  council  about  his 
death.  A  military  revolt  in  his  favor,  and  the 
unexpected  death  of  his  enemy  Constantius,  put 
Julian  in  possession  of  exclusive  power.  Known  in 
the  history  of  the  Church  as  the  Apostate  ( Apostata, 
Parabata),  Julian  made  it  the  duty  of  his  life  to 
realize  the  ideal,  which  association  with  his  teachers, 
Libanius  and  Maximus,  had  suggested  to  him,  and 
which  had  been  further  ennobled  by  his  rich  mind. 
His  favorite  thoughts  were  to  protect  the  oppressed 
of  all  nations  and  religions,  to  promote  the  well- 
being  of  all  his  subjects,  more  especially  by  alle- 


596  HISTORY    Ol-'    THE    JEWS.  Cll.  XXI. 

viating   the  burden  of  taxes,  to   revive  the  philo- 
sophical sciences,  which  had  been   condemned  by 
the    Christian    emperors,    to    restore    the    ancient 
religion,  freed,  however,  from  its  most  conspicuous 
blemishes,  which  had  rendered  it  so  contemptible 
and  ridiculous  ;  finally,  to  confine  Christianity,  which 
had  gained  so  much  power  during  so  short  a  period, 
within  its  proper  limits.     Mindful,  however,  of  the 
persecution  to  which  he  himself  had  been  subjected, 
he  refrained  from  retaliating  on  the  Christians,  in 
spite  of  their  mania  for  persecution.     Still,  he  was 
desirous  of  restraining   their   encroachments,  and 
therefore  deprived  them  of  their  influence  in  civil 
and  scientific  matters,  and  attempted  to  lower  them 
in  the  appreciation  of  the  learned  classes  by  the 
employment  of  the  weapons  of  the  intellect   and 
delicate  satire.     He  called  Jesus  a  Galilaean  whom 
credulity  had  exalted  to  a  god,  and  spoke  of  the 
Christians   by   the    nickname  of  Galilaeans.      For 
this  reason  he  was  all  the  more  friendly  toward  the 
Jews,  and  was  the  only  emperor  after  Alexander 
Severus  who  evinced  serious  interest  in  Judaism. 
He  was  led  by  more  reasons  than  one  to  prefer 
Judaism.     Brought  up  in  the  Christian  religion,  he 
had  become  acquainted  with  Judaism  through  the 
Holy  Bible,  and  the  more  Judaism  was  hated  and 
persecuted   by   Christianity,  the   greater  was   the 
reverence  with  which  he  regarded  it.    The  emperor 
even  admitted  that  he  had  been  greatly  shocked 
by  the  cruel  oppression  to  which  the   Jews  were 
exposed   during   the   reign    of  Constantius,  when 
their   religion   was   branded    as    blasphemous    by 
victorious    Christianity.      Julian    was    greatly    im- 
pressed by  the  God  of  Judaism,  as   described  in 
Holy  Writ,  and  acknowledged  him  as  the  "  Great 
God."     He  refused  to  believe,  however,  that  beside 
Him  there  existed  no  other  gods.     He  especially 
admired   the   benevolence   of  the   Jews,  and   was 
astonished   that    they    cared    for   their   poor   with 


CH.  XXI.       JULIAN    THE    FRIEND    OF   THE   JEWS.  597 

such  zeal  that  no  beofofars  existed  amona-  them. 
He  was  also  desirous  of  deeply  mortifying  the 
Christians  by  the  preference  which  he  exhibited  for 
the  Jews,  for  the  former  were  at  great  pains  to 
prove  the  superiority  of  their  religion  by  the  abase- 
ment of  the  latter.  He  entertained  a  particular 
predilection  for  the  sacrificial  cult,  and  for  this 
reason  he  was  especially  pleased  with  the  Jewish 
system  of  sacrifices,  with  the  solemn  pomp  of  the 
Temple  and  the  priests.  The  emperor  reproached 
the  Christians  with  having  rejected  the  God  and 
the  worship  of  Judaism,  but  he  particularly  blamed 
them  for  having  discarded  the  sacrificial  service. 
It  was  true  that  the  Jews  did  not  then  offer  sacrifices, 
but  this  was  only  because  they  no  longer  possessed 
a  Temple.  Finally,  the  idea  may  have  occurred  to 
Julian  to  dispose  the  Babylonian  Jews  in  his  favor 
for  the  Persian  war  which  now  occupied  his  whole 
attention.  He  desired,  if  not  to  obtain  their  active 
support,  at  least  to  prevent  them  from  offering 
fanatical  resistance. 

Julian's  reign,  which  lasted  not  quite  two  years 
(November,  361  to  June,  363)  was  a  period  of  ex- 
treme happiness  for  the  Jews  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
The  emperor  favored  them,  relieving  them  from 
oppression,  and  from  the  disgrace  which  the  taunt 
of  blasphemy  entailed.  He  called  the  Patriarch 
Hillel  his  venerable  friend,  and  honored  him  with 
an  autograph  letter,  wherein  he  assured  him  of  his 
good-will,  and  promised  to  try  and  put  an  end  to 
the  wrongs  of  the  Jews.  He  also  addressed  an 
epistle  to  all  the  Jewish  communities  of  the  empire, 
and  made  preparations  for  rebuilding  the  Temple 
in  Jerusalem,  which  had  become  a  Christian  city 
since  the  time  of  Constantine.  The  imperial  mis- 
sive, which  stands  out  in  glaring  contrast  with  the 
course  of  treatment  adopted  by  the  first  two  Chris- 
tian emperors,  is  remarkable  enough  to  merit  being 
preserved.  The  letter  (written  at  Antioch  in  the 
autumn  of  362  or  the  winter  of  t,6t,)  ran  as  follows  : 


598  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

"To  THE  JEWISH  Congregations. — More  oppressive  for  you  in 
the  past  than  the  yoke  of  dependence  was   the   circumstance  that 
new  taxes  were  imposed  upon  you  without  previous  notice,  and  you 
were  thus  compelled  to  furnish  an  immense  quantity  of  gold  to  the 
imperial  treasury.     I  learnt  much  by  personal  observation,  but  still 
more  by  the  tax-rolls  which  were  being  preserved  to  your  detriment, 
and  which  I  happened  to  light  upon.    I  myself  abolished  a  tax  which 
it   was  intended   to  impose  upon  you,  and  thus  put  a  stop  to  the 
injustice  of  attempting  to  cast  such  a  slur  on  you  ;  with  my  own 
liands  did  I  commit  to  the  flames  the  tax-rolls  against  you  which  I 
came  across  in  my  archives,  in  order  that  for  the  future  no  one  might 
spread  such  a  charge  of  blasphemy  against  you.     My  brother  Con- 
stantius,  the  Glorious,  was  not  so  much  to  blame  for  this  as  those 
barbarians  in  thought  and  godless  in  spirit  who  invented  such  a 
system  of  taxation.    With  my  own  arm  have  I  hurled  them  to  deepest 
ruin,  so  that  not  even  the  memory  of  their  fall  shall  remain  with  us. 
Being  on  the  point  of  according  you  yet  greater  favor,  I  have  ex- 
horted my  brother,  the  venerable  Patriarch  Julos  (Hillel),  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  collection  of  the  so-called  Apostole  from  you,  and  hence- 
forward let  no  one  further  oppress  your  nation  with  the  collection  of 
such  imposts,  so  that  everywhere  in  my  empire  you  may  be  free  from 
care  ;  and  thus,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  peace,  may  you  address  your 
fervent  prayers  for  my  empire  to  the  Almighty  Creator  of  the  Universe, 
who  has  supported  me  with  His  strong  right  hand.     It  seems  to  be 
the  fact,  that  those  whose  lives  are  passed  in  anxiety  are  indolent 
of  spirit,  and  do  not  dare  raise  their  hands  in  supplication  for  the 
prosperity  of  their  country.    But  those  who  are  exempt  from  all  care, 
and  are  glad  with  their  whole  hearts,  are  able  to  direct  their  sincere 
prayers  for  the  welfare  of  the  empire  to  the  Most  High,  who  can  best 
further  my  rule  as  I  propose  to  reign.     Thus  should  you  do  in  order 
that,  on  the  happy  termination  of  the  Persian  war,  I  may  be  able  to 
visit  Jerusalem,  the  Holy  City,  which  shall  be  rebuilt  at  my  expense, 
as  you  have  desired  to  see  it  restored  for  so  many  years  :  then  will  I 
unite  with  you  in  giving  praise  to  the  Almighty," 

It  is  not  related  what  impression  was  produced 
by  this  gracious  letter,  which,  more  winning  even 
than  Cyrus'  missive  to  the  Babylonian  exiles,  came 
as  a  drop  of  refreshing  dew  after  long  drought. 
A  single  account,  which  is  borrowed  from  Jewish 
tradition,  relates  that  the  Jews  applied  to  Julian  the 
following  verse  (Daniel  xi.  34):  "Now  when  they 
shall  fall,  they  shall  be  holpen  with  a  little  help." 
Daniel  is  thus  supposed  to  have  prophesied  that 
after  the  Jewish  nation  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
Gallus,  Julian  w^ould  extend  help  to  them  by  his 
support  and  his  promise  to  rebuild  the  Temple. 

Meanwhile  Julian  did  not  forget  to  act  upon  his 
promise.     Although  abundantly  occupied  with  the 


CH.  XXI.    ATTEMPTED  REBUILDING  OF  THE  TEMPLE.     599 

preparations  for  the  Persian  war,  he  had  neverthe- 
less at  heart  the  restoration  of  the  Temple  of  Jeru- 
salem from  its  ruins.  For  this  purpose  he  appointed 
a  special  chief  overseer  in  the  person  of  his  best 
friend,  the  learned  and  virtuous  Alypius  of  Antioch, 
and  exhorted  him  to  spare  no  expense  during  the 
rebuilding.  The  governors  of  Syria  and  Palestine 
received  orders  to  aid  Alypius  with  everything  that 
was  necessar)^  The  building  materials  were  already 
prepared,  and  workmen  were  assembled  in  great 
numbers  for  the  purpose  of  clearing  away  the  ruins 
which  had  lain  heaped  upon  the  site  of  the  Temple 
ever  since  its  destruction,  nearly  three  hundred 
years  before.  The  Jews  do  not  seem  to  have  in- 
terested themselves  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple, 
for  the  Jewish  authorities  maintain  a  complete 
silence  concerning  this  fact,  and  the  stories  of  the 
ardor  of  the  Jews  for  the  rebuilding  which  are 
related  by  the  later  Christian  reports  are  purely 
fictitious.  The  distant  communities  are  said  to  have 
forwarded  sums  of  money  toward  the  restoration  of 
the  Temple,  and  it  is  even  asserted  that  women 
sold  their  jewelry  and  brought  stones  in  their  laps. 
But  all  this  was  quite  unnecessary,  for  Julian  had 
amply  provided  both  building  materials  and  work- 
men. The  Christians  also  spread  the  report  that 
Julian  only  pretended  to  be  kindly  disposed  towards 
the  Jews  in  order  to  entice  them  into  heathenism. 
Especially  spiteful  is  the  story  that  the  Jews  de- 
stroyed several  churches  in  Judsea  and  the  neigh- 
boring countries,  and  threatened  to  inflict  as  much 
evil  on  the  Christians  as  they  themselves  had  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  the  Christian  emperors.  The  report 
that  about  this  period  the  Christians  of  Edessa 
massacred  the  entire  Jewish  population  of  that  city 
is  more  credible.  It  may  be  assumed  as  a  certainty 
that  the  hope  of  re-establishing  their  state,  which 
had  occasioned  two  or  three  revolutions,  and  had 
cost  so  many  victims,  was  extinguished  in  the  hearts 


600  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

of  the  Jews.  The  restoration  of  their  former  mag- 
nificence was  now  only  expected  at  the  appearance 
of  the  Messiah.  Without  the  latter  a  Temple 
would  have  seemed  utterly  absurd,  according  to  the 
views  which  were  entertained  at  this  period,  and 
still  less  would  it  have  been  possible  for  a  Roman 
emperor  to  be  regarded  as  the  Messiah.  The 
opinion  was  generally  accepted  that  "  God  had 
bound  the  Jewish  nation  by  oath  not  to  climb  over 
the  wall  {i.  e.,  re-establish  the  State  by  force),  nor  to 
rebel  against  the  ruling  nations,  but  to  bear  their 
yoke  patiently  until  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  and 
not  to  attempt  to  bring  about  that  period  by 
violence." 

Meanwhile  the  Christians  looked  with  envious 
eyes  upon  the  commencement  of  the  work  (spring, 
363).  The  indifference  of  the  Jews  seems,  however, 
to  have  contributed  more  than  anything  else  to  the 
suspension  of  the  rebuilding,  on  account  of  the 
various  obstacles  which  were  encountered.  On  the 
occasion  of  the  pulling  down  of  the  ruins,  and  the 
excavation  of  the  foundations,  a  fire  broke  out  by 
which  several  workmen  lost  their  lives.  This  sub- 
terranean conflagration  doubtless  occurred  in  the 
passages  which  had  formerly  existed  beneath  the 
Temple,  and  had  its  origin  in  the  gases  which  had 
long  been  compressed  there,  and  which,  on  being 
suddenly  released  from  pressure,  ignited  on  coming 
into  contact  with  the  air  above.  These  sudden  ex- 
plosions occurred  repeatedly,  and  disheartened  the 
workmen,  so  that  they  gradually  gave  up  work. 
If  the  Jews  had  interested  themselves  more  warmly 
in  the  re-building,  it  is  hardly  probable  that  they 
would  have  allowed  themselves  to  be  discour- 
aged by  such  an  obstacle,  which  was  anything  but 
invincible  ;  ardent  enthusiasm  shuns  no  sacrifice. 
But  deprived  of  the  warm  participation  of  the  Jews, 
Alypius  also  became  less  enthusiastic,  and  waited 
for  further  commands   from   the  emperor.     Julian, 


CH.  XXI.  THE    I'ERSO-ROMAN    WAR.  6oi 

however,  is  said  to  have  accused  the  Christians  of 
having  caused  the  fires  to  break  out  in  the  under- 
ground passages,  and  to  have  threatened  to  build 
a  prison  for  Christians  out  of  the  ruins  of  the 
Temple  on  his  return  from  the  war.  But  this  story, 
which,  like  most  of  those  relating  to  this  event,  is 
drawn  from  Christian  sources,  is  utterly  untrust- 
worthy. The  Christian  authorities  of  the  following 
generation  relate  the  most  wonderful  tales  of  the 
miracles  which  are  said  to  have  happened  during 
this  impious  rebuilding,  the  purpose  of  all  of 
which  was  to  warn  the  obdurate  Jews  and  to  glorify 
Christ. 

The  issue  of  the  Persian  war — unhappy  as  it  was 
for  Julian — was  also  calculated  to  deprive  the  Jews 
of  their  short-lived  exultation,  and  to  prepare  a  new 
triumph  for  the  Christians.  Julian  had  concentrated 
the  whole  of  the  Roman  forces,  and  had  availed 
himself  of  every  possible  expedient  in  order  not  to 
be  inferior  in  strength  to  his  opponent,  Shabur  II. 
Shabur  on  his  side  had  set  himself  the  task  of  freeing 
Asia  from  the  Roman  rule.  Julian,  however,  was 
dreaming  the  golden  dream  which  had  lured  many 
a  Roman  general,  from  Crassus  and  Caesar  down- 
wards, to  the  region  of  the  Euphrates.  His  ambition 
was  to  plant  the  Roman  eagle  on  the  further  side 
of  the  Tigris. 

Once  again  Europe  and  Asia  stood  face  to  face. 
The  scene  of  the  war  was  laid,  for  the  most  part,  in 
the  province  of  Jewish  Babylonia.  It  is  impossible 
to  determine  which  side  was  espoused  by  the  Jews. 
The  town  of  Firuz-Shabur,  which  contained  many 
Jewish  inhabitants,  was  obstinately  besieged  for 
three  days,  compelled  to  capitulate,  and  finally 
burnt.  The  inhabitants  escaped  in  small  boats  by 
the  canals  of  the  Euphrates.  The  conduct  of  the 
Jewish  inhabitants  of  Firuz-Shabur  towards  Julian 
therefore  remains  uncertain.  But  the  town  of  Bitra 
(more  correctly  Birtha),  which  was  inhabited  entirely 


602  HISTORY    OF    THE   JEWS.  CH.  XXI. 

by  Jews,  and  was  surrounded  by  a  low  wall,  displayed 
a  spirit  of  hostility  ;  it  was  completely  abandoned 
by  its  population,  and  the  soldiers,  giving  vent  to 
their  martial  passion,  burnt  it  to  the  ground.  The 
town  of  Machuza  (Maoga-Malka),  which  was  to 
a  certain  extent  a  suburb  of  Ctesiphon,  was  held  by 
a  Persian  garrison  ;  it  was  most  hotly  besieged,  and 
offered  so  determined  a  resistance  that  the  entire 
military  force  of  the  Romans  hardly  sufficed 
to  effect  its  fall.  Machuza,  the  seat  of  Raba's 
academy,  whose  proud  Jewish  inhabitants  rivaled 
those  of  the  capital  in  magnificence,  fell  ten  years 
after  Raba's  death  (363)  under  the  blows  of  the 
Roman  catapults,  and  became  a  heap  of  ruins. 
After  the  war  it  was  again  rebuilt.  In  spite  of  the 
progress  which  Julian  made  into  the  enemy's 
country,  he  did  not  succeed  in  reaching  Ctesiphon. 
He  lost  not  only  the  fruits  of  his  victories,  but  even 
his  life,  through  his  rashness.  He  was  struck  down 
by  an  arrow,  said  to  have  been  shot  by  a  Christian 
belonging  to  his  own  army.  Calmly,  and  as  becomes 
a  philosopher,  Julian  breathed  his  last.  It  Is  related 
that  a  few  minutes  before  his  death  he  exclaimed : 
"Thou  hast  conquered,  O  Galilsean!" 

The  death  of  Julian  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Tigris  (June,  363)  deprived  the  Jews  of  the  last  ray 
of  hope  for  a  peaceful  and  unmolested  existence. 
His  favor  was,  however,  so  far  attended  with  good 
effect,  that  the  edicts  promulgated  against  the  Jews 
by  Constantine  and  Constantius  were  not  im- 
mediately renewed ;  Julian's  ordinances  remained 
in  force  in  so  far  as  they  did  not  affect  the  privileges 
of  the  Jews.  Jovianus,  Julian's  successor  (June,  363 
to  February,  364),  was  compelled  to  conclude  an 
ignominious  peace  with  the  victorious  Shabur ;  he 
lived  too  short  a  time  to  be  able  to  effect  any 
changes.  He  permitted  his  subjects  to  freely  declare 
their  adherence  to  any  religion  they  chose,  without 
thereby  incurring  any  disadvantage.      Once  again 


CH.  XXI.  ROMAN    TOLERATION.  603 

the  Roman  empire  was  divided  between  two  rulers, 
Valentinian  I  (364-375),  and  Valens  (364-378).  The 
latter,  who  was  Emperor  of  the  East,  was  an  Arian, 
and  had  suffered  too  severely  from  the  powerful 
Catholic  party  to  be  intolerant  himself.  He  pro- 
tected the  Jews  and  bestowed  honors  and  distinc- 
tions upon  them.  His  brother,  Valentinian  I,  the 
Emperor  of  the  West,  likewise  chose  the  policy  of 
tolerance  in  the  struggle  between  Catholics  and 
Arians,  and  permitted  the  profession  of  either  reli- 
gion without  political  disadvantages  being  thereby 
incurred  (371).  This  toleration  was  also  extended 
the  Jews. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE    LAST    AMORAIM. 

Decline  of  the  Roman  Empire — Ashi  and  the  Redaction  of  the  Talmud 
— Jezdijird  II— The  Jews  under  the  Emperors  Theodosius  I  and 
his  successors — The  extinction  of  the  Patriarchate — Chrysostom 
and  Ambrosius — Fanaticism  of  the  Clergy — Jerome  and  his 
Jewish  Teachers — Mar-Zutra — Fifth  and  Sixth  Generations  of 
Amoraim — The  Jews  under  Firuz — Jewish  Colonies  in  India — 
Completion  of  the  Babylonian  Talmud — Its  Spirit  and  Contents. 

375—500  c.  E. 

Tpie  period  during  which  the  Roman  empire  was 
approaching  a  state  of  complete  dissolution  marks 
an  epoch  of  decay  and  regeneration,  destruction 
and  rejuvenescence,  ruin  and  reconstruction,  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  The  storm,  which  burst  in  the 
north,  under  the  wall  of  China,  brought  down  a 
black  thunder-cloud  in  its  train,  and  shattered  the 
giant  tree  of  the  Roman  empire,  which,  sapless  and 
leafless,  had  only  continued  to  exist  thus  far  by  the 
force  of  gravity  ;  nothing  now  remained  but  a  wreck 
of  splinters,  the  toy  of  every  capricious  wind.  The 
uncouth  Huns,  the  scourge  of  God,  drove  before 
them  horde  upon  horde,  tribe  upon  tribe,  whose 
names  the  memory  refuses  to  retain  or  the  tongue 
to  utter.  The  period  of  the  migration  of  the  nations 
confirms  almost  literally  the  words  of  the  prophet : 
"  The  earth  staggers  like  a  drunken  man,  and  her 
sins  lie  heavy  upon  her ;  she  falls  and  cannot  rise, 
and  the  Lord  Zebaoth  punishes  the  bands  of  heaven 
in  heaven,  and  the  kings  of  earth  upon  earth," 
Small  wonder  indeed  that  in  the  Goths,  the  first 
wave  of  the  migration  of  tribes  which  inundated 
and  devastated  the  Roman  empire,  the  Jews  did  not 
fail  to  discover  Gog  from  the  land  of  Magog,  of 

6oi 


CH.  XXII.       ASHI  RESTORES  THE  SCHOOL  AT  SORA.         605 

whom  a  prophet  had  said  :  "  Thou  shalt  ascend  and 
come  hke  a  storm,  thou  shalt  be  Hke  a  cloud  to 
cover  the  land,  thou  and  all  thy  bands,  and  many 
people  with  thee"  (Ezekiel  xxxviii.  9). 

In  this  remarkable  alternation  of  disappearance 
of  nations  and  their  formation,  the  conviction  forced 
itself  upon  Jewish  thinkers  that  the  Jewish  people 
was  eternal :  **  A  nation  arises,  another  vanishes,  but 
Israel  alone  remains  forever."  The  barbaric  tribes, 
the  avengers  of  the  long-enslaved  nations,  settled 
on  the  ruined  sites  of  the  Roman  empire,  wild 
plants  only  to  be  cultivated  by  the  master-hand  of 
history,  uncouth  savages,  to  be  civilized  by  earnest 
teaching.  In  this  iron  time,  when  no  man  could  be 
certain  of  the  next  day,  the  leaders  of  Judaism  in 
Palestine  and  Babylonia  felt  deeply  the  necessity  of 
placing  the  treasure  which  had  been  confided  to 
their  hands  in  safety,  so  that  it  might  not  be  im- 
periled by  the  accidents  of  the  day.  An  epoch  of 
collection  commenced,  during  which  the  harvest  which 
had  been  sown,  cultivated,  and  reaped  by  their  fore- 
fathers was  brought  under  shelter.  The  subject- 
matter  of  tradition,  which  had  been  so  greatly 
augmented,  enriched  and  purified  by  a  long  series 
of  generations  and  the  diversity  of  schools,  was 
henceforward  to  be  set  in  order.  This  tendency  of 
compilation  and  arrangement  was  represented  by 
Ashi. 

Rabbana  Ashi  (born  352,  died  427)  was  the  son 
of  Simai',  and  the  descendant  of  an  ancient  family. 
He  so  early  gave  evidence  of  complete  maturity  of 
mind,  that  while  still  a  youth  he  restored  the  long- 
desolate  Soranian  academy  to  its  former  place  of 
honor.  He  was  certainly  not  more  than  twenty 
when  he  became  principal  of  that  school.  Coming 
of  a  wealthy  family,  Ashi  possessed  many  forests, 
the  wood  of  which  he  had  no  compunction  in  selling 
to  feed  the  holy  fire  for  the  worship  of  the  Magi. 
It  is  remarkable  that  nothing  is  known  of  the  history 


6o6  IIISTOKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXII. 

of  his  yoLitli  and  education  ;  there  is  even  no  indi- 
cation of  the  reason  which  induced  him  to  infuse 
new  Hfe  into  the  half-decayed  Soranian  academy  ; 
probably  Sora  was  his  native  town.  He  pulled 
down  and  rebuilt  the  school  which  had  been  erected 
several  centuries  previously  by  Rab,  and  which  was 
already  beginning"  to  exhibit  signs  of  decay ;  and  in 
order  that  no  delay  should  occur  in  the  rebuilding, 
he  brought  his  bed  on  the  site,  and  remained 
there  night  and  day  until  the  gutters  of  the  house 
had  been  put  up.  The  Sora  school  was  built  on  an 
elevation  so  that  it  might  overlook  the  whole  city. 
Ashi's  splendid  qualities  so  impressed  his  contem- 
poraries that  he  was  regarded  as  the  supreme  au- 
thority, a  position  to  which  no  person  had  been  able  to 
attain  since  Raba's  death.  Ashi  united  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  entire  body  of  the  Law,  charac- 
teristic of  Sora,  with  Pumbedithan  dialectics,  and 
thus  satisfied  all  claims.  His  contemporaries  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  distinguishing  title  of  Rabbana 
(our  teacher).  During  the  fifty-two  years  over 
which  his  public  labors  extended,  seven  principals 
succeeded  each  other  in  Pumbeditha.  Nahardea, 
which  had  made  no  figure  since  its  destruction  by 
Ben-Nazar  (Odenath),  also  began  to  come  into  some 
repute  again  on  account  of  the  academy  opened 
there  by  Amemar  (390-420).  But  none  of  these 
teachers  really  disputed  the  supremacy  with  Ashi, 
and  Sora  again  occupied  the  honorable  position  into 
which  it  had  been  placed  by  Rab.  The  oldest 
Amorai'm,  Amemar  and  Mar-Zutra,  voluntarily 
subordinated  themselves  to  Ashi's  authority,  and 
resigned  to  him  the  task  of  restoring  unity.  The 
most  distinguished  among  them,  even  the  two  suc- 
cessive Princes  of  the  Captivity  of  this  period  (Mar- 
Kahana  and  Mar-Zutra  I),  submitted  to  his  orders. 
It  was  in  Sora  that  the  Princes  of  the  Captivity  now 
received  the  homage  of  the  delegates  of  all  the 
Babylonian    communities  ;  this  ceremony   had   for- 


CH.  XXII.         COMPILATION    OF   THE   TALMUD.  607 

merly  taken  place,  first  at  Nahardea,  and  then, 
during  the  prime  of  its  academy,  at  Pumbeditlia. 
This  homage  was  paid  every  year  on  a  Sabbath,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  month  of  Marcheshvan 
(in  the  autumn),  and  this  Sabbath  was  known  as 
the  "  Rigle  "  of  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity.  The 
extraordinary  assembhes  of  the  people,  which  met 
at  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  the  Captivity,  were 
henceforward  also  held  in  Sora,  and  for  this  reason 
the  Patriarchs  were  obliged  to  repair  to  that  town, 
even  though  they  had  fixed  their  residence  in  some 
other  place.  Ashi  had  thus  made  Sora  the  center 
of  Jewish  life  in  Babylonia,  and  had  connected  it 
with  everything  of  public  or  general  interest.  The 
splendor  with  which  its  numerous  assemblies  in- 
vested it,  was  so  great  that  Ashi  expressed  surprise 
that  the  heathen  Persians  could  be  witnesses  of  it 
all,  and  not  feel  themselves  moved  to  embrace 
Judaism, 

In  consequence  of  this  concentration  of  power  in 
his  own  person,  Ashi  was  enabled  to  undertake  a 
work,  the  consequences  of  which  were  incalculable, 
both  as  regards  the  fate  and  the  development  of 
the  Jewish  people.  He  began  the  gigantic  task  of 
collecting  and  arranging  the  explanations,  deduc- 
tions, and  amplifications  of  the  Mishna,  which  were 
included  under  the  name  "Talmud."  The  imme- 
diate motive  which  suggested  this  undertaking  was 
undoubtedly  the  consideration  that  the  immense 
accumulation  of  matter,  the  result  of  the  labor  of 
three  generations,  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  vanish 
from  memory  through  lack  of  interest.  This  would 
certainly  be  the  case  if  some  means  were  not  pro- 
vided of  impressing  it  easily  upon  the  mind.  Ashi 
even  then  complained  of  the  diminution  of  the 
power  of  memory  in  his  time  as  compared  with 
times  gone  by,  without,  however,  taking  into  account 
that  by  reason  of  the  accumulation  of  matter  the 
memory  was  infinitely  more  charged  than  formerly. 


6o8  HISTORY   OF    THE    JEWS,  CH.  XXH. 

His  successful  treatment  of  this  exuberant  material 
was  rendered  the  easier  by  the  fact  that  he  was 
permitted  to  work  at  it  for  more  than  half  a  century. 
Every  year  on  the  occasion  of  the  assembly  of  all 
the  members,  disciples,  and  pupils  durini^  the  Kalla 
months,  certain  tractates  of  the  Mishna,  together 
with  the  Talmudical  explanations  and  corollaries, 
were  thoroughly  gone  into,  and  thus  in  about  thirty 
years  more  than  fifty  of  them  were  completely 
arranged.  In  the  latter  half  of  his  period  of  office 
Ashi  went  through  the  whole  of  the  matter  which 
had  thus  been  put  in  order  for  the  second  time. 
What  remained  after  this  double  process  of  win- 
nowing and  testing  was  accepted  as  of  binding 
force. 

This  arrangement  of  the  bulky  matter  of  the 
Talmud  was  not  committed  to  writing.  The  con- 
servation in  writing  of  oral  tradition,  the  incarnation, 
as  it  were,  of  what  is  spiritual,  was  still  regarded  as  a 
crime  against  religion,  more  especially  at  this  period, 
when  Christendom  had  taken  possession  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  as  its  own  spiritual  property,  and 
considered  itself  as  the  chosen  part  of  Israel.  Ac- 
cording to  the  views  of  the  times,  Judaism  was 
now  possessed  of  no  distinguishing  feature,  ex- 
cept the  Oral  Law.  This  thought  frequently  found 
expression  in  a  poetical  form  —  "Moses  requested 
permission  to  commit  to  writing  the  Mishna  or  Oral 
Law,  but  God  saw  in  advance  that  the  nations 
would  one  day  possess  a  Greek  translation  of  the 
Torah,  and  would  affirm:  'We  are  Israel;  we  are 
the  children  of  God,'  while  the  Jewish  people  would 
also  declare,  'We  are  God's  children,'  and  He 
therefore  gave  a  token  for  this  purpose  :  '  He  who 
possesses  my  secret  (mysterion)  is  my  son.'  This 
secret  is  the  Mishna  and  the  oral  exegesis  of  the 
Law.  Therefore  did  the  prophet  Hosea  say: 
'  Were  I  to  write  the  fulness  of  the  Law,  Israel 
would  be  accounted  as  a  stranger.' " 


CH.   XXII.  jKZDIJIRI).  609 

It  is  not  at  all  astonishing  that  this  multitude  of 
ordered  details  could  be  retained  by  the  memory, 
for  before  the  time  of  Ashi  they  had  been  retained 
though  not  yet  reduced  to  order.  By  his  compilation 
of  the  Talmud,  Ashi  completed  the  work  which  had 
been  begun  by  Judah  two  centuries  previously. 
But  his  task  was  infinitely  more  difficult.  The 
Mishna  embraced  only  the  plain  Halacha  in  artis- 
tically constructed  paragraphs  of  the  Law.  The 
Talmud,  however,  gave  also  the  living  part  of  the 
development  of  the  Law  and  its  spiritual  tenor, 
and  this  with  dialectic  exactitude.  The  first  impulse 
to  the  compilation  of  the  Talmud  marks  one  of  the 
most  important  epochs  in  Jewish  history.  From 
this  time  forward  the  Babylonian  Talmud  (Talmud 
Babli)  became  an  active,  potent,  and  influential 
element.  Ashi,  however,  did  not  entirely  complete 
this  gigantic  task ;  for,  although  he  directed  his 
ardor  wholly  to  the  work  of  compilation,  the  creative 
power  was  not  so  completely  conquered  either  in 
him  or  his  contemporaries,  that  they  were  content 
to  entirely  restrict  their  energies  to  the  work  of 
compilation.  On  the  contrary,  Ashi  solved  many 
of  the  questions  which  had  been  left  doubtful,  or 
had  been  unsatisfactorily  answered  by  the  pre- 
ceding Amoraim,  and  his  decisions  are  as  forcible 
and  ingenious  as  they  are  simple ;  in  fact,  one  often 
wonders  how  they  could  have  been  overlooked  by 
his  predecessors.  About  this  time  the  Jerusalem  or 
Palestinean  Talmud  was  compiled  and  concluded. 
The  name  of  the  compiler  is  not  known.  The 
latest  authorities  whose  names  have  been  preserved 
are  Samuel  bar  Bun  and  Jochanan  bar  Moryah. 
contemporaries  of  Ashi. 

The  period  of  Ashi's  activity  falls  within  the 
reign  of  Jezdijird  (400-420),  a  king  of  the  Sassanian 
dynasty,  who  was  favorably  disposed  towards  the 
Jews.  The  Magians  gave  to  this  noble  prince  the 
surname  of  "Al   Hatim"  (the  sinner),  because  he 


6lO  IIISTOKV  OF  Till-:  J  i:\vs.  ch.  xxii. 

refused  to  surrender  his  own  will  and  allow  himself 
to  be  ruled  by  them.  He  was  exceedingly  well 
affected  towards  the  Jews,  and  at  the  same  time 
favorably  disposed  towards  the  Christians.  On  the 
days  of  homage  there  were  present  at  his  court  the 
three  representatives  of  the  Babylonian  Jews : 
Ashi,  of  Sora ;  Mar-Zutra,  of  Pumbeditha ;  and 
Amemar,  of  Nahardea.  Huna  bar  Nathan,  who,  if 
he  was  no  Prince  of  the  Captivity,  must  nevertheless 
have  been  possessed  of  considerable  influence,  held 
frequent  intercourse  with  Jezdijird's  court.  This 
mark  of  attention  on  the  part  of  a  Persian  king,  who 
proclaimed  himself  the  child  of  the  Sun,  a  worshiper 
of  Ormuz,  and  the  King  of  the  Kings  of  Iran,  may 
be  regarded  as  a  proof  of  high  favor. 

Ashi  was  devoid  of  all  exaggerated  enthusiasm, 
and  seems  to  have  attempted  to  suppress  the 
hope  of  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  which  kept 
the  minds  of  the  Jews  in  greater  suspense  than 
ever  at  this  time  of  the  migration  of  nations  and 
of  universal  revolution,  when  sin-laden  Rome  was 
suffering  the  punishment  of  God.  An  ancient 
sibylline  saying,  attributed  to  the  prophet  Elijah, 
was  current,  according  to  which  the  Messiah  would 
appear  in  the  eighty-fifth  jubilee  (between  440  and 
470  of  the  common  era).  Such  messianic  expecta- 
tions were  always  certain  of  creating  enthusiasts, 
who  aimed  at  converting  their  silent  belief  into  fact, 
and  without  exactly  intending  to  deceive,  attempted 
to  carry  away  such  of  the  crowd  as  were  of  like 
opinions,  and  to  excite  them  to  such  a  pitch  that 
they  would  willingly  sacrifice  their  lives.  In  point 
of  fact  such  an  enthusiast  did  appear  during  Ashi's 
time  in  Crete,  and  he  cfained  as  adherents  all  the 
Jewish  congregations  of  this  important  island, 
through  which  he  had  traveled  in  a  year.  He 
promised  them  that  one  day  he  would  lead  them  dry- 
footed,  as  Moses  had  formerly  done,  through  the  sea 
Into  the  promised  land  ;  he  is  said  to  have  adopted 


CH.  XXII.  DECAY    OF    THE    PATRIARCHATE.  6ll 

the  name  of  the  great  lawgiver.  For  the  rest,  this 
Cretan  Moses  was  able  to  convince  his  followers  so 
thoroughly  of  his  divine  mission,  that  they  neglected 
their  business,  abandoned  all  their  property,  and 
only  waited  for  the  day  of  the  passage  through  the 
sea.  On  the  appointed  day,  Moses  the  Messiah 
marched  in  front,  and  behind  him  came  the  entire 
Jewish  population  of  Crete,  including  the  women 
and  the  children.  From  a  promontory  projecting 
out  into  the  sea,  he  commanded  them  to  throw  them- 
selves fearlessly  into  the  ocean,  as  the  waters  would 
divide  themselves  before  them.  Several  of  these 
fanatics  met  their  death  in  the  waves  ;  others  were 
rescued  by  sailors.  The  false  Moses  is  said,  how- 
ever, never  to  have  been  found  again.  It  was 
against  such  false  hopes  as  these,  whose  conse- 
quences were  so  sad,  that  Ashi  warned  the  Jews. 
At  the  same  time  he  suggested  another  interpreta- 
tion of  the  prophecy  which  had  been  set  in  circu- 
lation :  "  It  is  certain,"  said  he,  "  that  the  Messiah 
cannot  appear  before  this  time,  before  the  eighty- 
fifth  jubilee,  but  after  the  lapse  of  this  period  the 
hope,  although  not  the  certainty,  of  his  coming  may 
be  entertained."  Ashi  died,  g-reatly  respected  by 
his  contemporaries  and  the  Jews  of  aftertimes,  at 
a  ripe  old  age  (427),  two  years  before  the  capture 
of  Carthage  by  Genseric.  This  Prince  of  the 
Vandals,  who  wrested  from  Rome  her  accumulations 
of  spoil,  also  carried  to  Africa  the  vessels  of  the 
Temple,  which  Titus  had  added  in  triumph  to  the 
plunder  of  so  many  nations.  Like  the  sons  of 
Judaea,  the  Temple  vessels  wandered  much. 

By  reason  of  the  Patriarchate,  Judaea  was  still 
regarded  as  their  head  by  the  Jewish  communities 
of  the  Roman  Empire.  During  this  period  it  pre- 
sents an  even  more  gloomy  picture  of  complete 
decay  than  formerly.  The  oppression  of  hostile 
Christianity  bore  all  too  heavily  upon  the  country, 
and  stifled  the  impulse  to  study.     Tanchuma  bar 


6l2  HISTORY    OF    THE    JKWS.  TH    XXII. 

Abba,  the  chief  supporter  of  the  later  Agada,  is  the 
last  Halachic  authority  of  Judcea,  There  also,  as  in 
Babylonia,  the  last  Amoraiin  collected  the  traditions 
and  planned  and  arranged  the  Jerusalem,  or,  more 
correctly,  the  Judaean  or  Western  Talmud  (Talmud 
shel  Erez-Israel,  Gemara  di  Bene  Ma'araba).  But 
so  defective  is  the  history  of  Judaea  that  not  even 
the  names  of  the  compilers  or  the  originators  of  the 
movement  are  known.  Doubtless  the  example  of 
Babylonia  suggested  the  making  of  this  collection. 
Only  so  much  is  certain,  that  Tiberias,  the  seat  of 
the  Patriarchate  and  of  the  School,  was  the  birth- 
place of  the  Jerusalem  Talmud. 

It  was  during  this  period  that  the  Patriarchate, 
the  last  remnant  of  former  times,  met  with  complete 
destruction.  Three  patriarchs  are  mentioned  by 
name  :  they  are  Gamaliel  V,  successor  of  Hillel  II, 
his  son  Judah  IV  and  Gamaliel,  the  last  (370-425). 
But  only  indistinct  traces  of  their  activity  can  be 
recognized.  It  is  true  that  they  still  bore  the  pomp- 
ous rather  than  influential  title  of  Highness,  together 
with  its  attendant  privileges,  and  that  they  still 
drew  voluntary  subsidies  from  the  communities  of 
the  Roman  empire,  which  their  envoys  were  wont  to 
collect  from  the  congregations.  But  their  authority 
was  considerably  diminished.  The  sole  influence 
of  the  Patriarchs  now  consisted  in  the  one  fact,  that 
they  excluded  from  the  Jewish  community  its  apostate 
members,  who  had  gone  over  to  Christianity  either 
voluntarily  or  through  deceit  or  persuasion.  But 
even  this  power  proud  Christianity  refused  to  recog- 
nize. By  means  of  the  secular  arm,  the  Bishops 
compelled  the  Patriarchs  and  the  heads  of  the  com.- 
munities,  who  bore  the  name  of  Primates,  to  re-admit 
into  the  community  such  of  the  members  as  had 
been  excommunicated.  But  Theodosius  the  Great 
(379-395),  although  continually  incited  by  the 
Catholic  clergy,  Ambrosius,  among  others,  to  per- 
secute the  Arians  and  other  heretics,  consistently 


CII.  XXII.  CIIRVSOSTO.M    AND    AMBROSIUS.  613 

protected  the  Jews  against  their  fanatical  attacks. 
He  promulgated  a  law  confirming  to  the  Patriarchs 
and  Primates  the  right  of  excommunicating  the 
members  of  their  community,  and  forbidding  the 
secular  authorities  to  meddle  with  the  domestic 
affairs  of  the  Jews.  He  proved  to  Gamaliel  V  his 
justice  towards  the  Jews  by  condemning  to  death  the 
consular  agent  Hesychius,  whom  the  Patriarch  had 
accused  before  him  of  surreptitiously  gaining  pos- 
session of  important  documents.  For  the  rest, 
nothing  more  is  known  of  the  circumstance  to  which 
these  documents  referred. 

Theodosius  frequently  had  to  restrain  the  religious 
zeal  of  the  Christians,  which  regarded  as  heroism 
such  deeds  as  the  disturbance  of  the  religious  devo- 
tions of  the  Jews,  the  pillaging  or  destruction  of 
the  synagogues,  or  their  appropriation  and  conver- 
sion into  churches.  The  principal  fanatics  against 
the  Jews  at  this  period  were  John  Chrysostom  of 
Antioch,  and  Ambrosius  of  Milan,  who  attacked 
them  with  the  greatest  fierceness. 

The  former,  who  had  been  called  from  the  solitude 
of  the  cloister  to  the  ministry,  thundered  against  the 
Jews  from  the  pulpit  with  his  bombastic  and  cynical 
eloquence  ;  even  made  them  the  subject  of  six  suc- 
cessive sermons.  The  behavior  of  the  Jews  of 
Antioch,  however,  was  indeed  too  provoking  :  with- 
out any  active  endeavor  on  their  part.  Christians 
became  interested  in  their  customs,  their  divine  ser- 
vice, and  their  court  of  law.  On  Sabbaths  and  festi- 
vals many  Christians,  especially  of  the  female  sex, 
ladies  of  rank  and  women  of  lower  position,  met 
together  regularly  in  the  synagogues.  They  list- 
ened with  devotion  to  the  blowing  of  the  cornet  on 
the  Jewish  New  Year,  attended  the  solemn  service 
on  the  Day  of  Atonement,  and  participated  in  the 
joys  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  They  were  all 
the  more  attracted  by  the  fact  that  all  this  had  to 
go  on  behind  the  backs  of  the  Christian  priests,  and 


6l4  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  t  H.  XXII. 

that  the  neighbors  had  to  be  entreated  not  to  betray 
them.  Christians  preferred  to  bring  their  lawsuits 
before  Jewish  judges,  the  form  of  the  Jewish  oath 
appearing  more  imposing  and  forcible  to  them.  It 
was  against  such  voluntary  honoring  of  Jewish  insti- 
tutions by  the  Christians  that  Chrysostom  directed 
the  violence  of  his  Capuchin  sermons,  bestowing  all 
manner  of  harsh  names  upon  them,  and  proclaiming 
the  synagogues  as  infamous  theaters,  dens  of 
robbers,  and  even  still  worse  places. 

Ambrosius,  of  Milan,  was  a  violent  official,  igno- 
rant of  all  theology,  whom  a  reputation  for  violence 
in  the  church  had  raised  to  the  rank  of  bishop  ;  he 
was  even  more  virulent  against  the  Jews.  Once 
when  the  Christians  of  Rome  had  burnt  down  a 
synagogue,  and  the  usurper  Maximus  commanded 
the  Roman  Senate  to  rebuild  it  at  the  expense  of 
the  State,  Ambrosius  called  him  a  Jew.  The  Bishop 
of  Callinicus,  in  Northern  Mesopotamia,  having 
caused  a  synagogue  situated  in  that  district  to  be 
burnt  to  the  ground  by  monks,  Theodosius  ordered 
him  to  build  it  up  again  at  his  own  expense,  and 
punished  all  who  had  participated  in  the  act  (388). 
Hereupon  Ambrosius'  anger  was  most  violently 
inflamed,  and  in  the  epistle  which  he  addressed  to 
the  emperor  he  employed  such  sharp,  provoking 
terms,  that  the  latter  was  thereby  led  to  revoke  his 
order.  Ambrosius  accused  the  Jews  of  despising 
the  Roman  laws,  and  mockingly  taunted  them  with 
the  fact  that  they  were  not  permitted  to  set  up  any 
emperor  or  governor  in  their  midst,  nor  to  enter 
the  army  or  the  Senate,  nor  even  to  eat  at  the  table 
of  the  nobles ;  they  were  only  there  for  the  purpose 
of  bearing  heavy  taxes.  To  this  pious  misconduct 
Theodosius  endeavored  to  put  a  stop  by  means  of 
laws.  Starting  from  the  premise  that  Judaism  was 
not  prohibited  from  existing  in  the  Roman  empire 
by  any  law,  he  was  desirous  of  extending  to  it  the 
protection  of  the  law  against  violent  attacks.     He 


CH.  XXII.  THE    BYZANTINE    EMITRE.  615 

therefore  enjoined  the  Comes  of  the  East  to  severely 
punish  the  Christian  rehg^ious  rioters  and  dese- 
crators  of  synagogues  (393).  But  of  what  avail 
could  the  imperial  edicts  and  commands  be  against 
the  tendency  of  the  times  to  be  malignant,  to  accuse 
of  heresy,  and  to  persecute  ?  The  Jews  could  not 
complain,  for  they  were  not  treated  any  worse  than 
the  adherents  of  the  various  Christian  sects  whose 
opponents  had  gained  the  upper  hand.  The  savage- 
ness  which  the  invasion  of  the  barbarians  had  intro- 
duced into  the  historical  parts  of  the  world  tainted 
the  province  of  religion  with  its  contagion  ;  Van- 
dalism reigned  everywhere,  in  the  Church  as  well  as 
in  the  State.  Meanwhile  the  exceptional  position 
of  the  Jews  in  the  Roman  empire  had  been  either 
re-established  or  confirmed  by  Theodosius  I.  Con- 
stantius'  law  relative  to  the  possession  of  slaves 
was  revived  afresh  ;  any  Jewish  slave-owner  who 
admitted  his  slaves  into  the  pale  of  Judaism  was  to 
be  severely  punished.  The  privilege  of  exemption 
from  the  onerous  municipal  offices  on  the  grounds 
of  religious  scruples,  which  the  Jews  had  succeeded 
in  obtaining  under  his  predecessors,  was  abolished 
by  Theodosius. 

This  emperor  bequeathed  his  dominions  to  his 
two  sons,  and  thus  lastingly  divided  the  Roman 
world  into  two  parts,  and  into  two  different  camps, 
thereby  intensifying  the  strained  and  unsympa- 
thetic relations  of  the  different  parties  to  each 
other.  Henceforward  the  Jews  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire belonged  to  different  masters,  part  of  them 
being  subjects  of  the  eastern,  others  of  the  western 
empire.  Arcadius,  the  eastern  or  Byzantine  em- 
peror (395-408),  was  a  monarch  merely  in  name  ; 
his  all-powerful  chamberlains,  Rufinus  and  Eutro- 
pius,  were  extremely  favorable  to  the  Jews.  Ru- 
finus loved  money,  and  the  Jews  had  already  dis- 
covered the  magic  power  of  gold  to  soften  obdurate 
hearts.     Numerous  laws  were  therefore  promulgated 


6l6  I1ISTUR\'    UF    TIIK    JEWS.  (H.  XXII. 

in   their  favor.     One  of  these  laws  decided  (396) 
that  the  Jews  should  remain  possessed  of  indepen- 
dence in  the  matter  of  choosing  their  own  market 
inspectors  (Agoranomos),  and  that  whosoever  should 
dare    encroach    on    this   right   should    be   liable    to 
severe  punishment  by  imprisonment.     Another  law 
of  the   same  year  protected  the  "illustrious  patri- 
archs "    from    insult.     In    Illyria    synagogues    were 
attacked,  probably  by  the  clergy,  who  would  have 
liked  to  see  the  Jewish  houses  of  prayer  as  com- 
pletely destroyed  as  the  heathen  temples ;  there- 
upon Arcadius  (or  Eutropius)  commanded  the  gov- 
ernors   to  resist  this   movement  with  all    possible 
energy  (397).     In  the  same  year  he  also  re-enacted 
and  confirmed  the  law  of  Constantius,  whereby  the 
patriarchs,  as  also  all  the  religious  officials  of  the 
synagogue,  were  exempted  from  the  burden  of  the 
magistracy,  as  were  the  Christian  clergy.     Another 
right  was  also  preserv^ed  to  the  Jews  by  Arcadius' 
administration  (February,  398);  they  were  allowed 
to  retain  the  privilege  of  submitting  their  lawsuits 
to   the  patriarch  and  other   Jewish   arbitrators,    if 
both   parties    consented    to    this    course,   and   the 
Roman  authorities  were  obliged  to  execute  these 
judgments,  without  prejudice  to  the  fact,  however, 
that  in  so  far  as  their  religion  was  not  concerned, 
they  were  subject  to  the  Roman  law.     We  must 
not  be  surprised  by  a  capricious  change  under  the 
arbitrary  rule  of  the  Byzantine  court :    a  law  was 
published  in  399,  subjecting  all  Jews,  even  the  reh- 
gious  superiors,  to  the  Curial  burdens.     This  had, 
perhaps,  some  connection  with  Eutropius'  fall  in  the 
same  year. 

Not  much  is  known  of  the  course  of  conduct  pur- 
sued towards  the  Jews  by  the  Emperor  of  the  West, 
the  feeble  Honorius,  or  his  master,  Stilicho.  The 
abolition  of  exemption  from  the  Curies  pronounced 
against  the  communities  of  Apuleia  and  Calabria 
does  not  prove  that  a  systematic  hostility  already 


CH.  XXII.       EXTINCTION    OF   THE    rATRIARCIIATE.         617 

existed  against  the  Jews.  Another  law  (of  April, 
399)  forbade,  in  the  name  of  the  Western  Emperor 
Honorius,  and  under  severe  penalty,  the  collection 
of  the  patriarch's  tax  throughout  the  whole  extent 
of  the  prefecture.  Such  sums  as  had  already  been 
received  were  confiscated  to  the  imperial  treasury. 
The  motive  of  this  prohibition  may,  however,  have 
been  that  the  Western  Emperor  regarded  with  en- 
vious eye  the  withdrawal  of  such  considerable  sums 
into  the  prefecture  of  his  brother.  But  as  if  the 
legislation  of  this  period  desired  to  ridicule  its  own 
capriciousness,  this  prohibition  was  revoked  five 
years  later,  and  the  Jews  were  henceforward  per- 
mitted to  collect  the  Patriarch's  tax  as  before,  and 
to  forward  it  without  concealment  (404).  While 
on  the  one  hand  Honorius  forbade  the  Jews  and  the 
Samaritans  to  take  any  share  in  the  military  service, 
on  the  other  hand,  he  protected  the  Jews  from 
molestation  on  the  part  of  the  authorities,  and  de- 
cided by  an  edict  that  the  Jews  should  not  be 
summoned  before  the  court  on  the  Sabbath  or  the 
festivals  (409). 

The  Middle  Ages  really  begin  for  Judaism  with 
Theodosius  II  (408-450),  a  good-natured  but  monk- 
ridden  emperor,  whose  weakness  afforded  impunity 
to  the  fanatical  zeal  of  many  a  bishop,  and  offered 
encouragement  to  cruelty.  Edicts  of  this  emperor 
prohibited  the  Jews  from  building  new  synagogues, 
from  exercising  the  office  of  judge  between  Jewish 
and  Christian  suitors,  and  from  possessing  Christian 
slaves  ;  they  also  contained  other  prohibitions  of 
less  interest.  It  was  under  this  emperor  that  the 
Patriarchate  finally  fell,  although  Gamaliel  (Batraah), 
the  last  of  the  patriarchs,  enjoyed  great  distinction  at 
the  imperial  court,  such  as  none  of  his  predecessors 
had  ever  possessed.  Beside  the  title  which  had 
long  been  borne  by  the  Patriarchs,  the  high  dignity 
of  Prefect  [Prcefectura),  together  with  a  diploma  of 
honor  [codicillus  honor arius),  had  been  bestowed 


6l8  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  ClI.  XXH 

upon  him,  and  although  these  were  but  liollow 
honors,  they  were  of  great  importance  at  a  time 
when  appearances  constituted  everything.  It  is  not 
known  what  was  the  particular  merit  for  which 
Gamaliel  gained  this  distinction,  but  it  was  probably 
on  account  of  his  medical  acquirements.  He  was 
a  physician,  and  was  credited  with  the  discovery  of 
a  much-approved  remedy  for  diseases  of  the  spleen. 
In  this  elevated  position  Gamaliel  considered  him- 
self privileged  to  be  lax  in  his  observance  of  the 
emperor's  exceptional  laws  against  the  Jews.  He 
therefore  built  new  synagogues,  exercised  jurisdic- 
tion in  disputes  between  Jews  and  Christians,  and 
disregarded  other  similar  imperial  commands.  In 
consequence  of  this,  Theodosius  deprived  him  of 
all  his  higher  dignities,  took  from  him  his  diploma 
of  honor,  and  suffered  him  to  retain  only  such 
distinctions  as  he  had  enjoyed  as  Patriarch  (415). 
But  Theodosius  in  nowise  abolished  the  Patri- 
archate during  Gamaliel's  lifetime  ;  it  was  not  until 
after  the  latter's  death  that  this  occurred,  his  male 
heirs  having  died,  it  appears,  at  an  early  age 
(425).  Thus,  with  Gamaliel  (Batraah)  the  last  rem- 
nants of  the  noble  stock  of  the  house  of  Hillel 
disappeared.  For  three  and  a  half  centuries  this 
house  had  stood  at  the  head  of  the  spiritual  affairs 
of  Judaism  ;  many  of  its  members  had  been  pro- 
moters of  the  Law,  of  liberty,  and  of  national 
feeling,  and  the  history  of  their  lives  had  become 
an  important  part  of  the  history  of  the  Jewish 
nation.  Fifteen  Patriarchs  had  succeeded  each 
othei  during  this  lapse  of  time  ;  two  Hillels,  three 
Simons,  four  Judahs,  and  six  Gamaliels. 

During  the  reign  of  Theodosius  in  the  East,  and 
Honorius  in  the  West,  Cyril,  Bishop  of  Alexandria, 
notorious  for  his  love  of  quarreling,  his  violence, 
and  his  impetuousness,  was  suffered  to  illtreat  the 
Jews  and  to  drive  them  out  of  that  town.  He 
assembled  the  Christian  mob,  incited  them  against 


CH.  XXII.  CYRIL.  619 

the  Jews  by  his  excessive  fanaticism,  forced  his  way 
into  the  synagogues,  of  which  he  took  possession 
for  the  Christians,  and  expelled  the  Jewish  inhabi- 
tants half  naked  from  the  town  which  they  had 
come  to  regard  as  their  home.  Disdaining  no 
means,  Cyril  handed  over  their  property  to  be 
pillaged  by  the  mob,  ever  greedy  of  plunder  (415). 
Thus  the  Christians  inflicted  on  the  Jews  of  Alex- 
andria the  same  fate  as  370  years  before  had  fallen 
to  their  lot  at  the  hands  of  the  heathens.  The 
Prefect  Orestes,  who  took  this  barbarous  treatment 
of  the  Jews  greatly  to  heart,  was  powerless  to 
protect  them  ;  all  he  was  able  to  do  was  to  lodge  a 
charge  against  the  bishop,  but  the  latter  gained  his 
cause  at  the  court  of  Constantinople.  How  great 
was  the  fanaticism  of  this  bishop  may  be  seen  from 
what  occurred  in  Alexandria  soon  after  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jews.  Not  far  from  this  city  was  a  mountain 
called  Nitra,  where  dwelt  an  order  of  monks  whose 
thirst  for  the  crown  of  martyrdom  had  almost  made 
wild  animals  of  them.  Incited  by  Cyril,  these  monks 
fell  upon  Orestes,  and  almost  stoned  him  to  death 
as  a  punishment  for  not  sanctioning  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jews.  It  was  this  same  fanatical  band  that 
tore  to  pieces  the  body  of  the  celebrated  philosopher 
Hypatia,  who  had  charmed  the  world  by  her  pro- 
found science,  her  eloquence,  and  her  purity.  Only 
one  member  of  this  unlucky  community  of  Jews, 
Adamantius  by  name,  a  teacher  of  the  science  of 
medicine,  was  induced  by  this  disaster  to  allow 
himself  to  be  baptized  ;  he  repaired  to  Constan- 
tinople, and  was  there  granted  the  right  to  settle 
in  Alexandria.  All  the  rest  willingly  bore  banish- 
ment and  affliction  for  the  sake  of  their  convictions. 
Not  so  resolute  were  the  Jews  of  the  little  town 
of  Magona  (Mahon)  in  the  Spanish  island  of 
Minorca,  in  the  Mediterranean.  Severus,  the  bishop 
of  that  place,  burnt  their  synagogues,  and  harassed 
them  with   attacks   in  the  streets,  until  at  last  he 


620  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXH. 

succeeded  in  compelling  many  of  them  to  embrace 
Christianity.     The  Jews  had  settled  early — probably 
in    the   time    of    the    Roman    Republic — in    Spain 
and   in    the    surrounding  islands,  and   lived   there 
in   friendly   relation    with   the    original   inhabitants. 
Even  after   the    Iberians    had   become    Christians, 
the    husbandmen     still    caused     the    produce    of 
their  fields  to  be  blessed  by  the  Jews.     It  was  in 
Spain   that  the  Christian  clergy  first  aroused  the 
fanaticism  of  the   Christian  population  against  the 
Jews.    The  same  bishop  Osius  (Hosius)  of  Cordova, 
who  had  sat  in  the  Council  of  Nice,  and  had  con- 
voked a  council  at  Illiberis  (Elvira,  near  Granada), 
also  succeeded  in  passing  a  resolution  which  pro- 
hibited the  Christians,  under  pain  of  excommuni- 
cation,   from   trading    with    the   Jews,    contracting 
marriages  with  them,  or  causing  them  to  bless  the 
produce  of  their  fields.     Nothing  now  remained  for 
the  Jews  of  Christian  countries  but  to  take  up  the 
weapons  of  mockery ;  they  accordingly  made  merry 
over  their  enemies  behind  their  backs,  which  has 
everywhere   and  at  all  times  been  the  manner  in 
which  the  weaker  party  has  attempted  to  lighten 
its  burdens.    At  times  also  they  made  use  of  coarse 
jokes    to    express    their    feelings   with    regard    to 
Christianity.     Such  jokes  were  most  usually  made 
on  the  occasion  of  the  feast  of  Purim,  when  the 
cheerfulness  of  the  festival  led  to  intoxication,  and 
intoxication  to  irresponsible  expressions  and  demon- 
strations.    On  this  day  the  Jews  in  their  merriment 
were  accustomed  to  hang  Haman,  their  arch-enemy, 
in  effigy  on  a  gallows,  and  this  gallows,  which  used 
afterwards    to   be    burned,    took,    accidentally    or 
intentionally,  the  form  of  a  cross.     Naturally  the 
Christians    complained    of    profanation    of     their 
religion,  and  the  Emperor  Theodosius  II  directed 
the    ruler  of  the  province  to  put  a  stop  to   such 
misconduct  by  the   threat   of  severe    punishment, 
without  being  able,  however,  to  repress  it.    On  one 


CH.  XXII.  SIMON    STVLITES.  62  1 

occasion  this  carnival  pleasantry  is  said  to  have  led 
to  horrible  consequences.  The  Jews  of  Imnestar, 
a  small  Syrian  town  between  Antioch  and  Chalcis, 
having  erected  one  of  these  Haman's  gallows, 
were  accused  by  the  Christians  of  having  suspended 
a  Christian  lad  crosswise  upon  it,  and  of  having 
flogged  him  to  death.  Thereupon  the  emperor 
ordered  the  culprits  to  be  punished  (415). 

The  Christians  of  Antioch  were  not  inferior  to 
their  brethren  of  Alexandria  in  fanaticism.  They 
once  begged  the  emperor  not  to  remove  the  bones 
and  relics  of  their  martyr  Ignatius,  as  they  afforded 
their  city  as  great  a  protection  as  strong  walls. 
They  also,  on  their  side,  avenged  the  deecl  of  the 
Jews  of  Imnestar,  by  forcibly  dispossessing  their 
Jewish  fellow-citizens  of  their  synagogues.  It  is 
a  remarkable  phenomenon  that  the  prefects  and 
rulers  of  the  provinces  for  the  most  part  expressed 
themselves  in  favor  of  the  Jews  against  the  clergy. 
The  Syrian  prefect  notified  the  emperor  of  this 
robbery  of  the  synagogues,  and  must  have  painted 
this  act  of  injustice  in  very  vivid  colors,  for  he 
thereby  moved  Theodosius  II,  steeped  as  he  was 
in  monkish  bigotry,  to  issue  an  injunction  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Antioch,  ordering  them  to  restore 
the  synagogues  to  their  owners.  But  this  decision 
wa3  denounced  by  Simon  Stylites,  who  led  a 
life  of  extreme  asceticism  in  a  sort  of  stable  not  far 
from  Antioch.  From  the  height  of  his  column  he 
had  renounced  the  world  and  its  ways,  but  his 
hatred  of  the  Jews  was  sufficient,  nevertheless,  to 
cause  him  to  interpose  in  temporal  matters.  Hardly 
had  he  heard  of  Theodosius'  command  relative  to 
the  restoration  of  the  stolen  synagogues,  than  he 
addressed  an  insulting  letter  to  the  emperor, 
informing  him  that  he  acknowledged  God  alone, 
and  no  one  else,  as  master  and  emperor,  and 
demanded  the  withdrawal  of  the  edict.  Theodosius 
hardly   stood    in    need    of    such    intimidation  ;    he 


622  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXII. 

revoked  his  command,  and  even  removed  the 
Syrian  prefect,  who  had  raised  his  voice  in  favor  of 
the  Jews  (423). 

The  bigotry  of  Theodosius   II   operated   also  on 
Ilonorius,  Emperor  of  the  West,  and  by  their  absurd 
laws    both  of  them  placed  the  Jews  in  that  excep- 
tional position  in  which  the   newly-formed  German 
states    found   them.      The    Jews    were   no   longer 
allowed  to  hold  any   public  offices,    or  to  fill  any 
military  posts  such  as  they  had  formerly  been  per- 
mitted to  occupy.     All  that  now  remained  open  to 
them    were   the   doubtful   honors  of  the  municipal 
offices  ;  but  not  content  with  having  deprived  them 
of  their  position  of  equality,  Theodosius   restricted 
the  free  employment  of  their  property  for  religious 
purposes,  as  if  the  fortunes  of  the  Jews  belonged 
to  the  emperor.     After  the  extinction  of  the  patri- 
archal house  the  Jewish  communities  had  not  dis- 
continued their  practice  of  forwarding  the  taxes  of 
the  Patriarch ;  they  were  handed  over  to  the  pri- 
mates, who  most  probably  employed  them  in  sup- 
porting the  schools.     Suddenly  there  appeared  an 
imperial  decree  directing  the  primates  to  deliver  up 
to  the  imperial  treasury  such  sums  as  had  already 
been   received  for  the  Patriarch's  taxes,  and  com- 
manding that  for  the  future  they  should  be  collected 
by  imperial  officials  after  exact  computation  of  their 
amount,  and  even  that  the  moneys  received  from 
the  Western  empire  should  be  handed  over  to  the 
treasury  (May  30,  429).     New  Rome  had  inherited 
all  the  knavery  and  covetousness  of  Ancient  Rome, 
In  the  same  manner  as  the  heathen  emperor  Ves- 
pasian had  appropriated  the  Temple  dues,  so  now 
did  this  Christian  emperor  seize  upon  the  taxes  of 
the    Patriarch,   thus    adding   to   the   injury   of  the 
robbery  an  insult  to  the  conscience,  for  that  which 
had  been  voluntarily  offered  out  of  piety  was  now 
imposed  as   a   compulsory  tax   for  the  benefit  of 
foreign  interests. 


CH.  XXII.  JEROME.  62 


O 


In  spite  of  the  affliction  which  fell  to  the  lot  of 
Judaism  in  the  Eastern  empire,  and  more  especially 
in  Judaea,  whereby  the  study  of  the  Talmud  was 
retarded,  the  spirit  of  investigation  had  not  become 
quite  extinct  in  Judaea.  The  reigning  distress 
offered  no  scope  for  the  profundities  of  the  Halacha, 
but  furthered  the  study  of  the  cheerful  Agada, 
which,  diving  deep  into  the  joyful  and  gloomy  situa- 
tions of  past  ages,  poured  the  balm  of  consolation 
on  fretted  and  desperate  spirits,  and  lulled  them 
with  the  magic  of  hope.  The  more  clear-sighted 
were  fully  conscious  of  this  decay  of  serious 
studies,  and  expressed  their  discontent.  Notwith- 
standing the  prevailing  injustice  of  the  times,  a 
lively  interest  in  the  Hebrew  language  and  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  Bible  was  still  felt  in  Palestine, 
It  is  indisputable  that  this  interest  in  the  language 
was  greatly  heightened  by  the  controversies  which 
were  sustained  with  Christians,  and  to  such  a  pitch 
was  it  excited  at  this  period,  that  by  its  help  Chris- 
tianity arrived  at  an  understanding  of  the  primitive 
text  of  the  Bible.  Tiberias  was  the  home  and  the 
model  of  this  branch  of  knowledge  ;  Lydda  is  the 
only  other  town  which  is  mentioned  beside  it. 
Hieronymus  (Jerome,  331-420),  called  by  the  Church 
the  Holy,  the  founder  of  a  nunnery  in  Bethlehem, 
being  actuated,  like  Origen,  by  a  thirst  for  knowl- 
edge, was  at  pains  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
Bible  in  its  original  form,  and  for  this  reason  went 
in  quest  of  Jewish  teachers,  such  as  Bar-Chanina 
and  others  in  these  cities.  Under  their  guidance, 
Hieronymus'  acquirements  were  by  no  means  small, 
for  he  succeeded  in  expressing  himself  freely  in 
Hebrew.  From  this  circumstance  it  may  fairly  be 
concluded  that  the  knowledge  of  the  holy  tongue 
and  of  the  Bible  was  more  assiduously  cultivated  in 
Judaea  than  has  generally  been  assumed.  Bar- 
Chanina  was  obliged,  however,  to  avoid  publicity, 
and  to  go  in  secret  to  Hieronymus'  cell,  there  to 


624  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXII. 

instruct  him,  for  by  reason  of  the  hostile;  use  to 
which  the  Christians  turned  their  knowledge  of  the 
Hebrew  language,  it  had  latterly  been  forbidden  to 
the  Jews  to  teach  them.  Hieronymus  not  only 
learnt  the  pronunciation  of  Hebrew  and  the  literal 
meaning  of  the  Bible,  but  was  afforded  a  more  pro- 
found insight  into  the  interconnection  of  the  text  by 
the  aid  of  tradition.  He  succeeded  so  well  in  catch- 
ing the  form  of  the  Agadic  exposition,  that  at  times 
he  was  able  to  carry  it  over  with  taste  and  ingenuity 
into  the  sphere  of  Christianity. 

The  Jews  were  several  centuries  ahead  of  their 
Christian  contemporaries  as  regards  judging  and 
distino^uishino'  between  authentic  canonical  writing-s 
and  spurious  apocryphal  collections.  The  Council 
of  Nice,  which  had  thought  to  unite  parties  by  means 
of  authoritative  decisions,  had  decided  the  dispute 
as  to  the  holy  character  of  doubtful  writings,  and 
had  Incorporated  several  apocryphal  books  in  the 
canon.  The  Jews  with  whom  Hieronymus  held  con- 
ferences on  matters  exegetical,  offered  such  sound 
remarks  on  the  worthlessness  of  several  portions  of 
the  Apocrypha  that  even  at  this  day,  when  knowl- 
edge has  made  such  immense  strides,  they  must  be 
acknowledged  as  correct.  Among  others,  a  Jewish 
teacher  of  the  Law  ridiculed  the  additions  to  Habak- 
kuk,  according  to  which  an  angel  transported  the 
prophet  by  the  hair  from  Judaea  to  Chaldaea.  He 
demanded  where  in  the  (Did  Testament  could  be 
found  a  counterpart  to  this  story  of  one  of  the  holy 
prophets,  possessed  of  a  body  subject  to  the  power 
of  gravity,  traversing  so  immense  a  distance  in  a 
moment.  In  spite  of  the  unpropitious  state  of 
the  times,  the  Jews  of  Palestine  were  not  afflicted 
with  that  want  of  judgment  which  in  naive  faith 
accepts  without  discrimination  as  holy  anything  that 
is  put  forward  as  such  ;  they  had  not  extinguished 
the  light  of  discernment  in  the  temple  of  their  faith. 
This  power  of  judgment  was  a  result  of  the  study 


CH.  XXII.  JEROME.  625 

of  the  Halacha,  which  afforded  a  counterpoise  to  the 
incapacity  of  discrimination  which  is  a  consequence 
of  creduUty.  Thus  even  in  its  old  age  Judaea  fostered 
the  Hebrew  tongue,  which  it  had  given  to  its  sons 
as  an  indissoluble  bond  of  union  in  foreign  countries. 
The  use  of  the  holy  language  in  prayer,  lecture,  and 
study  constituted  the  intellectual  unity  of  the  Jewish 
nation. 

Christianity  had  caught  up  a  few  rays  of  the 
setting  sun  of  Judaea,  and  treasured  them  up  in  the 
Church  as  a  light  from  heaven.  The  knowledge  of 
Hebrew,  which  Hieronymus  had  acquired  from 
Jewish  teachers,  and  by  means  of  which  he  had  been 
enabled  to  produce  a  Latin  translation  (Vulgata)  of 
the  Bible,  deviating  from  the  distorted  Septuagint 
and  approaching  more  nearly  to  the  Hebrew  text, 
sufficed  for  more  than  a  thousand  years,  and  was 
extended  and  amended  with  the  renaissance  of 
learning  at  the  commencement  of  modern  times. 
But  with  every  step  forward  that  Christianity  took, 
it  increased  the  gap  which  divided  it  from  Judaism, 
and  the  eloquence  of  many  centuries  was  required 
before  recognition  was  again  obtained  for  the  fact 
that  Christianity  had  had  its  origin  in  Judaism.  To 
such  an  extent  had  blood-relationship  been  oblit- 
erated by  religious  zeal,  that  even  Hieronymus, 
who  had  sat  at  the  feet  of  Jewish  masters,  and 
had  found  "the  Hebrew  truth"  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, was  unable  to  free  himself  from  the  deep- 
rooted  hatred  of  the  Jews.  His  enemies  having 
reproached  him  with  heresy  on  account  of  his  Jewish 
studies,  he  convinced  them  of  his  orthodoxy  by  his 
hatred  of  the  Jews.  "  If  it  is  requisite  to  despise 
the  individuals  and  the  nation,  so  do  I  abhor  the 
Jews  with  an  inexpressible  hate."  In  this  he  Avas 
not  alone,  for  his  opinions  were  shared  by  a  younger 
contemporary,  Augustine,  the  Father  of  the  Church. 
This  profession  of  faith  concerning  the  hatred  of  the 
Jews  was  not  the  private  opinion  of  an  individual 


626  IlISTOKV    OF    Tilt:    JKWS.  CH.  XXII. 

author,  hut  an  oracle  for  the  whole  of  Christendom, 
which  reatlily  accepted  the  writings  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  Chiu'ch,  who  were  revered  as  saints.  In 
later  times  this  profession  of  faith  armed  kings  and 
populace,  crusaders  and  herdsmen,  against  the  Jews, 
invented  instruments  for  their  torture,  and  con- 
structed fun(;ral  j)yres  for  burning  them. 

It  is  remarkable  that  in  spite  of  their  repression 
on  the  part  of  the  state,  the  Jews  living  in  C£Esarea, 
the  residence  of  the  Governor,  joined  in  the 
fashionable  folly  of  the  stadium.  There  existed 
among  them  charioteers,  horse-racers,  jockeys,  and 
parties  supporting  the  green  or  the  blue,  as  at 
Rome,  Ravenna,  Constantinople,  and  Antioch.  But 
as  in  those  times  every  act  in  life  bore  the  stamp 
of  the  confessional,  religious  disputes  also  became 
mixed  up  with  the  struggles  of  the  partisans  of 
the  various  colors.  The  victory  or  the  defeat  of  a 
Jewish,  Samaritan,  or  Christian  charioteer  was  at 
the  same  time  the  occasion  of  an  attack  by  his 
co-religionists  upon  their  opponents. 

In  Babylonia,  where  up  till  now  the  Jews  had 
enjoyed  quiet  and  independence  but  seldom  dis- 
turbed, troubles  and  persecutions  also  began  to 
increase.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  a  dearth  of 
prominent  personages  began  to  make  itself  felt. 
Creative  power  declined,  and  made  way  for  the 
tendency  to  reproduce  and  establish  what  had 
already  been  produced.  The  Jewish  history  of  this 
country  moved  within  a  narrow  circle  ;  the  principals 
of  the  schools  succeeded  one  another,  taught,  and 
died,  and  it  was  only  by  the  appearance  of  persecu- 
tions that  a  sad  variety  was  imparted  to  its  course. 
Of  Ashi's  six  successors  at  the  Academy  of  Sora 
(427-456),  not  one  accomplished  anything  worthy  of 
remark. 

Some  small  importance  was  possessed,  however, 
by  Ashi's  son.  Mar,  who  also  bore  the  name  Tab- 
yome.     He  happened  to  be  at  Machuza  at  the  time 


CH.  XXII.       PERSECUTIONS   BY   THE    NEO-PERSIANS.       627 

when  he  heard  the  news  of  the  occurrence  of  a 
vacancy  at  the  head  of  the  Soranian  Metibta.  He 
hurried  off  to  Sora,  and  arrived  there  just  in  the 
nick  of  time,  for  the  members  of  the  academy  were 
assembled  for  the  election.  Delegates  were  sent 
to  confer  with  him  on  the  choice  of  Acha  of  Diphta, 
and  were  detained  by  him,  as  were  also  others 
who  were  sent  after  them,  until  they  were  ten  in 
number  ;  whereupon  he  delivered  a  lecture,  and  was 
hailed  as  Resh-]\Ietibta  by  all  the  members  present 
(455).  Acha  was  exceedingly  hurt  by  this  slight, 
and  applied  to  his  own  case  the  following  saying, 
'*  He  who  is  unlucky,  can  never  attain  to  luck." 

In  the  same  year  a  persecution  of  the  Jews  broke 
out  with  unprecedented  rigor  in  the  Babylonian 
countries.  It  was  the  commencement  of  a  lone 
series  of  bloody  attacks  which  the  Jews  had  to 
suffer  at  the  hands  of  the  last  of  the  neo-Persian 
kings,  and  which  rendered  their  position  as  sad  as 
that  of  their  co-religionists  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
Jezdijird  III  (440-457),  unlike  his  predecessor  of 
the  same  name,  instituted  a  religious  persecution 
of  the  Jews  ;  they  were  forbidden  to  celebrate  the 
Sabbath  (456).  The  reason  of  this  sudden  change 
in  :he  conduct  of  the  Persian  ruler  towards  the 
Jews,  who  had  always  been  sincerely  attached  to 
him,  is  probably  to  be  found  in  the  fanaticism  of 
the  Magi,  whose  influence  over  many  of  the  Persian 
monarchs  was  not  less  than  that  of  the  spiritual 
advisers  of  the  eastern  emperors  over  their  masters. 
The  Magi  of  this  period  appear  to  have  learnt 
their  proselytism  and  their  love  of  religious  perse- 
cution from  the  Christians.  Besides  this,  Chris- 
tianity had  by  its  proselytism  provoked  the  Magi 
to  resistance.  The  Manicheans  who  had  com- 
pounded Jewish,  Christian,  and  Persian  religious 
ideas  into  a  medley  of  their  own,  made  accusations 
of  heresy  as  common  in  Persia  as  in  the  Roman 
Empire.    Jezdijird  persecuted  both  Manicheans  and 


628  HISTORY    OF   THE   JEWS.  CH.  XXII. 

Christians.  Sooner  or  later  the  light-worship  of  the 
Persians  was  bound  to  take  offense  at  Judaism,  and 
to  place  the  Jews  upon  the  list  of  its  enemies.  The 
chronicles  are  silent  concernini^  the.  conduct  of  the 
Jews  with  reg-ard  to  the  prohibition  of  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  Sabbath  ;  conscientious  Jews,  however, 
cannot  have  failed  to  obtain  opportunities  of 
evading  it,  and  for  this  reason  the  names  of  no 
martyrs  have  survived  this  persecution.  The  con- 
straint was  continued  about  a  year,  as  Jezdijird 
was  killed  a  short  time  after ;  a  civil  war  was 
carried  on  by  his  sons  Chodar-Warda  and  Firuz  for 
the  possession  of  the  crown. 

Mar  bar  Ashi  was  the  sole  authority  of  this 
period  ;  and  although  all  his  decisions,  with  the 
exception  of  three,  received  the  force  of  law,  he 
dees  not  seem  to  have  acquired  any  special  repute 
in  the  Soranlan  Academy.  He  continued  his 
father's  work  of  completing  the  Talmudical  col- 
lection, and  included  the  latter's  decisions  therein. 
He  and  his  contemporaries  must  have  felt  them- 
selves all  the  more  impelled  to  complete  the  work 
of  compilation,  as  the  persecution  they  had  gone 
through  made  them  feel  that  the  future  was  pre- 
carious. Nothing  more  is  known  of  Mar  bar' 
Ashi's  character  than  a  trait  of  conscientiousness, 
which  stands  out  in  strong  contrast  with  Raba's 
partiality  towards  members  of  his  own  class.  He 
relates  as  follows  :  "  When  an  associate  appears 
before  me  in  court,  I  refuse  to  exercise  the  functions 
of  my  office,  for  I  regard  him  as  a  near  relation, 
and  might  involuntarily  show  partiality  in  his  favor." 

After  Mar's  death  the  Jews  of  the  Persian  Empire 
were  the  victims  of  a  fresh  persecution  under  Firuz 
(Pheroces,  457-484),  which  was  far  more  terrible 
than  that  which  had  occurred  under  his  father, 
Jezdijird.  This  persecution  is  said  to  have  been 
occasioned  by  the  desire  for  vengeance  entertained 
by  this  monarch,   who  was  swayed   by   the    Magi 


CH.  XXII.  THE    MAGI.  629 

against  the  whole  Jewish  community,  because 
certain  of  them  were  said  to  have  killed  and  flayed 
two  Magi  in  Ispahan.  As  a  punishment  for  this 
deed  Firuz  put  to  death  half  the  Jewish  population 
of  Ispahan,  and  had  the  Jewish  children  forcibly 
brought  up  in  the  Temple  of  Horvan  as  worshipers 
of  fire.  The  persecution  extended  also  to  the 
communities  of  Babylonia,  and  continued  for  several 
years,  until  the  death  of  the  t)Tant.  Mar-Zutra's 
son,  Huna-Mari,  Prince  of  the  Captivity,  and  two 
teachers  of  the  Law,  Amemar  bar  Mar-Janka  and 
Meshershaya  bar  Pacod,  were  thrown  into  prison, 
and  afterwards  executed  (469-70).  They  were 
the  first  martyrs  on  Babylonian  soil,  and  it  is  a 
significant  fact  that  a  Prince  of  the  Captivity  bled 
for  Judaism. 

A  few  years  later  the  persecution  was  carried  to 
a  still  wider  extent ;  the  schools  were  closed,  assem- 
blies for  the  purpose  of  teaching  prohibited,  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Jews  abolished,  and  their  children 
compelled  to  embrace  the  religion  of  the  Magi  (474). 

The  city  of  Sora  seems  to  have  been  destroyed 
at  this  period.  Firuz,  whose  system  of  persecution 
puts  one  in  mind  of  Hadrian,  invented  a  new  means 
of  torture,  which  had  not  occurred  to  that  emperor, 
which  was  to  remove  the  young  from  under  the 
influence  of  Judaism,  and  to  bring  them  up  by  force 
in  the  Persian  religion.  For  this  reason  he  was 
branded  by  the  Jews  of  after  times,  like  Hadrian, 
with  the  name  of  "  the  wicked "  {Piruz  Res/iia). 
The  immediate  result  of  this  persecution  was  the 
emigration  of  Jewish  colonists,  who  settled  in  the 
south  as  far  as  Arabia,  and  in  the  east  as  far  as  India. 

This  emigration  of  the  Jews  to  India  is  expressly 
marked  as  occurring  about  the  time  of  Firuz's  per- 
secution. An  otherwise  unknown  person,  Joseph 
Rabban  by  name,  who  is  recognizable  as  a  Baby- 
lonian by  reason  of  this  title,  arrived  in  the  year 
4250  of   the    Jewish  era  (490),  with   many    Jewish 


630  HISTORY    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXII. 

families,  on  the  rich  and  busy  coast  of  Malabar  ;  he 
niList  accordingly  have  started  on  his  journey  before 
this  date,  and  therefore  have  emigrated  under  Firuz. 
Airvi  (Eravi),  the  Brahmin  king  of  Cranganor, 
welcomed  the  Jewish  strangers,  offered  them  a 
home  in  his  dominions,  and  suffered  them  to  live 
according  to  their  peculiar  laws,  and  to  be  ruled  by 
their  own  princes  (Mardeliar).  The  first  of  these 
chiefs  was  their  leader  Joseph  Rabban,  upon  whom 
the  Indian  monarch  conferred  special  rights  and 
princely  honors,  to  be  inherited  by  his  descendants. 
He  was  allowed,  like  the  Indian  princes,  to  ride 
upon  an  elephant,  to  be  preceded  by  a  herald, 
accompanied  by  a  musical  escort  of  drums  and 
cymbals,  and  to  sit  upon  a  carpet.  Joseph  Rabban 
is  said  to  have  been  followed  by  a  line  of  seventy- 
two  successors,  who  ruled  over  the  Indo-Jewish 
colonists,  until  quarrels  broke  out  among  them. 
Cranganor  was  destroyed,  many  of  the  Jews  lost 
their  lives,  and  the  remainder  settled  in  Mattachery, 
a  league  from  Cochin,  which  acquired  from  this 
fact  the  name  of  Jews'-town.  The  privileges 
accorded  by  Airvi  to  the  Jewish  immigrants  were 
engraved  in  ancient  Indian  (Tamil)  characters, 
accompanied  by  an  obscure  Hebrew  translation,  on 
a  copper  table,  which  is  said  to  be  extant  at  the 
present  day. 

As  soon  as  the  terrors  of  persecution  had  ceased 
with  Firuz's  death,  the  ancient  organization  was 
again  restored  in  Jewish  Babylonia  ;  the  academies 
were  re-opened,  principals  appointed,  and  Sora  and 
Pumbeditha  received  their  last  Amoraic  leaders — 
the  former  in  the  person  of  Rabina,  the  latter  in 
Jose.  These  two  principals  and  their  assessors  had 
but  one  end  in  view,  the  completion  and  termination 
of  the  work  of  compiling  the  Talmud  begun  by 
Ashi.  The  continual  mcrease  of  affliction,  the  dimin- 
ished interest  which  probably  on  that  account  was 
extended  to  study,  the  uncertainty  of  the  future,  all 


CH.  XXII.  ACHAl    BAR    HUNA.  63 1 

these  causes  forcibly  sug-gested  the  completion  of  the 
Talmud.  Rabnia,  who  held  office  from  488  to  499, 
and  Jose,  who  discharged  the  duties  of  principal 
from  471  to  about  520,  are  expressly  mentioned  in 
the  old  chronicles  as  "the  close  of  the  period  of  the 
Amoraim "  (Sof  Horaah).  There  is  no  doubt, 
however,  that  the  members  of  the  two  academies, 
whose  names  have  been  preserved,  also  had  a  part 
in  this  work,  and  that  they  therefore  are  to  be 
regarded  as  the  last  of  the  Amoraim.  The  most 
important  among  them  was  Achai  bar  Huna  of  Be- 
Chatim,  near  Nahardea  (died  506),  whose  decisions 
and  discussions  are  distinguished  by  characteristic 
peculiarities,  and  bear  witness  to  a  clear  and  sober 
mind,  and  to  great  keenness.  Achai  was  known 
and  esteemed  for  these  qualities  beyond  Babylonia. 
An  epistle  received  by  the  Babylonian  academy 
from  Judsea,  which,  as  far  as  is  historically 
known,  was  probably  the  last  addressed  by  the 
deserted  mother-country  to  its  daughter  colony, 
speaks  of  him  in  terms  of  greatest  reverence : 
"Neglect  not  Achai,  for  he  is  the  light  of  the  eyes 
of  the  exiles."  Even  Huna-Mar,  the  Prince  of  the 
Captivity,  must  have  possessed  Talmudical  acquire- 
ments, for  the  chronicle,  which  is  by  no  means 
favorable  to  the  princes  of  the  Captivity,  numbers 
him  among  this  series  of  teachers  of  the  Law,  and 
concedes  to  him  the  title  of  Rabbi.  His  history,  with 
which  certain  important  events  are  connected, 
belongs  to  the  following  period. 

In  conjunction  with  these  men,  Rablna  and  Jose 
accomplished  the  completion  of  the  Talmud,  that 
is  to  say,  they  sanctioned  as  a  complete  whole  the 
collection  of  all  previous  transactions  and  decisions 
which  they  had  caused  to  be  compiled,  and  to  which 
no  additions  or  amplifications  were  henceforward  to 
be  made.  The  definite  completion  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Talmud  (called  also  the  Gemara)  occurred  in 
the  year  of  Rabina's  death,  just  at  the  close  of  the 


632  IIISTOKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH   XXII. 

fifth  century  (13th  Kislev  or  2nd  December,  499), 
when  the  Jews  of  the  Arabian  peninsula  were  sowing 
the  first  seeds  of  a  new  religion  and  laying  the 
foundations  of  a  new  empire,  and  when  the  Gothic 
and  Frankish  kingdoms  were  rising  in  Europe  from 
the  ruins  of  ancient  Rome.  The  Talmud  forms  a 
turning-point  in  Jewish  history,  and  from  this  time 
forward  constitutes  an  essential  factor  therein. 

The  Talmud  must  not  be  regarded  as  an  ordinary 
work,  composed  of  twelve  volumes  ;  it  possesses 
absolutely  no  similarity  to  any  other  literary  pro- 
duction, but  forms,  without  any  figure  of  speech, 
a  world  of  its  own,  which  must  be  judged  by  its 
peculiar  laws.  It  is  extremely  difficult  to  give 
any  sketch  of  its  character  because  of  the  absence 
of  all  common  standards  and  analogies.  The  most 
talented  could,  therefore,  hardly  hope  to  succeed  in 
this  task,  even  though  he  had  penetrated  deeply 
into  its  nature,  and  become  intimately  acquainted 
with  its  peculiarities.  It  might,  perhaps,  be  com- 
pared with  the  literature  of  the  Fathers  of  the 
Church,  which  sprang  up  about  the  same  time ;  but 
on  closer  examination  even  this  comparison  fails 
to  satisfy  the  student.  It  is,  however,  of  less 
consequence  what  the  Talmud  is  in  itself,  than 
what  was  its  influence  on  history,  that  is  to  say, 
on  the  successive  generations  whose  education 
it  chiefly  controlled.  Many  judgments  have  been 
passed  on  the  Talmud  at  various  times  and  on  the 
most  opposite  grounds.  It  has  been  condemned, 
and  its  funeral  pyre  has  been  ignited,  because  only 
its  unfavorable  side  has  been  considered,  and  no 
regard  has  been  paid  to  its  merits,  which,  however, 
can  be  rendered  apparent  only  by  a  complete  survey 
of  the  whole  of  Jewish  history.  It  cannot  be  denied, 
however,  that  the  Babylonian  Talmud  is  marred  by 
certain  blemishes,  such  as  necessarily  appear  in 
every  intellectual  production  which  pursues  a  single 
course    with   inflexible   consistency   and   exclusive 


CH.  XXII.    CHARACTER  OK  THE  TALMUD.  633 

one-sldedness.  These  faults  may  be  classed  under 
four  heads.  The  Talmud  contains  much  that  is 
immaterial  and  frivolous,  of  which  it  treats  with 
great  gravity  and  seriousness ;  it  further  reflects 
the  various  superstitious  practices  and  views  of 
its  Persian  birthplace,  which  presume  the  efficacy 
of  demoniacal  medicines,  of  magic,  incantations, 
miraculous  cures,  and  interpretations  of  dreams, 
and  are  thus  in  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  Judaism. 
It  also  contains  isolated  instances  of  uncharitable 
judgments  and  decrees  against  the  members  of 
other  nations  and  religions,  and  finally  it  favors  an 
incorrect  exposition  of  the  Scriptures,  accepting,  as 
it  does,  tasteless  misinterpretations.  The  whole 
Talmud  has  been  made  responsible  for  these  defects, 
and  has  been  condemned  as  a  collection  of  trifles,  a 
well  of  immorality  and  falsehood.  No  consideration 
has  been  paid  to  the  fact  that  it  Is  not  the  work  of 
any  one  author,  who  must  answer  for  every  word 
of  it,  or  If  it  be,  that  that  author  Is  the  entire  Jewish 
nation.  More  than  six  centuries  lie  petrified  in  the 
Talmud  as  the  fullest  evidence  of  life,  clothed  each 
in  Its  peculiar  dress  and  possessing  its  own  form  of 
thought  and  expression :  a  sort  of  literary  Her- 
culaneum  and  Pompeii,  unmarred  by  that  artificial 
imitation  which  transfers  a  gigantic  picture  on  a 
reduced  scale  to  a  narrow  canvas.  Small  wonder, 
then,  that  If  In  this  world  the  sublime  and  the 
common,  the  great  and  the  small,  the  grave  and  the 
ridiculous,  the  altar  and  the  ashes,  the  Jewish  and 
the  heathenish,  be  discovered  side  by  side.  The 
expressions  of  Ill-will,  which  are  seized  upon  with 
such  avidity  by  the  enemies  of  the  Jews,  were  often 
nothing  but  the  utterance  of  momentary  Ill-humor, 
which  escaped  from  the  teacher,  and  were  caught 
up  and  embodied  In  the  Talmud  by  over-zealous 
disciples,  unwilling  to  lose  a  single  word  let  fall  by 
the  revered  sages.  They  are  amply  counterbal- 
anced, however,  by  the   doctrines   of  benevolence 


634  HISTOKV    OF    THE    JEWS.  CH.  XXII, 

and  love  of  all  men  without  distinction  of  race  or 
religion,  which  are  also  preserved  in  the  Talmud. 
As  a  counterpoise  to  the  wild  superstitions,  there 
are  severe  warnings  against  superstitious  heathen 
practices,  to  which  a  separate  section  is  devoted. 

The  Babylonian  Talmud  is  especially  distinguished 
from  the  Jerusalem  or  Palestine  Talmud  by  the 
flights  of  thought,  the  penetration  of  mind,  the 
flashes  of  orenius,  which  rise  and  vanish  ag-ain.  An 
infinite  fulness  of  thought  and  of  thought-exciting 
material  is  laid  up  in  the  mine  of  the  Talmud,  not, 
however,  in  the  shape  of  a  finished  theme  which  one 
can  grasp  at  a  glance,  but  in  all  its  original  fresh- 
ness of  conception.  The  Talmud  introduces  us 
into  the  laboratory  of  thought,  and  in  it  may  be 
traced  the  progress  of  ideas,  from  their  earliest 
agitation  to  the  giddy  height  of  incomprehensibility 
to  w^iich  at  times  they  attain.  It  was  for  this 
reason  that  the  Babylonian  rather  than  the  Jerusalem 
Talmud  became  the  fundamental  possession  of  the 
Jewish  race,  its  life's  breath,  its  very  soul.  It  was 
a  family  history  for  succeeding  generations,  in  which 
they  felt  themselves  at  home,  in  which  they  lived  and 
moved,  the  thinker  in  the  world  of  thought,  the 
dreamer  in  glorious  ideal  pictures.  For  more  than 
a  thousand  years  the  external  world,  nature  and 
mankind,  powders  and  events,  were  for  the  Jewish 
nation  insignificant,  non-essential,  a  mere  phantom  ; 
the  only  true  reality  was  the  Talmud.  A  new 
truth  in  their  eyes  only  received  the  stamp  of 
veracity  and  freedom  from  doubt  when  it  appeared 
to  be  foreseen  and  sanctioned  by  the  Talmud. 
Even  the  knowledge  of  the  Bible,  the  more  ancient 
history  of  their  race,  the  words  of  fire  and  balm 
of  their  prophets,  the  soul  outpourings  of  their 
Psalmists,  were  only  known  to  them  through  and 
in  the  light  of  the  Talmud.  But  as  Judaism,  ever 
since  its  foundation,  has  based  itself  on  the  experi- 
ences of  actual  life,  so  that  the  Talmud  was  obliged 


CH.  XXII.     INFLUENCE  OF  THE  TALMUD.         635 

to  concern  itself  with  concrete  phenomena,  with  the 
things  of  this  world  ;  so  it  follows  that  there  could 
not  arise  that  dream-life,  that  disdain  of  the  world, 
that  hatred  of  realities,  which  in  the  Middle  Ages 
gave  birth  to  and  sanctified  the  hermit  life  of  the 
monks  and  nuns.  It  is  true  that  the  intellectual 
tendency  prevailing  in  the  Babylonian  Talmud, 
aided  by  climatic  influences  and  other  accidental 
circumstances,  degenerated  not  infrequently  into 
subtilty  and  scholasticism ;  for  no  historical  phenom- 
enon exists  without  an  unfavorable  side.  But  even 
this  abuse  contributed  to  bring  about  clear  concep- 
tions, and  rendered  possible  the  movement  toward 
science.  The  Babylonian  Amoraim  created  that 
dialectic,  close-reasoning,  Jewish  spirit,  which  in  the 
darkest  days  preserved  the  dispersed  nation  from 
stagnation  and  stupidity.  It  was  the  ether  which 
protected  them  from  corruption,  the  ever-moving 
force  which  overcame  indolence  and  the  blunting  of 
the  mental  powers,  the  eternal  spring  which  kept 
the  mind  ever  bright  and  active.  In  a  word,  the 
Talmud  was  the  educator  of  the  Jewish  nation ;  and 
this  education  can  by  no  means  have  been  a  bad 
one,  since,  in  spite  of  the  disturbing  influence  of 
isolation,  degradation  and  systematic  demoralization, 
it  fostered  in  the  Jewish  people  a  degree  of  morality 
which  even  their  enemies  cannot  deny  them.  The 
Talmud  preserved  and  promoted  the  religious  and 
moral  life  of  Judaism  ;  it  held  out  a  banner  to 
the  communities  scattered  in  all  corners  of  the 
earth,  and  protected  them  from  schism  and  sectarian 
divisions ;  it  acquainted  subsequent  generations 
with  the  history  of  their  nation  ;  finally,  it  produced 
a  deep  intellectual  life  which  preserved  the  enslaved 
and  proscribed  from  stagnation,  and  which  lit  for  them 
the  torch  of  science.  How  the  Talmud  made  its  way 
into  the  consciousness  of  the  Jewish  people,  how  it 
became  known  and  accessible  to  distant  communities, 
and  how  it  became  a  stumbling-block  to  the  enemies 
of  Judaism,  will  be  told  in  subsequent  pages. 


INDEX. 


Abayi,     principal     of    Pumbeditha, 

583-S. 
Abba-Areka.     See  Rab. 
Abbahu,   531-43. 

character,  540  f. 

learning,   537-9- 

favors  study  of  Agada,  540,  543. 

polemics      against      Christianity, 
540  f. 
Ab-bet-din,  404. 
Abtalion,  71. 
Acher  (Elisha  ben  Abuya),  apostasy, 

358,  377. 
malice  against  the  Jews,  425  f. 
relation  to  Mei'r,  437. 
Adam,  book  of,  462. 
Adiabene,  princes  of,   converted   to 
Judaism,  216  ff. 
help  the  Judaeans  in  the  revolu- 
tion, 264. 
resist  Trajan,  393  f. 
Administration  of  justice,  reform  of, 

50. 
Adoyot  zr  evidence      of     witnesses, 

343- 
zzz  older  compilation  of  the  Mishna, 
460. 
Adultery,  suspected,  ritual  of,  abol- 
ished, 238. 
Aelia  Capitolinai=  Jerusalem,  421. 
Agada  (Hagadah),  favorite  study  in 
Judaea,  576,  623. 
subject-matter,  328  f. 
Agape,  223. 

Agora-nomos,  512  f.,  616, 
Agrippa  I,  174-96. 

career   in   Rome,    and   character, 

i75f. 
favorite  of  Caligula,  176  f.,  189. 
of  Claudius,  190. 
fortifies  Jerusalem,  195. 
liberality  to  the  Greeks,  193  f. 
made  king,  177,  190. 
patriotism,  189,  191,  195, 
popularity,  191. 
prosperity  of  his  reign,  191  f. 
reading  the  Torah  in  the  Temple, 

192. 
death,  196. 

637 


Agrippa  II,  235  f, 

aids  the  Roman  army,  264. 
alleviates  the  condition  of  Galilee 

after  the  war,  333. 
appointed  king  of  Chalcis,  235. 
career  and  character,  235  f. 
conduct  during  the  war,  288. 
depravity  of  his  house,  236. 
fall,  317. 

flees  from  Jerusalem,  258. 
hostile  to  his  people,  236. 
how  treated  by  Titus,  388. 
meets  Vespasian,  285. 
recommends    peace    with    Rome, 

257  f- 

sends  troops  to  Jerusalem  to  pre- 
serve peace,  259. 

treachery  against  his  people,  302. 
Akiba  ben  Joseph,  342  ff. 

classifies  the  Halachas,  353  f. 

combats  Gnosticism,  381  f. 

disciple  of  Nachum  Gimso,  351  f. 

legends  about  his  early  life,  351. 

martyr,  428. 

method  and  system,  352  f.,  441. 

new  founder  of  the  Oral  Law,  354. 

part  played  in  the  revolt  of   Bar 
Cochba,  408  ff. 

seven  disciples,  429,  433. 
Akylas  (Aquila),  385  ff. 

at  the  funeral  of  Gamaliel,  404. 

Greek   translation    of    the    Bible, 
386  f. 
Albinus,  procurator  of  Judaea,  248. 
Alexander  Jannasus,  38-47. 

accession  to  the  throne,  39. 

campaign    in    the    trans-Jordanic 
land,  44. 

coins,  46. 

crucifies  Soo  Pharisees,  45. 

cruelties  in  Gazza,  41. 

death,  47. 

desecrates  the   ceremony  of  liba- 
tion, 43. 

employs  mercenaries,  39. 

forces    Judaism    upon     the     con- 
quered, 46. 

massacres  6000  people  in  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  Temple,  43. 


638 


INDEX. 


Alexander  Jannaeus,  relation  to  the 
Pharisees,  39,  42,  44,  47. 
revolts  against  him.  44. 
wanting  in  generalship,  39. 
Alexander  II,  70-75. 

conflict    with     Hyrcanus     II    and 

Pompey,  70-73. 
decapitated,  75. 
Alexander,  son  of  Herod,  executed, 

1 12  f. 
Alexander,  Alabarch  of  Alexandria, 

i75f.,  190. 
Alexander   Polyhistor,  favorable  re- 
presentation of  the  Jews,  179. 
Alexander  beverus,  conditions  after 
his  death,  526  f. 
kindly  disposed  towards  Judaism 

and  Christianity,  481  f. 
relation  to  Judah  II,  482. 
Alexandra,  mother  of  Mariamne,  81, 
91  f.,  94. 
executed,  105. 
Alexandria,  in  Egypt,  Jews  in,  I78ff. 
adopt  foreign  views  and  practices, 

deprived  of  citizenship,  182. 
hostility  against  them,  178-87. 
massacre  of  Jews,  263. 
outrages    by    Christians     against 

them,  618  f. 
play  leading  role,  12. 
restored  to  their   rights  by  Clau- 
dius, 191. 
Talmudic  schools,  359, 
teachers,  329. 
Allegorical  method  of  interpretation, 
208  ff. 
leads  to  apostasy    from   Judaism, 
209. 
Altar,  why  the  use  of  iron  is  forbid- 
den in  erecting,  329. 
Ambivius,  Marcus,  procurator  of  Ju- 
daea, 135. 
Ambrosius,    fanaticism   against   the 

Jews,  613  f. 
Amemar,  principal  of  Nahardea,  606. 
Ami,  531,  534,  537.  _ 
Ammonites,   discussion  about   their 
admission  into  the  Jewish  com- 
munity, 343,  383  f. 
Amoraim,  the  first,  479  ff. 
the  last,  630  f. 
method,  490. 
in  Palestine,  531  ff. 
Anan,  high  priest,  172. 

attempts   to   revive    Sadducaeism, 

248. 
executed  by  the  Zealots,  296. 


Anan,  his  family,  237. 

Ananel,  chosen  high  priest  by  Herod, 

90. 
Andreias    (Lucas),    leader    of    the 

revolt  against  Trajan  in  Cyrene, 

395- 
Anti-Judaean  movement,  178-89. 
Antigonus,    son    of    Aristobulus  H, 
80-89. 
character   compared   with  that  of 

Herod,  84-6. 
contest  with  Herod,  84-8. 
decapitated  by  Mark  Antony,  89. 
plot  against  the  Idumaeans,  80. 
proclaimed  king,  83. 
Antigonus,  son   of    Hyrcanus,   mur- 
dered, 36  f. 
rumors  about  his  death,  38. 
Antipas  I,  son  of  Herod,  appointed 
successor  of  his  father,  114. 
dies  in  exile,  177. 
marries    Herodias,    wife    of     his 
brother  Herod,  173. 
Antipater,  father  of  Herod,  59-80. 
descent,  59. 
instigates    Hyrcanus    II   to  break 

the  agreement,  59  f. 
made  governor  of  Judaea,  67. 
poisoned,  80. 
Antipater,  son  of  Herod,  112-16. 
adopted  as  royal  prince,  112. 
character,  173. 

conspires  against  his  father,  114. 
executed,  116. 
Antoninus      Pius,     Jewish      revolt 
against  him,  447. 
revokes  the  decrees   of    Hadrian 
against  the  Jews,  432. 
Antony,  Mark,  assists  Herod,  87  f. 
defeat  of,  at  Actium,  96. 
gives  the  district  of  Jericho  to  Cle- 
opatra, 93. 
and  Judaean  ambassadors  against 
the  Idumaeans,  81. 
Apion,  hatred  of  the  Jews,  180,  390. 
heads  an  anti-Judaean  embassy  to 
Rome,  186. 
Apocalypse  (of  John),  369. 
Apocrypha,   and    apocryphal    addi- 
tions, 344. 
considered  by  Christians  as  part 
of  the  Bible,  359,  488.  624. 
Apollos  of  Alexandria  (Jewish  Chris- 
tian), 231. 
Arabia,  Jewish  fugitives  in,  419. 
Arcadius,  favorable  to  Jews,  615 £. 
Arch  of  Titus,  314. 


INDEX. 


639 


Archelaus,    son    and     successor    of 
Herod,  120-8. 
bloody  inauguration  of  his  reign, 

121  f. 
character  of  his  reign,  121  f. 
Aretas,  king  of  the  Nabathaeans,  in- 
terferes   between     Hyrcanus    II 
and  Aristobulus  II,  59-61. 
Aristobulus  I,  35-8. 

adheres  to  the  Sadducees,  36. 
assumes  the  title  of  king,  35. 
campaign    against   the    Ithuraeans 

and  Trachonites,  37. 
coins,  35. 
death,  38. 
forces  Judaism  upon  the  conquered 

heathen,  37. 
imprisons    his   mother    and    three 

of  his  brothers,  36. 
preference  for  Hellenism,  unpop- 
ular, 36. 
Aristobulus  II,  56-75. 

contest  with  Hyrcanus  II,  57-75. 
death,  75. 

fight  with  Pompey,  64  f. 
led  a  captive  to  Rome,  67-73. 
Aristobulus  III, appointed  high  priest 
by  Herod,  91. 
assassinated,  92. 
Aristobulus,  son  of  Herod  and  Ma- 

riamne,  executed,  112  f. 
Aristobulus,  brother  of  Herod  TI,  197. 
Aristocracy,  Judaean,  corruption  of, 
147. 
cowardice  and  servility,  142,  298. 
opposed  to  war  with   Rome,   256, 
274. 
Armenia,  Jews  in,  591. 
Arsaces,  dynasty  of  J'arthia,  513,  523. 
Artemion,  leader  of  the  Jewish  revolt 

against  Trajan  in  Cyprus,  397. 
Ascension  (of  Christ),   doctrine   of, 

539  f- 
Ashi,  605-1 1. 

principal  of  Sora,  605  ff. 
redactor  of  the  Talmud,  607-9. 
view  on  the  coming  of  the  Messiah, 
6iof. 
Asia    Minor,    Talmudic    schools    in, 

358  f- 
Assi,  531,  534,  537. 
Assidasans.     See  Essenes. 
Astronomy,  521, 

Augustine,  hatred  of  the  Jews,  625. 
Augustus  (Octavianus),  101-3. 
death,  135. 

extends     the    territory  of    Judaea, 
103. 


Augustus  (Octavianus),  favors  shown 
to  the  Jews  of  Egypt,  102. 
to  those  of  Rome,  103. 
gracious  to  Herod,  loi,  103. 

Baalc  Tresin,  356. 

Babylonia,  becomes  second  home  of 
the  Jews,  503. 
different  meanings  of  the  word  in 

Jewish  history,  504. 
division  of  the  Jewish  province  in 
it,  505  ff. 
Babylonia,  Jews  in,  503. 

become  heads  of  schools  in  Judaea, 

537- 

decline  of  learning,  626. 

effect  of  the  sojourn  of  the  Jews 
in  it  on  their  mind  and  charac- 
ter, 504. 

martyrs,  629. 

occupations,  508, 

persecutions,  508  f.,  591  f.,  627-30. 

political  condition,  508  ff. 

progress,  544. 

purity  of  descent,  505. 

resist  Trajan,  393  f-,  397. 

study  the  Law  in  Judaea,  511  f., 
518,531. 

surpass  the  Jews  in  Judaea,  503. 
Babylonian  colony  of  Jews  in  Galilee, 
devoted  to  the  Herodian  family, 
274. 

part  played  in  the  war  with  Rome, 

275-  .    . 

Babylonian  prince  of  captivity,    bee 

Princes  of  Captivity, 
Babylonian  schools.     See  Schools. 
Babylonian  Synhedrion,  143  f. 
Bar-Cochba,     409  ff.      See     Revolt 

against  Hadrian. 
Barnabas  (apostle),  227. 
Barnabas,  Jose  of  Cyprus,  219. 
Bassus,  procurator  of  Judasa,  315. 
Bath-Kol,  337. 
Be-Rab,  514. 
Bechirta,  343. 

Bekiim,  seat  of  a  school,  348. 
Bene-Bathyra,   chosen    president  of 

the  Synhedrion  by  Ilerod,  90. 
in  Nisibis,  358. 
Bene-Berak,  seat  of  Akiba,  355. 
Berachoth,  eighteen,  introduced  by 

Gamaliel  II,  363. 
Berenice,   daughter  of  Salome    and 

wife  of  Aristobulus,  1 12. 
Berenice,  sister  of  Agrippa  II,  235  ff. 
alleviates  the  sorrows  of  the  con- 
quered Jews,  332  f. 


640 


INDEX. 


Berenice,  fall,  388. 

honored  at  Athens  with  a  statue, 

3J7. 
intercession  with  Florus,  254. 
relation  to  Vespasian  and  Titus, 
299  f.,  317. 
Beth-Din,  after  the  fall  of  Judaea,  325. 
Bethar,  416 ff. 
Bethshean,    conflict    between    Jews 

and  heathens  in,  262  f. 
Beth-Shcarim,    seat   of   the    Synhe- 

drion,  452. 
Bible,    interpretation    of    by   Chris- 
tians, 488  f.,  499,  501. 
knowledge    of,    among   Jews    and 

Christians,  623  ff. 
cultivated  in  Judaea,  623  ff. 
neglect  of,  536  f. 
Birchath  ha  Minim,  379  f. 
Bishops  of  Rome,  500. 
Boethus  and  Boethuseans,  108,  237. 
Boraita,  470  f. 
Bruria,  wife  of  Meir,  436. 
Burial  in  Judaea,   merits  attributed 
to,  548,  576. 


Caesar  and  Judaea,  75-77. 

benevolence  to  the  Jews,  76. 
Caesarea,   affray  between  Jews   and 
Syrian-Greeks,  246,  252,  262. 
founded  by  Herod,  106  f. 
Jews  deprived  of  their  civil  rights, 

247. 
Jews  join  in  the  races  of  the  sta- 
dium, 626. 
Caesarea  Philippi,  138. 
Caiaphas,  Joseph,  high  priest,  163, 

172. 
Cainites  (Gnostic  sect),  375. 
Calendar,  362. 
of  Hillelll,  573  f. 
of  Mar-Samuel,  521  f.,  574. 
Caligula   demands    divine    honors, 
183,  187. 
orders  his  statue  to  be  put  in  the 

Temple  of  Jerusalem,  188  f. 
reason  of  his  hatred  of  the  Jews, 

187. 
relation  to  Agrippa  I,  176  f. 
to  Judaea,  174  f. 

treatment   of    a    Jewish    embassy 
from  Alexandria,  187. 
Camith,  family  of  high  priests,  237. 
Canon  of  Holy  Writings  completed, 

344- 
Cantheras,    family  of   high   priests, 

-37- 


Caracalla,  tolerable  condition  of  the 

Jews  under  rule  of,  468  f. 
Catholic  Church,  when  created,  500. 
Census  on   Passover    in    Jerusalem, 
called    the  census  of   crushing, 
251. 
of  Quirinus,  129  ff. 
census   taken  by   Rome  for  taxa- 
tion, 129,  133. 
Chama,    principal    of    Pumbeditha, 

594  f- 
Chama  ben  Anilai,  model  of  Jewish 

charity,  545  f. 
Chanina,  deputy  of  the  high  priest 

(Sogan  haCohanim),  330. 
Chanina  ben  Chama,  490-2. 
Chanina  ben  Teradion,  427. 

died  a  martyr  under  Hadrian,  429. 
Chares,  leader  in  the  war  of  revolu- 
tion at  Gamala,  289. 
Chasda   of    Cafri,  principal    of   the 

school  of  Babylonia,  552  f. 
Chebrim  (Guebres),  523. 
Chiya,  454  f. 
Chiya  bar  Abba,  536  f. 
Chrestus  (Christian    Apostle),   202, 

231. 
Christianity  and  Christians,  141  ff. 
ascendancy  of,  531,  535. 
beginning,  141  ff. 
compared  with  Judaism,  383. 
composite  nature  of  its  teachings, 

373  f- 
controversies    with    Jews,  499  ff., 

539  f- 
creation  of   the  Catholic  Church, 

500. 
dogmas,  500  f. 

fanaticism  against  Jews, 613, 618  ff. 
essence  :    Essenism    intermingled 

with     foreign     elements,     142, 

170  f.,  366. 
hatred  of  Judaism,  562,  625  f, 
methods  of  proselytizing,  562. 
peculiarities,  168  f. 
persecuted  by  Diocletian,  533  f., 

539- 
proselytism,  169,  364,  533. 
sectarianism,  365,  373. 
separation     from     Judaism,    431, 

563  «. 
split    into  a  Judaic  Christian  and 

heathen  -  Christian     sect,     2321 

365  ff. 
triumph  over  the   Roman   empire 

and  paganism,  559  ff. 
union  with  the  Roman  empire  and 

its  results,  566. 


INDEX. 


641 


Christianity,  why  it  gained  converts, 

383- 
Christianity  and  Christians,  Jewish, 
attitude  towards  the  Law,  365. 
called  Ebionites,  168  £.,  220. 
Nazarenes,  168. 
condemned  by    Samuel   Ilakaton, 

358- 
discussed    in    the    Synhedrion    of 

Jabne,  379  f. 
divisions,  370, 
incursions  in  Judaism,  378. 
measures  taken  against,  382,412  f. 
not  referred  to  in  the  Mishna,476. 
persecuted  by  Hadrian,  430  f. 
points   of   difference    from    pagan 

Christianity,  365  ff. 
relation  to  Jews  and  Judaism,  390, 

412. 
union  with  pagan  Christians,  431. 
Christian  emperors,  their  attitude  to 
Jews  and  Judaism,  561  ff.,  566  ff., 
602  f.,  612  ff. 
Christian  school  of  Alexandria,  488. 
Christians  in  Antioch,  honor  Jewish 

institutions,  613 f. 
Chrysostom,  fanaticism  against  the 

Jews,  613  f. 
Churches,  first,  which  were  built  in 

Galilee,  565. 
Chuzpit,  public  interpreter  (Meturge- 
man)    and    martyr    under    Ha- 
drian, 357,  429. 
Cicero,  hostility    against  the    Jews, 

68-70,  179. 
Circumcision,  prohibited,  422,  424. 
Citizenship,    Roman,  full    right    of, 

extended  by  Caracalla,  468. 
Civil  war  in  Judaea,  295.     See  also 

War  of  Revolution. 
Claudius    banishes   the    Jews    from 
Rome,  202. 
favorably    disposed    towards    the 
Jews  of  the  Roman  empire,  191. 
friendship  to  Agrippa  I,  190. 
relation  to  Judaea,  197. 
Clemens,  Flavius,  convert  to  Juda- 
ism, 387. 
executed,  389. 
Cleopatra,  queen    of    Egypt,  antag- 
onism to  Herod,  92,  94. 
death,  102. 

hostile  to  the  Judaeans,  102. 
Cleopatra,  mother  of  Ptolemy  VIH, 

relation  to  Judaea,  lo,  40  f. 
Clergy,  Christian,  fanaticism  against 
the  Jews,  612  ff. 


Coins  struck,  in  honor  of  Agrippa  I, 
190,  194. 

by  Alexander  Janna:us,  46. 

by  Alexander  H,  70. 

by  Antigonus,  83. 

by  Aristobulus,  35. 

by  Bar-Cochba,  411, 

in  honor  of  Hadrian,  commemo- 
rating his  victory  over  Bar- 
Cochba,  419. 

by  Hadrian,  407. 

by  Hyrcanus,  12. 

Roman,  commemorating  the  over- 
throw of  Judaea,  314. 

commemorating  Nerva's  act  of 
toleration  to  the  Jews,  392. 

by  Salome  Alexandra,  48. 

of  the  war  of  revolution,  292. 

by  the  Zealots,  268,  269. 
Commands,  the  six  hundred  and  thir- 
teen of  the  Jewish  Law,  499. 
Consecration,  feast  of,  celebrated  in 
the  Jewish  community  of  Egypt, 
6. 
Constantine,  discriminations  against 
the  Jews,  562  ff. 

edict  of  toleration,  561. 

forbids  the  Jews  to  make  converts, 
562. 

re-enacts   the  decrees  of  Hadrian 
against  the  Jews,  564. 
Constantius,    oppresses    the    Jews, 
566  f. 

forbids  the  Jews  to  make  converts 
and  to  marry  Christian  women, 
567- 
Coponius,  first  procurator  of  Judaea, 

1-9.  135- 
Council,    the     Great,     when    called 

Synhedrion,    71.      See     Synhe- 
drion. 
Council  of  Nice,  563. 

incorporates  apocryphal  books  in 

the  Canon,  624. 
Crassus  plunders  the  Temple,  74. 
Ctesiphon,  506  f. 

Cumanus,  procuratorof  Judaea,  241  ff. 
Cypros,  wife  of  Agrippa  I,  175. 
Cyprus,  revolt  against  Trajan,  397. 
Cyrene,    uprising    of   the    Jews    in, 

331- 
revolt  against  Trajan,  395. 
Cyril     of      Alexandria,     fanaticism 

against  the  Jews,  61S  f. 
Cyzicenus,  Antiochus,  King  of  Syria, 

hostility  to  Judaea,  9. 
defeated  by  Hyrcanus  I,  10,  40. 


642 


INDEX. 


Daniel,  book  of,  how  considered  by 
Christians  and  I'orphyry,  502. 
applications  made  of  his  prophe- 
cies and  visions,  494  f.,  527,  598. 

Dead,  burial  denied  to,  by  Hadrian, 

430- 

Dedication,  feast  of  (Chanuka),  ob- 
served by  the  heathen,  384. 

Die  Cassius,  account  of  the  war  of 
Bar-Cochba,  418  f. 

Diocletian,     attitude     towards     the 
Patriarch,  533  f. 
not  unfavorably  disposed  towards 

the  Jews,  533. 
persecutes  Christians  and  Samari- 
tans, 533  f.,  539. 

Diogenes,  Sadducaean  and  favorite 
of  Alexander  Jannaeus,  42, 45,  55. 

Divorce,  ordinance  of  Meir  concern- 
ing, 439;    restricted,  50. 

Documents  in  Judaea,  dated  accord- 
ing to  the  reign  of  the  Roman 
emperors,  134. 

Domitian,  345. 

decrees  against  the  Jews,  387-9. 
persecution  of  proselytes  to  Juda- 
ism, 384.  389. 

Drusilla,  sister  of  Agrippa  II,  apos- 
tate, and  wife  of  the  procurator 
Felix,  235  f.,  245. 


Earthquake  in  Judaea,  61. 
Easter,  Christian,  and  Jewish  Pass- 
over, separated  by  the  Church, 

563- 

Ebionites,  168  f.,  220,  366.  See  also 
Christianity,  Jewish. 

Ecclesiastes  (Kohelet),  book  of,  dis- 
cussion concerning  its  holiness, 

343  f- 
Egypt,  Jews  in,  revolt  against  Trajan, 

395-8.     See  also  Alexandria. 

Eighteen  things,  the,  of  Shammai, 
conceniing  the  relation  of  Jews 
to  the  heathen,  270. 

Elegabalus,  emperor,  favorable  atti- 
tude towards  Judaism,  469  f . 

Eleazar  ben  Ananias,  gives  the  first 
impulse  to  the  uprising  against 
Rome ;  leader  of  the  Zealots, 
256,  270. 

Eleazar  ben  Arach,  disciple  of 
Jochanan  ben  Zakkai,  326,  334. 

Eleazar  ben  Azariah,  345. 

elected  patriarch  of  Jabne,  342. 

Eleazar  ben  Dinai,  leader  of  a  band 
of  Zealots,  238. 


Eleazar  ben  Jair,  leader  of  the 
Sicarii,  239,  315. 

Eleazar  of  Modin,  killed  by  Bar- 
Cochba,  417  f. 

Eleazar  ben  Poira,  reprimands  Hyr- 
canus  I,  32. 

Eleazar,  son  of  Simon   ben  Jochal, 

457- 
delivers  the  freebooters  to  the  Ro- 
mans, 464  f. 
Eleazar,    head   of    the    Zealots,    his 
part    in  the  war  of    revolution, 
258  f. 
Eleazar    ben    Simon,    ultra-Zealot, 

270. 
Eliezer    ben     Hyrcanus,    character, 
346  f. 
disciple  of  Jochanan  ben  Zaccai, 

334.  346. 
excommunicated      by      Gamaliel, 

339  f- 

upholder  of  tradition,  356. 
Eliezer  of  Modin,  authority  on  Aga- 

dic  explanations,  357. 
Embassies,  Judaean,  to  Rome,  126  L, 
197  f.,  449. 

from  Alexandria,  184  ff. 
Emigration  of  Jews  to  India,  629  f. 
Essenes,  23-31. 

ablutions  and  celibacy,  25  f. 

ceremonies  of  initiation,  31. 

communism,  25,  145,  150. 

dress,  26. 

derivation  of  the  name,  26. 

disapprove  of  oath,  27  f.,  108. 

of  war,  25, 

final  aim,  28  f. 

idea  of  the  Messiah,  145. 

mysticism,  28. 

occupy  themselves  with  cures,  ex- 
orcisms, etc.,  29. 

origin,  from  the  Assidaeans,  24. 

number,  30. 

prophetic  power  ascribed  to  them 
100. 

relation  to  Christianity,  219  f. 

to  the  Pharisees,  the  Temple   and 
national  life,  30. 

settlement,  25. 

strict  observance  of  the  Sabbath 
and  the  Levitical  laws  of  clean- 
liness, 24  f. 
Eusebius,    fanaticism     against     the 

Jews,  527,  562. 
Excommunication  (Nidui),  339. 

laws  about,  552. 

in  Babylon,  517. 


INDEX. 


643 


Exile,  Roman  (Galut  Edom),  com- 
pared with  that  of  Babylonia, 
321. 

Exorcism,  practice  of,  in  Chris- 
tianity, 170. 

Fadus,  procurator  of  Judaea  after 
Agrippa  I's  death,  197  f. 

Fathers  of  the  Church,  hatred  of  the 
Jews,  525  ff.,  562,  613,  620, 
623  ff. 

Felix,  governor  of  Galilee,  242  f. 
of  Judaea,  245  f. 

Festivals,  calculations  of  the  dates  of, 

325.  340,  362 f.,  532,  573- 
second  day  celebrated  by  the  Jews 
outside  of  Judaea,  363,  573. 
Festus,  procurator  of  Judaea,  247  ff. 
Firuz     (Pheroces),    persecutes     the 

Babylonian  Jews,  628-30. 
Fiscus   Judaicus    (Jewish  taxes   for 

Rome),  316. 
Flaccus,  governor  of  Egypt,  perse- 
cutes the  Jews,  181-3. 
Florus,   Gessius,   procurator  of   Ju- 
daea, 249  ff. 
avarice,  250,  253. 
cruelty,  254. 

indulgent  to  the  Sicarii,  250. 
treachery,  255. 
Fulvia,  Roman  convert  to  Judaism, 

136. 
Funeral,  expenses  and  outfit  of,  404. 
Future  life,  in  the  Mishna,  473. 

Gabinius,  Aulus,  iia  Judaea,  70  f. 
Galba,  emperor,  299. 
Galilee  adopts  many  heathen  super- 
stitions, 148. 
corruptness      of      its      language, 

148  f. 
description  of,  272. 
mental  condition    at   the    time    of 

Jesus,  148  f. 
stricter  morality    and   observance 
of   laws    and    customs    than    in 
Judaea,  148. 
Galilee    in   the   war   of    revolution, 
272  ff. 
Gischala,  focus  of  the  revolution  in 

Galilee,  272. 
taken  by  the  Romans,  290. 
Mount  Tabor,  290. 
Gamala,  besieged,  289  f. 

focus  of  the  revolution  in  Galilee, 

^73- 
Galilean  fugitives  in  Jerusalem,  291. 


Galilee    recovers    after   the    fall    of 

Judaea,  333. 
Gallus,  Ccstius,  Governor  of  Syria, 

250  f.,  257. 
battle  with  the  Zealots,  265  f. 
Gamala,  273,  289  f. 
Gamaliel    I,  president   of   the    Syn- 

hedrion,  192  f. 
Gamaliel    II,    president    of    Jabne, 

334  ff- 
arranger,  356. 
character,  336,  344. 
contest  with  Joshua,  340  ff. 
death  and  funeral,  404. 
deposed,  341. 

employs  excommunication,  339. 
in  Rome,  387,  392. 
reinstated    in   the    dignity  of   pa- 
triarch, 345. 
severity,  338  ff. 
two  regulations,  338  f. 
work  for  the  union  of  the  schools, 

335  ff. 

Gamaliel  III,  sayings,  467  f. 
Gamaliel  IV,  532  ff. 
Gamaliel  V,  612. 
Gamaliel  the  last,  612,  617. 
Genseric,  prince  of  the  Vandals,  and 

the  vessels  of  the  Temple,  611. 
Mt.    Gerizim,     temple      of     Jupiter 

erected  on,  422. 
Gischala,  272,  290.    See  also  Galilee. 
Gnosticism  and  Gnostics,  374-81. 
combated  by  Akiba,  381. 
doctrines,  375  ff. 
influence    on  Jewish  circles,  377, 

380  f. 
sects,  374  f . 
Gratus,  Valerius,  procurator  of  Ju- 
daea, 13s  ff. 
Greek  culture  and  language,  attitude 

of  the  Rabbis  to,  400,  537  f. 
Greek  Jews  become   preachers  and 
missionaries     of      Christianity, 
220  f. 
Greek    translations    of    the     Bible, 

385  ff.,  488  f. 
Greeks  of    Alexandria,  hostility  of, 
to  Jews  and  Judaism,  i78ff. 

Habakkuk,  book  of,  apocryphal  ad- 
ditions to,  624. 
Hadrian,  399-432. 

and  the  Christians,  430  f. 

cruel  measures  against  the  dead, 

430- 
death,  432. 
decrees  against  the  Jews,  421. 


644 


INDEX. 


Hadrian  disappoints  the  Jews  con- 
cerning the  restoration  of  the 
Temple,  403  f. 

inaugurates    a    religious    persecu- 
tion against  the  jews,  426. 

journey  through  Judaea,  406. 

makes    Jerusalem    a   pagan    city, 
407. 

policy   against  the  Jews  after  the 
war  of  Har-Cochba,  422. 

yielding  to  the  Jews,  400  f. 
Halacha,  328ff. 

compilers  of,  470. 

relation    to   Agada    and   Midrash, 

329- 
systematic  grouping  of,  by  Akiba, 

353  f- 
Havayot  d'Abayi  ve  Raba,  585. 
Heathen,  difference   of  attitude  to- 
wards them  between    Hillelites 
and  Shammaites,  270. 
laws  concerning  them,  476-8. 
relaxing  of  the  laws  against  them, 

525  f- 
Hebrew  language,  knowledge  of,  cul- 
tivated in  Judaea,  623  ff. 
spoken   by  the   population  of  Ju- 
daea, 461  f. 
Hebrews,  epistle  to,  371. 
Helen    of   Adiabene,  proselyte    and 
benefactress  in  Jerusalem,  218  f. 
Helkias  and  Ananias,  sons  of  Onias, 
and   generals  of  Cleopatra,   10, 
40  f. 
Hereditary  sin,  doctrine  of,  229. 
Herod,  77-120. 
betrothed  to  Mariamne,  81. 
building  of  the  Temple,  109-n. 
children,  1 19. 
cities    and    buildings    erected    by 

him,  105-7. 
cringing  policy  towards  Rome,  89, 

127. 
cruelty,  87,  89,  115. 
death,  ii6f. 

discord  in  his  family,  1 19  f.,  177. 
disease,  iii,  115  f. 
distrust  of  his  people,  108,  in. 
escapes  from  Judaea  to  Rome,  83 
executes  Hyrcanus,  96. 
exhausts  the   people   by  taxation, 

107. 
governor  of  Ccelesyria,  79. 
governor  of  Galilee,  77. 
introduces  games  into  Jerusalem, 

105. 
judgment  of  Augustus  on  him,  1 16. 


Herod,  last  bloody  orders  with  re-. 

gard   to  the  nobles    of   Judaea, 

116. 

love  of  pomp  and  display,  105,  109. 

proclaimed  king  of  Judaea  by  the 

Senate  of  Rome,  86 
relation    to    his    children,    112-4, 

116. 
relation  of  the    Pharisees  to  him, 

1 14  f. 
struggle   for  the  crown  of  Judaea, 

87  f. 
suicidal  attempt,  116. 
before  the  Synhedrion,  78. 
will  concerning  Judaea,  Ii9f. 
Herod  II,  173. 
death,  199. 
prince  of  Chalcisin  Lebanon,  190, 

196  f. 
titular  king  of  Judaea,  197,  199. 
Herod  Antipas,  tctrarch  of  Galilee 
and  Peraea,  137. 
beheads  John  the  Baptist,  147. 
Herodias,  wife  of  Antipas,  175. 

dies  in  exile,  177. 
Hieronymus  (Jerome),   studies    He- 
brew with  Rabbis,  623  f. 
High  priests,    frequent    change    of, 

137,  249- 

right  of  appointment  reserved  by 
Rome,  172. 
Iligh-priesthood,     corruption      and 
degradation,  236  f.,  246,  249. 

dignity  of,  inherent  in  certain  fam- 
ilies, 237. 

strife  for  it,  237. 
Hillel,  96-130. 

appointed  president  of  the  Synhe- 
drion by  Herod,  96, 

character,  96  f. 

death,  30. 

descent  from  David,  96. 

disciple  of  Shemaya  and  Abtalion, 
96,  98. 

his    expositions    attain    authority, 

338. 
founder    of     Talmudic     Judaism, 

327. 

gives  the  Oral  Law  a  rational  ba- 
sis, by  introducing  the  seven 
rules,  98. 

maxims,  97. 

modities  the  laws  concerning  the 
year  of  release,  100. 

part  played  in  the  Paschal  contro- 
versy, 99. 

presidency  hereditary  in  his  fam- 
ily, 130. 


INDEX. 


645 


Hillel,  school  of,  131. 
Hillel  II,  560. 

act  of  self-remmciation,  572  f. 
and  Joseph,  the  apostate,  565  f. 
calendar,  573  f. 
Ilillelites,  belong  to  the  peace  party, 

256. 
History,  cultivated  under  the   Has- 

monaeans,  15  f. 
Honorius,  emperor  of  the  West,  laws 

of,  against  the  Jews.  616  f. 
Iluna,    principal    of    the    school    of 
Sova,  545-S. 
charity,  546  f. 
death,  548. 
Huna  ben    Chiya,  principal    of   the 

school  of  Pumbeditha,  576  f. 
Huna-Mari,  Prince  of  the  Captivity 

and  martyr,  629. 
Hypatia,  619. 
Hyrcanus  I,  John,  1-34. 
ambitious,  13. 

assures  the    independence  of   Ju- 
daea, II. 
campaign  against  the  Parthians,  5. 
coins,  12. 

compared  to  Solomon,  1,11,  34. 
condition  of  the  people  under  his 

reign,  13-17. 
destroys  the  Samaritan  temple  on 

Mt.  Gerizim,  8. 
embassy    sent    by  him   to    Rome, 

employs  mercenaries,  7. 

expels  the  Hellenists  and  destroys 

Samaria,  1 1. 
extends  the  boundaries  of  Judaea, 

I  If. 
forces  Judaism  on  the  Idumasans,8. 
reprimanded  by  Eleazar  ben  Poira, 

relation    to    the   religious  parties, 
31  ff. 

wars,  7-II. 
Hyrcanus  II,  57  ff. 

contest  with  Aristobulus  II,  57-66. 

arrangement  between  them,  58. 

broken  by  Hyrcanus,  59. 

characters  of  both  contrasted,  57  f. 

interference  of  Rome,  61  ff. 

part  played  by  Antipater,  59  ff. 

rise  of  a  republican  party   in  Ju- 
daea, 63. 

his    ears    mutilated    by  the    Par- 
thians, 82. 

executed  by  Herod,  96. 
Hyrcanus,    son    of    Alexander   Jan- 
naeus,  high  priest,  48. 


Idumaeans  forced  to  accept  Judaism, 
8f. 
part   played  by  them   in  the   war 
of  revolution,  295,  298,  301. 
Images,    Roman,  introduced  by  Pi- 
late into  Jerusalem,  139. 
of  the  emperor  put  up  in  the  syna- 
gogues of  Alexandria,  183. 
Independence,    Judaean,    when   lost, 

66. 
Indo-Jewish  colonists,  629  f. 
Informers,  4251.,  464  f.,  570. 
Iron,  its   use  in  the    erecting  of  an 

altar,  why  forbidden,  329. 
Isebab,  martyr  under  Hadrian,  429. 
Ishmael  ben  Elisha,  355  f. 
clear  thinker,  356. 
death  (martyrdom),  356,427. 
mildness,  423  f. 
system,  355  f. 
view,  his,  on  Jewish  Christianity, 

378. 
Isidorus, leader  of  an  uprising  agamst 

the  Jews  in  Alexandria,  181. 
Izates,  prince  of  Adiabene,  convert 

to  Judaism,  216  f. 

Jabne   (Jamnia),  seat  of   the  school 
and  Synhedrion  after  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  324  ff.     See  Schools 
and  Synhedrion. 
James,  brother  of  Jesus,  169,  222. 
Jerusalem    after    the    war    of    Bar- 
Cochba,  421  f. 
Jews  forbidden  to  enter  it,  422, 564. 
ploughed,  421. 
See  also  War  of  Revolution. 
Jesus  of  Nazareth,  148-68. 

addresses  himself  to  the  neglected 

and  the  outcast,  152,  165. 
adopts    Essene  principles,   150  f., 

154 
aim  and  purpose,  151,  155. 
attitude  towards  Judaism  and  the 

heathen  world,  155  f. 
before  the  court  of  justice,  163  f. 
before  Pilate,  164. 
character,  149. 
claims  to  be  the  Messiah  and  son 

of  God,  158  f. 
condition  of   Galilee  at  his  time, 

148. 
death  and  its  effects,  165. 
descent,  148. 

disciple  of  John  the  Baptist,  148, 
disciples,  his,  to  which  class  they 

belonged,  153  f.,  160. 
education  and  mental  culture,  148 L 


646 


INDEX. 


Jesus  in  Jerusalem,  and  why  he  went 
there,  160-3. 
merits,  his,  wherein  they  consist, 

156. 
miraculous  deeds,  i56f. 
reason  of  opposition  to  him,  161  f. 
religiousness,  149  f. 
resurrection,  belief  in  his,  168. 
Rome's  part  in  his  death,  164  f., 

171. 
teachings,  150,  I54ff. 
victim  to  a  misunderstanding,  165. 
when  public  sentiment  rose  against 

him,  159. 
work,  152  f.,  157. 
Jesus    ben    Sapphia,   leader    in    the 

revolution  at  Tiberias,  274. 
Jews  in  Alexandria.  See  Alexandria. 
Jews  in  Armenia,  591. 
Jews  and  Christians,  connection  be- 
tween them  severed,  431. 
Jews  and  heathen,  hatred  between 

them,  262  ff.,  313  f. 
Jews  prohibited  from  entering  Jeru- 
salem, 422,  564. 
Jews,  inner  life  of,  after  the  fall  of 

Judaea,  322,  360-5. 
Jews,  moral  and  religious  condition 
of  the  middle  class  of,  146,  151. 
Jews  in  Rome,  67-9. 

after  the  war  of  revolution,  316. 

religious  persecution  of,  137  f. 

Jews  and  Samaritans,  hatred  between 

them,  135,  243  ff. 
Jews,  significance  of  their  dispersion 
in   the    Roman    empire    and    in 
Parthia,  200  f. 
Jews'  tax  (fiscus  Judaicus),  332.    See 

Taxes. 
Jezdijird,    king    of   Persia,  friendly 
attitude  towards  the  Jews,  609  f. 
Jezdijird  III,  persecutes  the  Jews  of 

Babylonia,  627  f. 
Job,  book    of,   view   of    Simon   ben 

Lakish  on,  497. 
Jochanan  bar  Napacha,  492-5. 
Jochanan  ben  Zakkai,  322-33, 

abolishes  the  ritual  of  suspected 

adultery,  238. 
abolishes  tlie  sin-offering  for  the 
shedding     of    innocent     blood, 

239- 
becomes    vice-president     of     the 

Synhedrion,  240. 
burnt-offerings,  his  view  on  their 

value,  324. 
character,  331. 
combats  the  Sadducees,  323. 


Jochanan  ben  Zakkai,  compared  with 
Jeremiah  and  Zerubbabel,  333. 
death,  333. 
disciples,  326. 
establishes  the   school  of    Jalnit, 

324  f. 
heir  of  Hillel's  mind,  323. 
holds  converse  with  pagans,  329. 
joins  the  peace  party,  323. 
nine  changes  made  by  him,  326. 
school,  his,  at  Jerusalem,  323. 
teachings,  326  ff. 
why  he  sided  with  Rome,  329. 
work,  his,  after  the  fall  of  Judaea, 

322  ff. 
John  the  Haptist,  an  Essene,  145  ff., 

ISO- 
beheaded  by  Herod  Antipas,  147. 
not  hindered  in    his  work  by  the 
Pharisees,  147. 
John  of  Gischala,  leader  in  the  rev- 
olution, character,  273,  296  f. 
death,  314. 

conduct  as  general,  290,  304. 
John,  son  of  Zebedee,  169,  222. 
Jonathan,  leader  of  the  Sadducees, 

31.33- 

Jonathan,  son  of  Uziel,  131, 

Jose,  principal  of  the  school  of  Pum- 
beditha,  completes  the  compila- 
tion of  the  Talmud,  630. 

Jose  ben  Chalafta,  442. 

Jose,  the  Galilean,  357. 

Jose  ben  Kisma,  426  f. 

Joseph  the  Apostate,  564  ff. 

Joseph  ben  Chiya,  principal  of  the 
school    of    Pumbeditha,    577  f., 

581-3- 
Joseph    of    Gamala,    leader    in   the 

revolution,  289. 
Joseph  ben  Gorion,  general    in  the 

war  of  revolution,  271. 
Joseph  ben  Matthias.    See  Josephus. 
Josephus,  Flavius  (Joseph  ben  Mat- 
thias), 276  ff. 
accused  with  the  Synhedrion,  281. 
adherent  of  Agrippa  II,  278,  280, 
associates  with  the  Essenes,  276. 
character,  280,  282  f.,  288,  302. 
death,  391. 

devoted  to  Rome,  277. 
education,  276  f., 

governor  of  Galilee  during  the  rev- 
olution, 271  ff.,  277. 
history  of  the  war,  written  by  him, 

3'9- 
John    of    Gischala,    compared   to, 

285  f. 


INDEX. 


647 


Josephus,  Flavius,  promoter  of  the 

revolution,  278. 
religious  zeal,  279. 
sows  discord  in  Galilee,  2S1,  283. 
surrenders  to  Vespasian,  288. 
weakens  Galilee,  283,  286. 
uprising   against   him    in  Galilee, 

280. 
writings,  his,  389  f. 
Joshua,    disciple    of   Jochanan    ben 

Zakkai,  326,  337. 
Joshua  ben  Chananya,  404  f. 
character,  348  ff. 
conciliator,  356. 

conversations  with  Hadrian,  406  f. 
dissuades  from  rebellion,  403,  407. 
establishes  the  school  of  liekiim, 

348  ff. 
intermediary  between   the  Jewish 

nation  and  Roman  intolerance, 

350- 
supposed  to  have  been  patriarch, 

350- 

Joshua  ben  Gamala,  high  priest,  es- 
tablishes schools,  249. 
executed  by  the  Zealots,  296. 

Joshua    ben    Levi,   486,  492,  497  f., 

53°- 
Joshua,  son  of  Perachia,  20. 
Joshua  Phabi,  high  priest,  deposed 

by  Herod,  107. 
Jotapata,  fortress  in  Galilee,  2S6f. 
Jovianus,  emperor,  grants  toleration, 

602. 
Judaea,  annexed  to  Syria,  73,  128. 
condition  after  Agrippa  I's  death, 

197  ff. 
condition  after  the  war  of  revolu- 
tion, 332,  360. 
confusion  of,  after  Herod's  death, 

119,  123-5. 
divided  by  Herod  among  his  three 

sons, 119. 
divided  into  five  legislative  prov- 
inces, 71. 
divided    by    Vespasian    into  lots, 

312. 
recovers     its     full    extent    under 

Agrippa  I,  190. 
sufferings  of,   under    Constantius, 

568  f. 
uprisings   against    Rome,   73,    88, 

123  ff.,  198,  242,  246,  255. 
when  it  lost  its  independence,  66. 
Judah  I,  patriarch  (Rabbi),  450-67. 
assumes  autocratic  authority,  452  f. 
attitude  towards  the   Samaritans, 

457- 


Judah  I,  changes  introduced  by  him, 

457-9- 
charity,  451. 
completes      and      compiles      the 

Mishna,  460. 
death,  465-7- 
education,  his,  450 f. 
severity  and  irritability,  454-6- 
Judah  11,479-87. 

and  Alexander  Severus,  482. 
character,  485-7. 
death,  487. 

moderation  of  laws  introduced  by 
him,  483  f. 
Judah  HI,  533 ff. 
Judah  IV,  612. 
Judah     ben     Baba,     martyr    under 

Hadrian,  429. 
Judah  ben  Ezekiel,  principal  of  the 
schools  of  Pumbeditha  and  Sora, 

549.  552. 
method,  550. 

opinion,  his,  on  the  returning  of 
the  Jews  from  Babylonia  to  J u- 
dsea,  551. 
Judah  ben  Ilai  of  Usha,  442. 
Judah  ben  Tabbai,  president  of  the 
Great  Council,  49. 
resigns  the  presidency,  54. 
"  Restorer  of  the  Law,"  49. 
Judah  ben  Zippori,  115. 
Judaism,  and  Greek  philosophy,  ef- 
forts to  reconcile  them,  208  f. 
converts  to,  383  f. 
leaning  of  Romans  towards  it,  136. 
movement  against  it,  178-89. 
and  paganism,  186,  203  ff.,  373. 
Judas  "the  Galilean,"  125,  133,  239, 

258. 
Judas  Iscariot,  163. 
Julian,  emperor,  595-603. 

attitude    toward    Christianity  and 

Judaism,  596  f. 
attempts  to  restore  the  Temple  of 

Jerusalem,  599-601. 
epistle  to  the  Jewish  communities, 

597  f- 
ideal,  his,  of  government,  595  f. 
Julianus,  leader  of  the  revolt  against 

Trajan  in  Judaea,  395. 
Justus,  son  of  I'istus,  historian  of  the 
Juda;an  war,  319  f. 
leader  of  the  revolution  in  Tibe- 
rias, 274. 
opponent  of  Josephus,  390. 

Kalba-Sabua,  father-in-law  of  Akiba, 
351.355. 


648 


INDEX. 


Kalla  =  TaliTiudic  lectures,  515. 
Kingdom  of  God,  143. 
of  heaven,  145,  167,  226. 

Lampo,  leader  of  an  uprising  against 

the  Jews  in  Alexandria,  181. 
Law,  oral  (tradition),  327  ff. 

acquires    a  settled    form    through 

Judah  I,  462. 
becomes  a  distinguishing  feature 

of  Judaism,  608. 
meaning  of  the  term,  327. 
observance,  its,  enforced  after  the 

fall  of  Judaea,  363  f.,  479  f. 
study  of  (Talmud  Torah),  highly 

esteemed,  473  f. 
set  above  its  practice,  427. 
and  the  priesthood,  544. 
forbidden  by  Hadrian,  426  f. 
Laws,     dietary,     observed     by    the 

heathen,  384. 
Laws      concerning       the      heathen 

(Aboda  Zara),  476-8. 
Laws   against   the    Romans  relaxed 

under  Alexander  Severus,  483. 
Laying  on  of  hands,  356. 
Libation  of  water,  ceremony  of,  on 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  43,  51. 
Libertini,  68. 

Literature,     Judjean,     character    of, 
under  Hyrcanus  I,  15. 
Judaean-Grecian,  204  ff. 
Longinus,  Cassius,  in  Judaea,  80, 197. 
Longinus,  philosopher,  529. 
Lydda,  assembly  of,  after  the  war  of 
Ear-Cochba,423. 
seat  of  a  school,  346,  497,  530. 

Maas'se  Bereshith,  M.  Merkaba,38i. 

Maccabees,  first  book  of,  written  in 
Hebrew,  16. 

Machuza,  city  in  Babylonia,  506  f. 
seat  of  a  school,  584. 
decline,  593, 

Magi  of  the  Neo-Persians,  attitude 
toward  the  Jews,  627  f. 

Malich  poisons  Antipater,  father  of 
Herod,  80. 

Male,  Apollonius,  calumniator  of 
the  Jews,  178  ff. 

Manicheans,  627. 

Mar  bar-Ashi,  principal  of  the  school 
of  Sora,  completes  the  compila- 
tion of  the  Talmud,  628. 

Mar-Sheshet,  553  f. 

Mar-Zutra,  606. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  447. 

attitude  toward  the  Christians,  449. 


Marcus  Aurelius,  averse  to  the  Jews, 
463. 
permits  the  Jews  to  enter  Jerusa- 
lem, 458. 

Mariamne,   granddaughter   of    Hyr- 
canus and  wife  of  Herod,  93. 
executed,  104  f. 

Mariamne,  daughter  of    Simon   and 
wife  of  Herod,  107. 

Mariamne  II,  sister  of   Agrippa  II, 

235- 
Marriage,  lax  customs  of,  among  the 

Babylonian  Jews,  516  f. 
Marriages  between  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians forbidden  by  Constantius, 
567. 
Marsus,  governor  of  Syria,  195  f. 
Martyrdom     and     martyrs,    Jewish, 
under  Hadrian,  425-8. 
in  Babylonia,  629. 
Masada,  fortress,  in  the  war  of  revo- 
lution, 292  f.,  315  f. 
Masechta,  meaning  of,  354. 
Mata,  city  in  Babylonia,  506. 
Matthias  ben  Margalot,  115. 
Meir  (Miasa  or  Moise),  434  ff. 
method,  438,  476. 
ordinances,  439. 
relation  to  Acher,  437. 
to    the     philosopher     Euonymus, 

437  f- 
wisdom,  437. 
Memra,  term  for  decisions  and  de- 
ductions, 515. 
Menachcm,  the    Essene,    deputy    of 

Hillel,  100. 
Menachem   ben   Jair,  leader  of  the 
Sicarii,  239,  243,  258. 
executed,  261. 
Mercenaries  employed  in  Judaea  by 
Hyrcanus  I,  7. 
by  Alexander  Jannaeus,  39. 
Messiah,    ideas   of,    entertained    by 
the  various  parties,  144. 
Joshua  ben  Levi's  idea  of,  498. 
scene  of   his  coming  expected  to 

be  Judaea,  548. 
suffering,  idea  of,  166  f. 
Messianic  hopes,  610  f. 

part   they  played    in    the    war   of 

revolution,  291  f. 
what  promoted  them,  142  ff. 
Messiahs,   false,    198,    240  f.,     247, 

409  ff.,  61  of. 
Metibtarz  Talmudic  school,  547. 
Meturgeman  (interpreter),  541. 
Middle  Ages,  when  they  began  for 
Judaism,  617. 


INDEX. 


649 


Midrash,  328  f. 
Migration  of  nations,  604  f. 
Minim,     Minoeans  z=.  Jewish    Chris- 
tians, 369,  377  ff. 
Mishna,  460  ff. 

character,  471  ff. 

tendency,  474  f. 

ethical   and    spiritual    importance 
of,  462. 

judicial  feature  (legalism),  471-6. 

style,  489, 

teaching  with  regard  to  future  life, 

473- 

Mishna  of  Rabbi  Akiba,  354. 
di  Rpbbi  Judah,  460  ff. 

Mishna  Rishona  and  Acharona,  354. 

Monobaz,  prince  of  Adiabene,  con- 
verted to  Judaism,  216  f. 

Monuments    erected    in    Judaea    in 
honor  of  Roman  emperors,  106, 

138. 
Moses,  false  Messiah  in  Crete,  611. 

Naasites.     See  Ophites. 
Nachman  ben  Jacob,  554-7. 
Nachum    Gimso,  teacher  of   Akiba, 

330  f- 
Nahardea    (Naarda),    becomes    the 
Jerusalem  of  Babylonia,  505. 
seat  of  a  school,  358,  443,  498,  522. 
demolished  by  Odenathus,  527. 
Nahar-Pakod,    seat    of    the    Baby- 
lonian Synhedrion,  443. 
Nares,  school  of,  593  f. 
Nasi.     See  Patriarch, 
Nathan  of  Babylon,  434,  442  f. 
Nazarenes.     See  Christianity. 
Nechunya  ben  Hakana,  330  f. 
Neo-Persians,  their  attitude  toward 
Jews     and     Christians,     523-6, 
627  ff. 
Nero,  death,  297. 
in  Greece,  284. 
and  the  house  of  Herod,  245. 
Nerva,    emperor,     friendliness     to- 
ward the  Jews,  391  f. 
New  Hebrew  (Mishnic)  dialect,  461. 
how   distinguished  from   old   He 
brew,  15. 
New  moon,  fixing  the  time  of,  325, 
336,  362  f.,  532,  572, 
manner  of  announcing  it,  362  f. 
Nicator,    Demetrius,  king  of  Syria, 

.    5f. 
Nicolaus  of  Damascus,   friend    and 
historian  of  Herod,  90,  114. 
favorable    representation    of    the 
Jews,  179. 


Niger,  hero  in  the  war  of  revolution, 

264,  296. 
Nisibis,  358, 

Oath  of  allegiance  to  Herod  refused 
by  the  Shammaites,  loS. 

Oath  of  purgation  (Shebuoth  hessct), 
556. 

Octavianus.     See  Augustus. 

Odenathus  and  the  Jews,  527  ff. 

Onkelos  Targum,  387,  581. 

Ophites    (Naasites),   Gnostic    sect, 

375- 
Ordinances  of  Meir,  439. 

of  Usha,  405. 
Ordination,  361. 

prohibited  by  Hadrian,  426. 
Origen,  501. 

and  Hillel  II,  487. 
work  in  the  interpretation  of  the 
Bible  (Hexapla),  488  f. 
Osius  (Hosius),  bishop  of  Cordova, 
fanaticism  against  the  Jews,  620. 
Otho,  emperor,  299. 

Palmyra  (Tadmor),  528. 

Papa  bar  Nachman,  principal  of  the 

school  of  Nares,  593  f. 
Papus,  leader  of  the  revolt  against 

Trajan  in  Judaea.  395. 
Parthians,  relation  of,  to  Judaea,  82, 

447- 
Parthia,  conquered  by  Trajan,  393. 
Parthian  empire,  Jews  in,  503  f. 
Parties,    religious,   when    appeared, 
17.     See  Pharisees  and  Saddu- 
cees. 
Parties  of  war  and  peace,  256  ff.,  321. 
See    also    War    of   Revolution, 
Sicarii,  Zealots. 
Passover  of  the  "  Crushing,"  251. 
Patriarch   (Nasi),  title  assumed   by 

Gamaliel,  334. 
Patriarchate,  attitude  of  the  Roman 
government  to  it,  360  f.,  597  f., 
613,  6i6f. 
authority  and  functions,  360-3. 
decay  of,  535,  560. 
extinction  of,  612. 
influence    of,  impaired  by   Chris- 
tianity, 612  f. 
tax  of,  486  f . 

titles  and  privileges  of,  560  f.,  612, 
6i7f. 
Patriarchs,  enumeration  and  names 

of,  618. 
Paul  (Saul  of  Tarsus),  2i9ff. 


650 


INDEX. 


Paul  (Saul  of  Tarsus),  abrogates  the 

Law,  226  f.,  229. 
character,  223. 
conception  of  Christianity  as  the 

very  opposite  to  Judaism,  230. 
conversion  to  Christianity,  and  its 

psychological  process,  224-6. 
Christianity,    his,    different    from 

that  of  Peter,  230. 
at  Damascus,  226f. 
doctrines,  225  ff. 
energy,  365, 
fanaticism  against  the  Nazarenes, 

221  f.,  224. 
hated  by   the  Jewish  Christians, 

hereditary  sin,  his  doctrine  of,  229. 

new  direction  and  stability  to 
Christianity,  given  by  him,  223. 

missionary  travels,  227  f. 

quarrel  between  him  and  the  Ju- 
daic-Christian apostles,  231. 

resurrection  of  Christ,  his  belief 
in,  225. 

teachings,  his,   gain    the  victory, 

373- 
what  favored  his   success   among 
the  heathen,  228. 
Paul,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  in- 
tolerance of,  562. 
Paul  of  Samosata,  529. 
Persecutions,  religious,  of  the  Jews, 

i36f.,  568  ff.,  6i6f.,  622. 
Perso-Roman  war,  601  f. 
Pescennius,   Niger,  emperor,  harsh- 
ness of,  against  the  Jews,  463  f. 
Peshito   (Syriac   translation   of   the 

Bible),  582. 
Peter,  Simon  (Kephas),  169,  222,  231. 
Petronius,  governor  of  Syria,  188. 
Phabi,  family  of  high  priests,  237. 
Pharisees  (Parushim),  17  ff. 
adherents  to  the  Law,  19. 
and  Alexander  Jannaeus,  39,  42,  44. 
attitude  toward  Herod,  ii4f. 
cardinal    principle :    preservation 

of  Judaism,  18. 
Divine  providence,  emphasis  laid 

upon, 18. 
guardians    of   Judaism  and   strict 

morality,  20. 
mildness  in  the  administration  of 

justice,  20. 
name,  derivation  of,  18. 
relation  to  the  Essenes,  30. 
and  to  other  parties,  17-20. 
reward      and      punishment     after 
death,  their  doctrine  of,  19. 


Pharisees,      tradition,      importance 

ascribed  to,  19. 
Phasael,  brother  of  Herod,  80. 

commits  suicide,  82. 
Pheroras,  brother  of  Herod,  112. 
Philip,    tetrarch    of     Batanaea    and 

Trachonitis,  137  f. 
Philo,  the  Alexandrian,  191  ff. 

compared  with  Hillel  and  Jesus, 

214. 
defends  Judaism,  212  f. 
ambassador  to  Rome,  184  ff. 
faithful  to  Judaism,  210  f. 
life,  his,  185. 

philosophical  system,  211  ff. 
principal  aim,  188. 
visits  Jerusalem,  194. 
Phineas    ben    Samuel,    made    high 

priest  by  the  Zealots,  294  f. 
Pilate,  Pontius,  procurator  of  Judaea, 
138  ff. 
cruelty,  171. 
introduces    Roman   emblems   and 

insignia  into  Jerusalem,  139. 
possesses  himself  of  the  treasury 
of  the  Temple,  140. 
Pinchas  ben  Jair,  459  f. 
Pirke  Aboth,  478. 
Poetry,  why  not  produced  under  the 

MaccalDees,  15. 
Pompey  in  Judsea,  63-7. 

enters  the  Holy  of  Holies,  66. 
Poppea  Sabina,  favors  Judaism,  248. 
Porphyry  on  the  book  of  Daniel,  502. 
Posidonius,  Stoic,  slanders  Judaism, 

178. 
Possession  by  evil  spirits,  belief  in, 

29. 
Prayers,  formulated,  introduced  by 

Gamaliel  II,  363. 
Prayers  for  rain,  541. 
Priestly  vestments,  kept   in  charge 

of  the  Roman  procurators,  1 29. 
Princes   of   Captivity  in    Babylonia 
(Resh   Galutha),    arbitrariness, 

513- 
arrogance,  555. 
neglect  of  religion,  554. 
position,    dignity    and    authority, 
508-11. 
Procurator  in  Judaea,  authority  and 

duties,  128  f. 
Procurators  of  Judaea,  Albinus,  248. 
Ambivius,  135. 
Bassus,  315. 
Coponius,  135. 
Cumanus,  241. 
Fadus,  197. 


INDEX. 


651 


Procurators  of  Judaea,  Felix,  242. 

Festus,  247. 

Flaccus,  181. 

Florus,  249. 
.    Gratus,  135. 

Pilate,  13S. 

Rufus,  Annius,  155. 

Rufus,  Timiius,  411. 

Rufus,  Turnus,  421. 

Silva,  316. 
Prosbol,  100.     See  also  Hillel. 
Proselytes  to  Judaism,  215  ff. 

discussion  about  their  admission, 
384  f. 

Jews  forbidden  to  make,  433,  562. 

persecuted  by  Domitian,  389. 
Ptolemais,    besieged    by    Alexander 

Jannaeus,  40. 
Ptolemy     VIII,     Lathurus,     enmity 

against  Judaea,  10  ff.,  40. 
Pumbeditha,  capital  of  Jewish  Baby- 
lonia, 506. 

center  of  North  Babylonia,  549. 

rise  of  its  school,  575 ff- 
Purim,  celebration  of,  620 f. 

Quietus,  Lucius,  general  under  Tra- 
jan   in   the    revolt    of   Mesopo- 
tamia, 397-9. 
in  Judaea,  399  f. 

Quirinus,  governor  of  Syria,  takes  a 
census  in  Judaea,  129  ff. 

Rab  (Abba-Areka),  470,  484. 

Agoranomos  in  Babylonia,  512  f. 
and  Artabanus  IV,  king  of  Parthia, 

513- 
career,  51 1  f. 
compared  to  Hillel,  517. 
descendants,  518. 
establishes    the    school    of    Sora, 

5i3ff. 

humility,  517  f. 

method  of  teaching,  515. 

reforms  introduced  by  him,  516  f. 

strictness,  513,  515  f.,  526. 
Raba,  principal  of  the  school  of  Ma- 
chuza,  584-93. 

character,  586-8. 

method,  590. 
Rabba     bar     Nachmani      and      his 

brothers,  575-81. 
Rabban,  title,  325,  335. 
Rabbana,  title,  544,  606. 
Rabbi,  title,  335,  357. 

of  Judah  I,  453. 

of  Judah  II,  480. 


Rabina,  principal  of  the  school  of 
Sora  and  last  Amora,  completes 
the  compilation  of  the  Talmud, 
630  f. 

Reket,  name  for  Tiberias,  571. 

Release,  year  of,  laws  of,  modified, 
100,  458  f.,  469. 

Religious  persecutions.  See  Perse- 
cutions. 

Restoration  of  the  Law.  Sec  Simon 
ben  Shetach. 

Resurrection,  a  matter  of  contention 
between    the    various     schools, 
225. 
expected  to  take  place  in  Judaea, 
548. 

Resurrection  of  Christ,  225. 

Revolts,    Jewish,    under    Antoninus 
Pius,  447. 
under  Constantius,  569  f. 
under  Hadrian,  399-446. 
under  Trajan,  393-9. 

Rigle  =r  festival  season  of  lectures, 

z^time  of  paying  homage   to  the 
Prince  of  Captivity,  607. 

Rimmon,  Plain  of,  headquarters 
during  the  revolts  against  Tra- 
jan and  Hadrian,  395,403,416. 

Rome  adopts  Syrian  habits,  468. 

Roman  eagle  over  the  entrance  to 
the  Temple,  ni,  115. 

Roman  empire,  decline  of,  527,  560, 
604  f. 
division  of,  by  Theodosius,  615. 

Rufus,  Annius,  procurator  of  Judaea, 

135- 
Rufus,  Tinnius,  procurator  of  Judaea, 

411. 
Rufus,  Turnus,  general  of  Hadrian 

and  oppressor  of  the  Jews,  421. 
Rules,  seven,  of  Hillel,  356. 
thirteen  of  Ishmael,  356. 

Sabbath,  observed  by  the   heathen, 

384. 
Sabinus,   plunders   the    treasury    of 

the  Temple,  123. 
Sacrifices,  daily,  cease,  305. 
Sadducees  (Zadukim),  17  ff. 

attitude  toward  the  daily  sacri- 
fices and  the  laws  of  cleanli- 
ness, 23,  52. 
consider  the  Pentateuch  only  as 
binding,  the  tradition  as  of  sub- 
ordinate value,  22. 
deprived  of  their  seats  in  the  Syn- 
hedrion,  50. 


652 


INDEX. 


Sadducees,  difference  between  them 
and  the  Pharisees  in  points  of 
ritual,  22  f. 

form  the  aristocracy,  21. 

laxity  toward  false  witnesses,  22. 

officers   of    state   and  army  taken 
from  among  them,  21. 

place  the  national  interests  above 
the  Law,  21. 

persecuted  under  Salome  Alexan- 
dra, 55. 

repudiate    the    idea    of   judgment 
after  death,  21. 

relation  to  the  Pharisees,  17  f. 

rigor  in  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice, 22. 
Salome    Alexandra,    wife    of    Alex- 
ander Jannaeus,  and  regent,  47- 

56. 
champion  of  the  Pharisees,  39. 
coins,  48. 
death,  56. 
entrusts  the  management  of  affairs 

to  the  Pharisees,  48. 
last  independent  ruler  of  Judaea, 

56. 

protects  the  Sadducees,  55. 

prosperity    of  the    country    under 
her  reign,  48. 

restoration  of  the  Law,  49-53. 
Salome,  sister   of    Herod,    93,   1  ig, 
128. 

bequeaths  her  possessions  to  the 
Empress  Livia,  128. 

hatred  of  Mariamne,  104,  112. 
Samaritan  Messiah,  171. 

Torah,  457. 
Samaritans,  relation   to   the    Jews  : 
of  friendliness,  534. 

of  hatred,  402  f.,  457  f. 

completely  excluded  from  the  Jew- 
ish community,  534  f. 

join  the  Jews  in  the  war  of  revolu- 
tion, 268. 

in  the  revolt  against  Hadrian,  410. 

treachery  against  the  Jews,  417  f. 
Samaritans    persecuted    by    Diocle- 
tian, 533  f. 

worship  idols,  439. 
Samuel     the     younger     (Hakatan), 

357  f- 
Samuel,  Mar  (Arioch),  518  ff. 
attitude  toward  the  heathen,  520. 
character,  519. 
decree  concerning  the  law  of  the 

land,  519  f. 
learning  and  versatility,  521  f. 
and  Shabur  I,  520. 


Sassanides,  dynasty  of,  523. 

Satan  and  demons,  belief  in,  among 

the  early  Christians,  170. 
Scaurus,    legate    of     Pompcy,    arbi- 
trates between  Hyrcauus  TI  and 
Aristobulus  II,  61. 
Schools  of  the  Talmud,  324  ff. 
Schools  of  Babylonia,  544  ff. 
decline,  593  ff. 
deterioration    of   manners    of   the 

teachers,  588  f. 
estrangement  between  the  teachers 

and  the  people,  588  ff. 
hierarchy  and  dignitaries,  547. 
independence    of    the    schools    of 

Judaea,  548. 
opposition  to  the  schools  of  Judaea, 

557; 
superiority   over    the    schools    of 

Judaea,  531  f.,  537,  544,  560. 
teachers,  454. 

two  methods  of  instruction,  574. 
Schools  in  Judaea,  324  ff. 
in  Jabne,  324  ff. 
in  other  places,  335. 
decline    of    the    Judaean    schools, 

543,  548  f.,  560. 
oppressed  by  hostile  Christianity, 
611. 
Schools,    Babylonian    and    Judaean, 

their  different  methods,  557  f. 
Schools  outside  of  Judaea  and  Baby- 
lonia, in  Asia  Minor  and  Alex- 
andria, 358  f. 
Schools  of  Shammai  and  Hillel,  loi, 

335  f- 
Schools,    prohibited     by     Hadrian, 

426. 
Second  day  of  feasts,  celebrated  by 

the  Jews  outside  of  Judaea,  363, 

573- 
Secret  scrolls,  461. 
Seder  Olam,  442. 
Sepphoris,  capital  of  Galilee,  137. 
destroyed  under  Constantius,  570. 
seat  of   the  principal    school  and 
the  Synhedrion  under  Judah  I, 
452. 
sympathizes  with  Rome,  276,  283, 

414. 
Septuagint,  625,      See    also   Greek 

translations  of  the  Bible. 
Seth,  family  of  high  priests,  237. 
Severus,  emperor,  laws  against  Jews 

and  Christians,  464. 
Severus,  bishop  of  Magona  (Mahon), 

fanaticism    against     the    Jews 

619  f. 


INDEX. 


653 


Severus,  Julius,  geneial  of  the   Ko- 
man  army  against  Bar-Cochba, 
414  ff. 
Shabur  I,  520,  526. 
Shabur  II,  580  ff. 

and  Chama  of  Nahardea,  i;g4  f. 
oppresses  the  Jews  in  Babylonia, 

59'  f- 
Shaliach  Zion.  535. 

bhammai,  100  f. 

hatred  of  the  heathen,  132. 

school  of,  131  ff. 

forms  the   nucleus    of   the    Zealot 

faction,  133,  256. 
erects  a  barrier  between  Jews  and 

heathen,  270. 
harsh  and  repellant  to  proselytes 

to  Judaism,  132. 
has   the    majority    in    the    Synhe- 

drion,  132  f. 
rigor,  131  ff. 
Shammaites  and  Hillelites,  270. 
Shechem  (Neapolis),  7,  457. 
Shemaya,  71. 

president  of  the  Synhedrion,  79. 
Shila,   principal   of    the    school    of 

Nahardea,  512. 
Sibylline    books    and     sayings,   95, 

204  f.,  402,  462,  610. 
Sicarii,  revolutionary  party,  239,  242. 
cruelty,  249,  261. 
nefarious  practices,  230. 
put    a  Roman  garrison  to  death, 
258. 
Sidetes,   Antiochus,    of     Syria,    be- 
sieges Jerusalem,  3  f. 
expedition     against    the     Parthi- 
ans,  5. 
Sidra  z=  school,  514. 
Silas,  the    Babylonian,  hero  in  the 

war  of  revolution,  264. 
Silva,  procurator  of  Judaea,  316. 
Simlai,  498  ff. 

controversies  with  the  Fathers  of 
the  Church,  501  f. 
Simon  Bar-Giora,  patriot  and  leader 
in  the  war  of  revolution,  264. 
character,  293. 
death,  314. 
heroism,  313. 
in  Jerusalem,  297  f. 
Simon  ben  Gamaliel,  president  of  the 
Synhedrion,  240. 
sides  with  the  war  party,  269. 
Simon  II,  patriarch,  443  f. 
ambition,  444  f. 
patriarchate,  445. 
Simon  ben  Jochai,  434,  447  ff. 


Simon    ben    Jochai,   ambassador  to 
Rome,  449. 
rational  svsteni,  440  f. 
Simon  Bar-Kappara,  wit,  455  f.,  466. 
Simon    ben-l.akish  (Kcsh  l.akish), 

49-57. 
and  Judah  H,  ^SS  f. 
view  on  the  book  of  Job,  497. 
Simon  Magus,  a  nickname  of  Paul, 

368. 
Simon  ben   Shetach,  brother-in-law 
of  Alexander  Jannxus,  39. 
crucifies  80  women  for  witchcraft, 

54. 
mediator   between    the    Pharisees 

and  Sadducees,  42. 
president  of  the  Synhedrion,  54. 
promoter  of  instruction,  50. 
"  Restorer  of  the  Law,"  49. 
his  son  condemned  through  false 
witnesses,  54  f. 
Simon,  martyr  under  Hadrian,  427. 
Simon    Stylites,   fanaticism    against 

the  Jews,  621. 
Sin  offering  for    shedding   of   inno- 
cent blood  abrogated,  239. 
Sirach,  359. 

Song  of  Songs  (Shir- Ilashirim),  dis- 
cussion     about      its      holiness, 

343  f- 

Sopheric  teachers,  327. 

Sora,    seat  of   the    school    of    Rab, 
512  ff. 
becomes  the  chief  school  of  Baby- 
lonia, 548. 
decline  of  the  school,  583. 
regains  its  reputation  under  Ashi, 
605-7. 

Sora    and    Pumbeditha,  schools    of, 
compared,  574  f. 

Stephen,  22 r. 

Strabo,  favorable  representation   of 
Jews  and  Judaism,  179  f. 

Swine,  breeding  of,  why  it  was  for- 
bidden by  the  Synhedrion,  60 

Swine's  head  put  up  in  the  gate  of 
Jerusalem,  422. 

Sylvester,  bishop  of    Rome,  hatred 
of  the  Jews,  562. 

Symmachus,  disciple  of  Meir,  440. 

Synagogues  in  Jerusalem,  201. 

Synhedrion  (Great  Council)  : 
Synhedrion  of  Babylonia,  443  f. 
Synhedrion  of  Jabnc,  321  ff. 

authority  and   sphere  of  action, 

325.  337.  360. 
destroyed  by  Quietus,  400. 
dignitaries,  360  f. 


654 


INDEX. 


Synhedrion  (Great  Council): 

Synhedrion  of  Jahne,  position  of 

the  patriarch  in  it,  361  ff. 

procedure  of  its  meetings,  361  f. 

Synhedrion  of  Jerusalem,  acquires 

great  importance  under  Gamaliel 

I,  192. 
letters  and  mandates,  192  f. 
limitation  of  its  authority  by  the 

procurator,  71,  129. 
overthrow    of,    by  the    Zealots, 

296. 
presidency  of,  passes  over  from 
the  high  priest  to  the   Phari- 
sees, 48  f. 
regains  its  former  supreme  au- 
thority during  the  war  of  revo- 
lution, 269. 
removal    from    the    Hewn-stone 
Hall  to  the  Commercial   Hall 
of  Bethany,  239. 
reorganization,  50. 
weakness  exhibited    by,   during 
the  war  of  revolution,  271. 
Synhedrion  of  Usha,  405. 

dissolved  by  persecutions,  448. 
Syria,  anarchy  in,  6. 
Syrian  habits  adopted  by  Rome,  468. 

Tabernacles,  feast  of,  ceremony  of 

libation  of  water,  43,  51. 
Tacitus,  384. 

Talmud,  Babylonian,  328  f. 
characterization  of,  632-5. 
its  influence  upon  Jewish  life  and 

history,  634  f. 
its    nature    and    relation    to    the 

Mishna,  591. 
redaction,  605-9,  630-2. 
redaction  not  committed  to  writing, 
608. 
Talmud,    Jerusalem,    redaction    of, 

609,  612. 
Talmud,  Babylonian  and  Jerusalem, 

compared,  634. 
Talmudic  epoch,  321  ff. 
Talmudic  Judaism,  327  f. 
Talmudic  schools,  335. 
Tanaites,  356!?, 

end  of  the  second  generation,  429. 
last  generation,  450. 
the  last,  462. 
Tanchuma  bar  Abba,  last  Halachic 

authority  of  Judaea,  61 1  f. 
Targumim,  387,  581  f. 
Tarphon  (Tryphon)  of  Lydda,  357. 
on  Jewish  Christianity,  378. 


Taxes,    for    the    patriarch    and    the 
maintenance  of  the  schools,  486  f ., 

535  f- 
prohibited  by  Honorius,  617. 
Taxes  for  Rome,  134,  388,  391,  463, 
469,  572,  598. 
collectors  of,  ostracized,  134. 
method  of  their  collection,  129  f. 
withheld,  257  f. 
under  Hadrian,  420. 
Taxes  for  the  Temple,  52  f.,  201. 
from  Babylonia,  505. 
those  of  Asia  Minor  seized  upon, 
68. 
Taxes   paid  by  the    Jews   in    Baby- 
lonia, 508. 
Temple  of  Jerusalem,  becomes  the 
common  center  of  the  Jews,  201. 
the   hotbed  of  the  revolution,  259. 
destruction    of    by    the     Romans, 

307  f. 
that  of  Herod,  109-11. 
restoration  of,  attempted   by   Ha- 
drian, 401  f. 
and  Julian,  599-601. 
when  the  visible   signs  of   divine 
mercy  ceased  to  appear  in  it,  237. 
vessels  of,  449,  61 1. 
Temple  of  Onias  in  Egypt,  closed  by 

Vespasian,  318. 
Temple,  Samaritan,  on  Mt.  Gerizim, 

destroyed  by  Hyrcanus  I,  8. 
Tertullian,  476. 
Theater,  Greek,   Judaism    ridiculed 

in,  542  f. 
Theodosius    I,    protects    the    Jews 
against     Christian     fanaticism, 
612  f. 
Theodosius  II,  hostility  against  the 
Jews,  617  ff. 
seizes  upon  the  taxes  for  the  patri- 
arch, 622. 
Theudas,  false  Messiah,  198,  240. 
Tiberias,    focus    of   the    revolution, 
272. 
foundation  of,  137. 
seat  of  the  patriarch,  480. 
seat  of  a  school,  493  f. 
Tiberius,  emperor,  expels  the  Jews 
from  Rome,  202. 
lightens  the  burdens  of  taxation  in 

Judasa,  135. 
mildness  towards  the  Jews,  172, 
persecutes  the  Jews  in  Rome,  136 f. 
Tiberius,     Alexander,     nephew     of 
Philo,     apostate,     governor     of 
Egypt,  300. 
governor  of  Jerusalem,  198  f. 


INDEX. 


655 


Tiberius,  Alexander,  orders  a  mas- 
sacre of  the  Jews  in  Alexandria, 
263  f. 
treachery  against    Judaea    during 
the  war  of  revolution,  302. 

Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  threatens 
Judaea,  55  f. 

Tithes,  paid  after  the  fall  of  Judaea, 

363- 
Titus,  28s,  388. 

cruelty,  304,  308,  312. 

at  Gischala,  290. 

humanity  to  the  Jews  of  Antioch, 

313- 

Titus,  arch  of,  314. 

Tobit,  book  of,  its  object,  430. 

Tradition.     See  Law,  Oral. 

Trajan,  393. 

Trajan  day  (Yom  Trajanus),  401. 

Treasury  of  the  Temple,  plun- 
dered by  Pilate,  140. 

Trinity,  dogma  of,  500  ff. 

Triumvirate,  Roman,  and  Herod,  81. 
of  teachers  at  Pumbeditha,  575  ff. 

Tur-Simon,  fortress  in  the  war  of 
bar-Cochba,  415  f. 

Turbo,  Martius,  general  under  Tra- 
jan, suppresses  the  revolt  in 
Egypt,  397  f. 

Usha  (El-Uz),  assembly  of,  433. 
seat  of  the  Synhedrion,  405,  444  f. 

Valens,      emperor,      protects      and 

honors  the  Jews,  603. 
Valentinian  I,  grants  toleration,  603. 
Valerianus,  emperor,  527. 
Varus,  quenches  a  revolt  in  Judaea, 

123,  I25f. 
Varus,  representative  of  Agrippa  II 
in  Caesarea,  cruelty  and  treach- 
ery, 274  f. 
Verus   Commodus,   emperor,  perse- 
cutes the  Jews,  447  f. 
Vespasian,  284  f. 
avarice,  316,  318. 
attitude  towards  the  Jews  of  Rome 

after  the  revolution,  316  f. 
campaign  in  Galilee,  286  ff. 
character  of  his  warfare,  285,297  ff. 
proclaimed  emperor,  300. 
Vessels  of  the  Temple,  fate  of,  449, 

611. 
Visible  signs  of  divine  mercy,  when, 
ceased  to  appear  in  the  Temple, 

237- 
Vitellius,  emperor,  299. 
Vitellius,  governor  of  Syria,  kindness 

of,  to  the  Jews,  172  f. 
Vulgata,  621;. 


War  of  the  Revolution,  the  Judxan, 

with  Rome,  233  ff. 
character  and  chief  cause  of,  234. 
cruelties,  315. 
differences  in  the  attitude  of  the 

parties,  292. 
encounter  between  Cestius  Gallus 

and  the  Zealots,  265  f. 
first  campaign,  264  ff. 
heroism  of  the  Jews,  306. 
internal  strife  between  the  various 

parties  of  Judaea,  295,  298,  301. 
Judaea  divided  into  lots,  312. 
leaders,  270  f. 

prisoners  of  war,  fate  of,  311  f.,  321. 
starting    point    of   the   revolution, 

259. 
tactics  pursued  by  the  Romans,  to 

weaken  Judaea  by  internal  strife, 

297. 
traitors,  302,  304  f. 
triumph  of  Vespasian  and  Titus 

in  Rome,  314  f. 
Zealots,  ultra,  obtain  the  reins  of 

the  government,  271. 
the  war  in  Galilee,  272 ff. 
the  war  at  Jerusalem,  291  ff. 
beginning  of  the  siege  by  Titus, 

301.  393- 
destruction  of  the  city,  309. 
famine,  304,  306. 
number  of  killed,  309. 
pestilence,  306. 
population  of  the  city  during  the 

war,  292. 
resistance    after   the    fall   of  the 

Temple,  309. 
struggle  around  the  Temple,  305  ff. 
stubborn  defense,  304  f. 
See   also    Galilee,   Josephus,    Ju- 
daea, Zealots. 
Wisdom,  book  of,  205-8. 
Wisdom,   of   the    Chaldeans,    influ- 
ences the  Rabbis,  577  f. 
"  Wise  men,"  356. 
Witnesses  in  law  courts,  how  ques- 
tioned, 50,  53. 
Wood-carrying,  feast  of,  52  f.,  260. 
Women,  education  of,  474. 
Worship,  public,  after  the   destruc- 
tion of  the  Temple,  363. 

Zabina,  Alexander,  usurps  the  throne 

of  Syria,  6. 
Zadok,    disciple    of    Shammai,    and 

leader  of  the  Zealots,  133. 
Zadok,  teacher  at  Jabne,  330,  338  f. 
Zaken,  title,  361. 


656 


INDEX. 


Zealots  (Kannaim),  called  also  Gali- 
leans, 133. 

attitude  towards  the  Synhedrion, 
293  ff. 

comprised  at  first  the  followers  of 
Shammai,  133. 

conflict  with  the  Sicarii,  261. 

in  Cyrenaica,  318. 

establish  a  community  in  North 
Arabia,  319. 

in  Egypt,  317  f. 

fate  after  the  war,  315-19. 

licentiousness,  238  f. 

last  ones,  how  they  fell,  316. 


Zealots,  part  played  by  them  in  the 
war,  258  ff. 

principles  and  purpose,  133. 

religious  and  republican  party,  133 

self-confidence,  291  f. 

struggle    about    the    high    priest- 
hood, 294  f. 

watchword,  133. 
Zcira,  557  f. 
Zend-Avesta,  524. 
Zenobia,  529  f. 
Zerubbabel,    supposed    ancestor    of 

the  Princes  of  Captivity  in  Baby- 
lonia, 509. 


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